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Central Asian Regional Integration and Cooperation: Reality or Mirage?


Editor’s Note: The following piece is a chapter from the 2012 edition of Eurasian Development Bank’s Eurasian Integration Yearbook.

INTRODUCTION

For centuries Central Asia was in the backwater of global political and economic attention, tales of “Great Games” and “Silk Roads” notwithstanding. However, interest in Central Asia from outside the region has been on the rise in recent years: Central Asia’s energy resources are of great importance to its neighbours in Europe and Asia. In addition, China wants a peaceful backyard, while Russia considers Central Asia part of its historical economic and regional interests and draws heavily on Central Asia migrants. Turkey is attracted by the common Turkic heritage of the region. Iran shares language and cultural ties with the Tajik people. The Central Asia’s Islamic tradition connects it with the Middle East and other Islamic countries. And now NATO countries rely on Central Asia for transit of their nonlethal military supplies in their engagement in Afghanistan.

There is wide agreement that economic prosperity and political stability in Central Asia is critical not only for the 60-plus million inhabitants of the region, but also for Central Asia’s neighbours, since Central Asia serves as a strategically important land bridge between Europe and Asia. Since the five Central Asian countries are landlocked small economies, a critical prerequisite for long-term economic growth and political stability is successful economic integration underpinned by effective regional cooperation.

This paper therefore addresses the central question of what are the prospects for regional economic integration and regional cooperation in Central Asia. It starts by briefly reviewing the role of Central Asia in the context of the overall process of Eurasian continental economic integration. It then considers what are the benefits and obstacles of regional integration and cooperation in Central Asia against the backdrop of lessons of international experience with regional integration and cooperation, and looks at four of the most important recent regional cooperation initiatives. In closing, the paper provides an answer to the question whether regional integration and cooperation in Central Asia are for real or only a mirage.

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Publication: Eurasian Development Bank
Image Source: © Staff Photographer / Reuters
     
 
 




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China’s and Russia’s Interests in Central Asia: Connecting the Dots in Kazakhstan


Visiting Astana, the modernistic capital of Kazakhstan, last week, I couldn't help feeling that I was at, or at least close to, the center of the universe. 

Consider this:  On September 7, the president of Kazakhstan, Nursultan Nazarbayev, having just returned from attending the G-20 Summit in St. Petersburg at the invitation of President Putin of Russia, welcomed President Xi Jinping of China for an official visit in Astana. President Xi gave a speech that day at Nazarbayev University, in which he unabashedly borrowed a turn of phrase from former U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton  by proposing a “New Silk Road” to serve as an “economic belt” of Eurasia, connecting “3 million people from the Pacific to the Baltic Sea” with Kazakhstan as a key partner along the way. 

On September 10, President Nazarbayev opened the Eurasian Emerging Markets Forum in Astana, at which he addressed some 800 participants, including high-level dignitaries and representatives from 87 countries.  In his keynote speech, he laid out his plans to catapult Kazakhstan into the ranks of the top 30 developed countries in the world by 2050.  The rest of the forum was devoted to exploring the ways in which this ambitious vision could be achieved and how economic integration of the Eurasian supercontinent—i.e., Europe plus Asia, with Kazakhstan at its center—would be a driver of regional and global prosperity. 

Finally, on September 13, President Nazarbayev joined the leaders of China, Russia and the five Central Asian republics in Bishkek for a summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), which was also attended by a number of other regional leaders with observer status, including from Afghanistan, India, Iran and Pakistan.  Besides the usual pledges of good neighborly relations within the group, the leaders weighed in with a chorus of statements about current geopolitical trouble spots, including Afghanistan, Iran and Syria, many of them directed critically at the United States.

While the president and people of Kazakhstan might have felt at the center of global action this week, there is little doubt that China and Russia are the key external actors on the Central Asian stage.  Europe and the United States are far away and hardly visible, and everybody expects that, with the imminent end of NATO’s engagement in Afghanistan, their attention to Central Asia will slip even further.  In contrast, the leaders of China and Russia are clearly focused on this region.  

Central Asian leaders, while perhaps privately worried about the long-term consequences of too tight an embrace by China, welcome the low-key approach of their big neighbor...

If there had been any doubt, President Xi’s speech in Astana showed that China is now concerned with Central Asia at the highest level.  While China faces its neighbors in the Pacific region in an assertive pose designed to counter what it sees as encirclement by unfriendly countries led by the U.S., it evidently feels no threat in Central Asia and projects an image of itself as benevolent and modest senior partner.  No doubt sensing opportunities to create a stable backyard, to secure access to energy resources and to build a land bridge to European and Middle Eastern markets while also gently wresting influence away from Russia, China has a strong incentive to push westward.  The substantial energy supply deals  that President Xi signed in Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan this past week and the stress Xi placed in his Astana speech on measures to open up transport links throughout Eurasia reflect China’s growing engagement in this region.  Central Asian leaders, while perhaps privately worried about the long-term consequences of too tight an embrace by China, welcome the low-key approach of their big neighbor, which promises to strengthen their own hand economically and politically at least in the short term.

At the same time, there is also a new dynamic between Central Asia and Russia.  Since Mr. Putin resumed the Russian presidency in 2012, Russia has breathed new life into a long-dormant regional grouping, the Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC), by pushing hard to create a customs union  (and eventually an economic union) that, in Russia’s view, would encompass most of the republics of the former Soviet Union. Although only a fraction of the geographic space of continental Eurasia (Europe + Asia), the reference to “Eurasia” harks back to a long-standing Russian ideological vision.  Under this vision, Russia and its former Soviet neighbors are endowed with a unique combination of European and Asian values and, led by Russia, with a mission to dominate the land bridge between Europe and Asia. 

In the pursuit of establishing a unified economic “Eurasian” space, Russia has not only successfully pushed for the full implementation of the current customs union between Russia, Kazakhstan and Belorussia, but is also vigorously pursuing the expansion of the union in Ukraine, Central Asia (specifically targeting the Kyrgyz Republic and Tajikistan) and Armenia in the South Caucasus.  In the case of Armenia and Ukraine, this pursuit has taken on a decidedly anti-European Union tone, as Russia seems to spare no effort to ensure that these countries will join its own economic orbit, rather than associating with the EU.  In Central Asia, the Russian campaign of expanding the customs union has been more low key, but nonetheless persistent with the quiet support of Kazakhstan.  Interestingly, this effort to create a unified economic space has not been cast by Russia as a move to counteract the growing influence of China in Central Asia, even though it is undoubtedly one of the underlying long-term motives for Russian diplomacy in the region.  

Much more important for China will be whether the “Eurasian” economic union can create safe, low-cost and high-speed transit routes to China’s key trading partners in Europe, South Asia and the Middle East.

Indeed, for Central Asia in general and for Kazakhstan in particular, the important questions for the future will be how China and Russia shape their mutual relations overall and how they will seek to accommodate their overlapping interests in the region.  For the moment, a common geopolitical front vis-à-vis the U.S., evident in their joint positions at the U.N. Security Council and at the SCO summit last week, is an overarching priority for China and Russia.  Moreover, they share the common interest of establishing a stable and prosperous political and economic sphere in Central Asia.  For now and the foreseeable future, China’s thirst for energy is large enough to allow both Russia and Central Asian countries to pursue opportunities for major oil and gas supply deals with China without undue competition. Finally, whatever protectionist effects an expansion of the Russian-led customs union may have in limiting trade between China and Central Asia will likely be temporary and will hardly be noticed in China’s huge overall trade account.  Much more important for China will be whether the “Eurasian” economic union can create safe, low-cost and high-speed transit routes to China’s key trading partners in Europe, South Asia and the Middle East. This priority strongly resonated in President Xi’s speech, in which he not only staked out an interest in Eurasian economic integration, but also promised greater cooperation between the SCO and EurAsEC.

What does all of this mean in practical terms for Central Asia and for Kazakhstan?  As President Nazarbayev indicated in his speech at the Eurasian Emerging Markets Forum, he sees Kazakhstan as playing a key role in supporting the economic integration of larger Eurasia.  This presumably should mean: investing in regional infrastructure, such as the major East-West Highway through Kazakhstan as a link from China to Europe; assuring that the customs union pursues open, rather than protectionist, policies; and convincing the other Central Asian countries, including Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, to participate in an effort to increase the region’s connectivity both internally and with the rest of the world. 

In addition, there are a number of institutional options for promoting these goals and for turning China’s and Russia’s engagement in Central Asia into a pragmatic partnership.  One option would be to have China join the Eurasian Development Bank (EADB), the financial arm of EurAsEC.  Another would be for Russia to join the Central Asian Regional Economic Cooperation Program (CAREC), in which China has teamed up with Central Asian countries (now also including Afghanistan, Mongolia and Pakistan) and with six international financial organizations (including the Asian Development Bank and the World Bank) with the goal of improving regional cooperation and investment in trade, transport and energy.  Either or both of these two options could then offer SCO a financial and technical institutional platform to pursue economic integration between China, Russia and Central Asia (and, ultimately, even South Asia), a goal that has eluded SCO up until now. 

Kazakhstan is a member of EurAsEc, EADB, CAREC and SCO, and is therefore in a unique position to promote institutional changes along some or all of these lines.  One place to start would be the next ministerial conference of CAREC, to be held in Astana on October 24-25.  Of course, it is by no means clear that China and Russia will see it in their interest to dilute their lead roles in EADB and CAREC, the regional organizations that they now respectively dominate.  However, establishing a strong and meaningful institutional capacity that would support the economic integration process in Central Asia and in the larger Eurasia would be of great benefit for Kazakhstan, since it would help turn the country from being “land-locked” to being “land-linked” with the world’s largest and most dynamic economies.

Image Source: © RIA Novosti / Reuters
      
 
 




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Challenges to the future of the EU: A Central European perspective


Event Information

March 31, 2016
10:00 AM - 11:00 AM EDT

Falk Auditorium
Brookings Institution
1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W.
Washington, DC 20036

A conversation with Prime Minister of the Czech Republic Bohuslav Sobotka



Today, the European Union faces critical risks to its stability. The possibility of a Brexit. The ongoing Ukraine/Russia conflict. The strain of mass migration. ISIL and other terrorism threats. The lingering financial crisis in Greece and beyond. These issues pose distinct challenges for the EU, its 28 member countries, and their 500 million citizens. How will these developing problems affect Europe?          

On March 31, Governance Studies at Brookings hosted Czech Prime Minister Bohuslav Sobotka to discuss the current status of the EU as seen through the lens of a Central European nation, close U.S. NATO ally and current Chair of the Visegrad Group. Prime Minister Sobotka offered insight into how the EU will address these issues, and where its future lies.

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Harley Willard: ‘Iceland’s a good place just to concentrate on your football’

The winger, who was part of the Guardian’s first Next Generation in 2014, talks about rebuilding his career after being released by Southampton

Harley Willard made one of those sliding-doors decisions that can turn anyone’s life around last December. He had arrived at Heathrow airport, packed and ready for the 14-hour slog back to Phnom Penh, and at that point another season at the Cambodian club Svay Rieng felt like a trade-off he could just about stomach. The football there offered few real prospects but he had enjoyed the lifestyle and, after such an uncertain year and a half since leaving Southampton, surely his happiness was the most important thing.

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Confessions of a call-centre scammer

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'I am not the mastermind, Mira road call centre scam kingpins are roaming free'

Sagar Thakkar, the mastermind of the Mira Road call centre scam, always knew how to make money, but never learnt how to hold on to it. "The real masterminds are free. I got caught because I showed off my wealth," said the 26-year-old who appeared on the police's radar after he bought a Rs 2.5-crore Audi owned by Virat Kohli.

"Buying a second-hand Audi R8 was not a big deal for me. I didn't even know it was Virat's car," said Shaggy."I had planned to return the car within a few days, but by then I had been arrested."

Started young
"I was only 15 when I started working, due to a financial crisis at home. I used to sell Chinese hard disks and flash drives at cheap rates. I had a dealer in China from whom I would buy my stock. Initially, no one would buy from me because I was so young, so I started selling the gadgets really cheap. Within a couple of years, I was sending shipments as far as Canada."

It was this business acumen that impressed the original ringleaders of the IRS racket, who eventually hired Shaggy to work at one of their bogus call centres when he was about 18. He would eventually go on to operate such call centres in Mumbai and Ahmedabad, raking in several crores from the scam. But that was not always the plan. "I was a bright child. I wanted to complete my education and become a pilot. I wanted to earn some quick money, so I could save up for the course. But as money poured in, I began to enjoy the comforts it brought," he recalled.

His parents did not approve either. "I would study in the afternoon and then work at the call centre at night. My parents didn't like me working at night. My father would say, 'What is the need for you to work; we can survive with less money.' Initially, he didn't even know about the fraud; all he knew was that I was working at a call centre. But I did so well that I became the head of the team immediately, and started earning lots of money. It was at that point that my attitude changed," said Shaggy.

Jail time
"Obviously, I regret it now. My love for money took me down the wrong path. I have lost the prime of my life in being chased by the law," said the conman, adding, "Jail was a nightmare. The food, sleeping area and overall atmosphere was horrible. I thought I would get bail soon, but got frustrated when that did not happen."
Cut off from crime, he turned to education once again. "I wanted to learn coding, but the jail didn't have the resources for it. I read books on economics and finance, and also learnt Marathi. I can speak the language quite well now," he said.

If only...
He remains bitter about getting caught, but didn't seem to show any remorse for the crimes he had committed. "I am not the mastermind of the scam. The real masterminds are free and happy. I don't want to disclose their names, but they have been operating since 2001. I got trapped because I showed off," he said, adding, "If I had not been arrested, I would have spread this business, or started a new one that would have spread beyond India by now."

Now, he is left with a fraction of the crores he once had. "I spent so much money, I didn't even save anything," said Shaggy. Shaggy has now set his sight on the future. "I will work hard again to repair mine and my family's reputation. A driven person like me will never sit and spill tears, but will always work hard to make the future better than my past."

Rs 25000
Amount found in Shaggy's accounts after arrest

Rs 2.5cr
Value of the Audi sports car he bought

Also Read: The big Mira Road call centre scam: What we know so far





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Listen to Sid Sriram perform his album Entropy in Mumbai

When we watched Chennai-born American artist Sid Sriram perform his album, Entropy, in the city a few months ago, we didn't know what to expect. We hadn't heard of the artist, and we thought he was going to perform what has been come to be loosely referred to as "fusion". But the show, replete with trippy visuals, was an experience that combined Indian classical and his alternative music aesthetic quite seamlessly. "I think this album is pretty unique in how organically the different influences have all come together. It's a journey filled with energy."

When we ask him what he would say if he had to describe his music to someone who has never heard it before, he explains, "My music is very visual. I'm a huge Jackson Pollock [an American artist known to be of the pioneers of the abstract expressionist movement] fan, and I think the best way to describe my music would be some kind of a sonic parallel to his visual work. It's a cross section where pop/soul, my Carnatic roots and ambient/lo-fi electronic music clash together."

But what is the starting point to create such "fusion"? "The starting point is always an emotional trigger. Once I get that hook, I turn my mind off and channel whatever waves are moving through me. I've learned to get out of my own way and let the universe do its thing."

WHERE: The Habitat, 4th floor, (Hotel Unicontinental), Road Number 3, Khar West
WHEN: February 23, 9 pm
COST: R500
LOG ON TO: insider.in

Catch up on all the latest Crime, National, International and Hatke news here. Also download the new mid-day Android and iOS apps to get latest updates





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Move over eggs Benedict and Caesar salad: Mumbai's own Bachchan makes an entry

Have a love for ice-creams but don't want the calories to settle it into those arms? Perhaps slurping on a Michelle Melt might be more appetising. In 2009, a Washington based restaurant named a ice-cream after the then First Lady. But, why look as far as America? Here in Mumbai alone, various restaurants have named dishes after not just Bollywood celebs but even famous painters. Here's where to go celeb-hopping for your tummy.

The Big Bachchan Slider Bombay Bronx, Breach Candy
The Bombay Bronx at Breach Candy is known for all things Mumbai. Apart from the community table inspired by the dabbawalas, a railway map and a huge painting of Amitabh Bachchan on the wall, the food too is an ode to the city and its people. Therefore, it's not surprising to see a chicken slider dedicated to Big B.


Pic/Bipin Kokate

"The idea came to us when we were making a wall poster dedicated to him," says owner Nakuul Kumar. The grilled slider is made with chicken keema, caramalised onions, tomato slices, cheese, lettuce and served with gun powder mayo. Having named it after one of the biggest names in the country, naturally makes the appetiser a crowd puller. "It gives you a direct hint that it's going to be big and fabulous just like Bachchan," he laughs.



Da Vinci Tini Hoppipola, Khar
No prizes for guessing that  Hoppipola's dessert cocktail, made with Baileys, cream and vodka espresso, is inspired by Leonardo Da Vinci. The drink is served with a painting brush and palette, where the "colours" include three types of chocolate — dark, white and caramel. Patrons are encouraged to paint inside and outside the glass, in a manner of getting playful with chocolate.


Rs 495

Sandeep Sharma, bartender, says, "The idea is to engage our customers, be it through games, or through our drinks?" Initially, they would ask customers to slip in behind the bar counter and try out the activity. "But, that proved tedious. So, we came up with this concept. And because it's to do with painting, who better than Da Vinci, to salute?"



RajiniKhanth Dosa The Junction, Mahim
Formerly an economics teacher at HR College, Vikram R Jumani has always been a huge film buff. When he introduced a line of experimental fusion dosas at his restaurant, he was clear that he wanted to doff his hat to the cinematic greats of Bollywood and also down South.


Rs 99

"In the South it's of course Rajinikanth and here, it's the three Khans. That's why the name is RajiniKhanth." The dosa in question is a spin-off on the pav bhaji dosa, wherein the bhaji is cooked on the dosa and the process is a spectacle for the customers to see. Jumani was aware that the name would catch on. "The taste was a deciding factor in the popularity of the dosa. It's a superhit item," he says.



Sonam Kapoor's cake Healthy Treats, Pali Hill
Divya Ranglani's patrons include Kareena Kapoor Khan, Jacqueline Fernandez, Shahid Kapoor and Farhan Akhtar. But it's a Sonam Kapoor cake that made her go viral in 2016. "She would order cakes from us quite often. And one day, she decided to post a testimonial where she said the orange and dark chocolate cake is to die for. This was when nobody knew about us," she says.


Rs 1,200 per kg

After that, calls started pouring in to order the 'Sonam Kapoor cake' and before they knew it, the orange and dark chocolate cake had been rechristened. Now that Kapoor has turned vegan, Ranglani has started baking gluten-free and vegan version of the same.



Dylan's Galouti Kebab Raasta, Khar
Since music is second nature to Raasta, owner Joy Singh wanted a dish named after American singer-songwriter, Bob Dylan.


Rs 355

"He is a revolutionary artiste. But we wanted the dish to be of Indian origin, because he loves the country," he says. Singh chose the galouti kebab and gave it a vegetarian twist as Dylan is rumoured to be a vegetarian. "His love for 'magic mushrooms' — fungi famed for their psychedelic effects — led us to choose mushrooms as the main ingredient. After a number of trials we finalised this galouti and named it as Dylan's Galouti," he says.



Lord Brown's Gift Gymkhana 91, Lower Parel
At Gymkhana 91, you can drink to Lord Burdoch Brown's legacy. Concocted using Jim Beam, pineapple juice, peach juice and smoked cinnamon, it is a refreshing and not-too-potent drink dedicated to the British officer for his contribution to spices.


Rs 595. Pic/Ashish Raje

"Brown established the Ancharakany Cinnamon Estate in 1767 under the East India Company. It's reputed to be Asia's largest Cinnamon estate," says owner Aditya Hegde, who introduced the cocktail last September. Since then, it has naturally got guests curious.

"They do ask about the name and story behind it as the drink also involves drama and theatre, because the smoking of the drink is done in front of the guests at the table," he adds. Hegde says it is common practice at Gymkhanas to dedicate dishes and drinks to somebody iconic, but not so in stand-alone restaurants. "We believe in giving due credit to the person to whom the dish belongs and that's how the trend started," he says.

Dara Singh Thali Mini Punjab's Lake Side, Powai
The Dara Singh thali is not for the weak-hearted. It packs in the best of unlimited eating. It has aloo paratha, chur chur de naan, makki di roti, murg mussalam rice, lamb  yoghurt curry, chicken Amritsari and lot more.


Rs 1,600 (non-veg) and Rs 1,200 (veg)

The accompaniments include four types of beverages, three chaat options, a soup, pickle, chutney and seven desserts. In all, the thali packs in 40 items. Jagjit Singh, co-owner says, "It needs a champion to finish it. And who better than our famous Indian professional wrestler Dara Singh.



Indians looked up to him as a role model." From Uttar Pradesh, to Punjab, Delhi and Rajasthan, the thali brings together the best of North Indian flavours. While they have not met Dara Singh, his son Vindu Dara Singh has sampled this thali. "He was happy to see a thali named after his father. While eating, he was remembering nuggets about him and his father eating together from one plate during his childhood. Vindu loved the lamb yoghurt curry in the thali,"  adds Singh.

Catch up on all the latest Mumbai news, crime news, current affairs, and also a complete guide on Mumbai from food to things to do and events across the city here. Also download the new mid-day Android and iOS apps to get latest updates





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Central Railway builds steel tunnels to prevent boulders falling on tracks

In a first, the Central Railway (CR) seems to have come up with a permanent solution for the falling boulders in the ghat section known for disrupting services during monsoon. Accordingly, CR has recreated steel tunnels which will trap falling boulders and protect the passing trains below.

Last year, CR deployed 60 additional CCTV cameras, posted gangmen, rock-bolting at 750m stretch and drone cameras to alert approaching trains, but all were of limited help.In 2017, three passengers on the Hubli-Lokmanya Tilak Terminus (LTT) Express suffered injuries after a boulder came crashing through the roof while it was passing through Khandala ghat.

After the problem was analysed last year, it was revealed that the increased incidents of boulders falling on tracks along with mud had been due to heavy monsoon.

So, officials started working on the steel tunnel portal extension last year in four tunnels. "The work has been progressing with the lockdown in place and will be completed before the monsoon sets in," CR chief public relations officer Shivaji Sutar said. "Work of removing loose boulders is still underway and at present, we are running boulder special trains, and patrolling the mountains to scan loose boulders and tunnels," he added.

In the history books
Historically, the Indian Railways has been dealing with the problem of boulders in this stretch since its inception. But they never cancelled these many trains to manage the situation as they have done in recent years. The archival records of the Great Indian Peninsula Railway, which is now called Central Railway, on the initiation of passenger rail service on the ghat section in 1864, had issued a notice on the operation of the 'terrain section' by dividing the entire stretch into 13 parts with three watchmen deputed for each.

4
Total no. of tunnels in which steel tunnel work is underway

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Maharashtra prepares to send migrants home as Centre gives green light

Clearing the path for those stranded at different places across the country, the Union home ministry issued orders to state governments and union territories to facilitate their movement within and between states. It has further said that individuals should be medically screened at the source point and destination and kept in home or institutional quarantine on arrival as per the COVID-19 guidelines issued earlier.

The decision comes after many of the chief ministers demanded the same at the meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi. However, since trains would not be allowed to operate anytime soon, those stranded will have to be ferried by road. Some states, like Maharashtra, have already prepared a plan to send migrants to their respective destinations in buses. It has already sent buses to fetch students from Kota, of which one batch arrived in Navi Mumbai on Wednesday morning.

Inter-state movement
The order says that stranded people include migrant workers, pilgrims, students, tourists and other persons. It also mentions that the inter-state movement should be planned by the states and mutually agreed upon to transport people by road and that the states should develop a standard protocol with nodal officers (offices), where the stranded people would be required to register their details. The moving person(s) should be screened at the source point and allowed to travel if found asymptomatic. Buses should be sanitised and social distancing should be followed while seating passengers.

The ministry has also asked states falling on the transit route to allow the movement without any glitch. Passengers would be kept in home quarantine on arrival unless the health assessment requires the person(s) to stay in institutional quarantine. The home- quarantined people would be checked periodically.

No clarity on footing the bill
Sources in the Maharashtra government said that they had expected the order, but rued that it did not have clarity on who would pay the travel bills. "Ideally, the people who have the money should pay or their respective state governments should pay for the long and expensive travel. The UP government paid for the students and migrants from Kota and Delhi. Maharashtra also made arrangements to bring back students from Kota," said a bureaucrat in the know of the matter.

He further said that the government has kept thousands of state transport buses ready for the purpose. "We are in talks with the states. The order, which must be complied with by all unlike advisories in the past, should make the states respond to our appeal. The cost factor should also be sorted out when we negotiate in the wake of the new order," added the bureaucrat.

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MMRC completes 28th breakthrough from CSMT to Mumbai Central

Mumbai Metro Rail Corporation (MMRC) on Thursday achieved yet another milestone with its 28th breakthrough from Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Terminus to Mumbai Central. Vaitarna-2 is the first TBM to complete the stretch of 4km in a single drive.

Vaitarna-2, the Tunnel Boring Machine (TBM) of this package was commissioned on February 2, from CSMT launching shaft and completed its longest run at Mumbai Central station with 2,730 RCC rings.

"This part of the tunneling was very challenging particularly because the alignment runs very close to old and dilapidated buildings and also parallel to the sea shore and very shallow ground water table which is approximately 1-4 meters below only", said Ranjit Singh Deol, Managing Director, MMRC.

"Another challenge posed before the team was the outbreak of COVID-19. However, we ensured physical distancing and strictly followed all the guidelines stipulated by the state government”, said Deol further.

The 4-km long tunneling, on the Colaba-Bandra-SEEPZ Metro-3 Corridor, includes the construction of five underground stations beginning from Chatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Terminus to Mumbai Central via Kalbadevi, Girgaon and Grant Road.

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CM Uddhav Thackeray survives chair scare, Shiv Sena thanks Centre

Backdoor talks between the BJP and Shiv Sena have eased CM Uddhav Thackeray's entry into the state legislative council as the Election Commission of India (ECI) on Friday gave a nod to filling the nine vacancies in LC on May 21, six days before Thackeray must become a member of the legislature.

Friday's development came after Thackeray sought help from BJP's top bosses PM Narendra Modi and Union Home Minister Amit Shah after Governor Bhagat Singh Koshiyari refused to change his position of not nominating the CM despite allegations of conspiracy and politicising the constitutional office in denying Thackeray a nomination for a brief time.

The development also gave out a message, especially to Sena's partners Congress and Nationalist Congress Party that the BJP might still have a soft corner for its estranged ally. The other interpretation that came from the Opposition is that the BJP was concerned about facing public wrath if it collapsed the government in the time of grave health crisis.

Sources said that Thackeray called up Modi two days ago following Governor Koshyari's refusal to accept the Cabinet recommendation that the CM should be nominated to the upper house despite reiteration of the demand by the Maha Vikas Aghadi. Sources said that Koshyari wrote to the ECI asking for conducting the polls in a relaxed lockdown. Thackeray also sent his emissaries to Raj Bhavan with a similar demand, albeit a couple of hours after the governor's house had already told the media about the recommendation. Congress and NCP also wrote to the ECI seeking elections.

ECI said in a release that the Maharashtra Chief Secretary has pointed out the various measures taken to control the pandemic and that in the State Government's assessment, elections could be held in a safe environment. It said it had reviewed past precedents in such unforeseen situations wherein the ECI had to hold by-elections to facilitate membership for the two PMs and several CMs.

Guv's nominees never made CM

In December, Koshyari had rejected two similar recommendations saying he would not allow the vacancies to be filled when they would expire within six months.

He cited a reason that the by-elections or mid-term nominations were not recommended when the terms are expected to end very soon. In Thackeray's case, the cabinet's recommendation was challenged on constitutional points in the Bombay High Court and also contested on moral grounds in political circles because the governor's nominees have not been made CMs in the past.

Polling on May 21

The ECI has now scheduled the elections for May 21. The 288 Assembly members (MLAs) would be the electoral college for the elections to the nine vacancies created on April 24.

The MLAs would vote in a secret ballot if polling is required. A notification would be issued on May 4 and nominations would close on May 11. The counting of votes would be done immediately after the polling which is scheduled between 9 am and 4 pm. The entire election process will end by May 26.

However, several politicians from the BJP and MVA said polling would not be required because the parties would reach an agreement to make the contest unopposed. This means there would be nine nominees for nine vacancies of which the BJP could win four and five could go to MVA.

"In normal circumstances, such polls evoke political excitement and also give rise to horse-trading unlike the Rajya Sabha polls (also voted by MLAs) which don't have the possibility of cross-voting. There have been big upsets in the past," said an MVA leader.

'No more speculations'

Sena leader Sanjay Raut thanked the ECI and the Centre. "Today's decision has stopped all speculations and rumours of political instability in the time of crisis. The Union Government and ECI have saved a big state like Maharashtra from an impending political crisis when all are fighting the pandemic," he said.

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Fire breaks out near Ganesh Talkies in South Central Mumbai

A fire broke out at near Ganesh talkies in Lalbaug on Saturday evening.

Fire fighters rushed to the spot and extinguished the fire using three fire jets. So far no casualties have been reported and the cause of fire is yet to be ascertained

The fire was confined to electric wiring, electric installation, wooden furniture, steel furniture, Ganesh idol making fibre frames, raw material, oil, washing machine, clothes, chairs, Ganesh idols, wooden base, scrap material, mattress, cement sheet and tarpuline sheet etc.