Two 2,4,6-tri­methyl­aniline-based trifuloro­methane­sulfonate (tri­fluoro­methane­sulfonate) salts were synthesized and characterized by single-crystal X-ray diffraction. N,2,4,6-Tetra­methyl­anilinium tri­fluoro­methane­sulfonate, [C10H14NH2+][CF3O3S−] (1), was synthesized via methyl­ation of 2,4,6-tri­methyl­aniline. N-Iso­propyl­idene-N,2,4,6-tetra­methyl­anilinium tri­fluoro­meth­ane­sulfonate, [C13H20N+][CF3O3S−] (2), was synthesized in a two-step reaction where the imine, N-iso­propyl­idene-2,4,6-tri­methyl­aniline, was first prepared via a dehydration reaction to form the Schiff base, followed by methyl­ation using methyl tri­fluoro­methane­sulfonate to form the iminium ion. In compound 1, both hydrogen bonding and π–π inter­actions form the main inter­molecular inter­actions. The primary inter­action is a strong N—H⋯O hydrogen bond with the oxygen atoms of the tri­fluoro­methane­sulfonate anions bonded to the hydrogen atoms of the ammonium nitro­gen atom to generate a one-dimensional chain. The [C10H14NH2+] cations form dimers where the benzene rings form a π–π inter­action with a parallel-displaced geometry. The separation distance between the calculated centroids of the benzene rings is 3.9129 (8) Å, and the inter­planar spacing and ring slippage between the dimers are 3.5156 (5) and 1.718 Å, respectively. For 2, the [C13H20N+] cations also form dimers as in 1, but with the benzene rings highly slipped. The distance between the calculated centroids of the benzene rings is 4.8937 (8) Å, and inter­planar spacing and ring slippage are 3.3646 (5) and 3.553 Å, respectively. The major inter­molecular inter­actions in 2 are instead a series of weaker C—H⋯O hydrogen bonds [C⋯O distances of 3.1723 (17), 3.3789 (18), and 3.3789 (18) Å], an inter­action virtually absent in the structure of 1. Fluorine atoms are not involved in strong directional inter­actions in either structure.

The title compound, C12H10N2O3, was obtained by the de­acetyl­ation reaction of 1-(6-amino-5-nitro­naphthalen-2-yl)ethanone in a concentrated sulfuric acid methanol solution. The mol­ecule comprises a naphthalene ring system bearing an acetyl group (C-3), an amino group (C-7), and a nitro group (C-8). In the crystal, the mol­ecules are assembled into a two-dimensional network by N⋯H/H⋯N and O⋯H/H⋯O hydrogen-bonding inter­actions. n–π and π–π stacking inter­actions are the dominant inter­actions in the three-dimensional crystal packing. Hirshfeld surface analysis indicates that the most important contributions are from O⋯H/H⋯O (34.9%), H⋯H (33.7%), and C⋯H/H⋯C (11.0%) contacts. The energies of the frontier mol­ecular orbitals were computed using density functional theory (DFT) calculations at the B3LYP-D3BJ/def2-TZVP level of theory and the LUMO–HOMO energy gap of the mol­ecule is 3.765 eV.

The few examples of structures containing the 2-chloro-N,N-di­methyl­ethan-1-aminium or 3-chloro-N,N-di­methyl­propan-1-aminium cations show a compet­ition between gauche and anti conformations for the chloro­alkyl chain. To explore further the conformational landscape of these cations, and their possible use as mol­ecular switches, the title salts, (C4H11ClN)2[CoCl4] and (C4H11ClN)2[ZnCl4], were prepared and structurally characterized. Details of both structures are in close agreement. The inorganic complex exhibits a slightly flattened tetra­hedral geometry that likely arises from bifurcated N—H hydrogen bonds from the organic cations. The alkyl chain of the cation is disordered between gauche and anti conformations with the gauche conformation occupancy refined to 0.707 (2) for the cobaltate. The gauche conformation places the terminal Cl atom at a tetra­hedral face of the inorganic complex with a contact distance of 3.7576 (9) Å to the Co2+ center. The anti conformation places the terminal Cl atom at a contact distance to a neighboring anti conformation terminal Cl atom that is ∼1 Å less than the sum of the van der Waals radii. Thus, if the anti conformation is present at a site, then the nearest neighbor must be gauche. DFT geometry optimizations indicate the gauche conformation is more stable in vacuo by 0.226 eV, which reduces to 0.0584 eV when calculated in a uniform dielectric. DFT geometry optimizations for the unprotonated mol­ecule indicate the anti conformation is stabilized by 0.0428 eV in vacuo, with no strongly preferred conformation in uniform dielectric, to provide support to the notion that this cation could function as a mol­ecular switch via deprotonation.

The title mol­ecule, C18H26O4, consists of two symmetrical halves related by the inversion centre at the mid-point of the central –C—C– bond. The hexene ring adopts an envelope conformation. In the crystal, the mol­ecules are connected into dimers by C—H⋯O hydrogen bonds with R22(8) ring motifs, forming zigzag ribbons along the b-axis direction. According to a Hirshfeld surface analysis, H⋯H (68.2%) and O⋯H/H⋯O (25.9%) inter­actions are the most significant contributors to the crystal packing. The contribution of some disordered solvent to the scattering was removed using the SQUEEZE routine [Spek (2015). Acta Cryst. C71, 9–18] in PLATON. The solvent contribution was not included in the reported mol­ecular weight and density.

The synthesis, crystallization and characterization of a tri­fluoro­methane­sulfonate salt of 5,10,15,20-tetra­kis­(1-benzyl­pyridin-1-ium-4-yl)-21H,23H-por­phy­rin, C68H54N84+·4CF3SO3−·4H2O, 1·OTf, are reported in this work. The reaction between 5,10,15,20-tetra­kis­(pyridin-4-yl)-21H,23H-porphyrin and benzyl bromide in the presence of 0.1 equiv. of Ca(OH)2 in CH3CN under reflux with an N2 atmosphere and subsequent treatment with silver tri­fluoro­methane­sulfonate (AgOTf) salt produced a red–brown solution. This reaction mixture was filtered and the solvent was allowed to evaporate at room temperature for 3 d to give 1·OTf. Crystal structure determination by single-crystal X-ray diffraction (SCXD) revealed that 1·OTf crystallizes in the space group P21/c. The asymmetric unit contains half a porphyrin mol­ecule, two tri­fluoro­methane­sulfonate anions and two water mol­ecules of crystallization. The macrocycle of tetra­pyrrole moieties is planar and unexpectedly it has coordinated CaII ions in occupational disorder. This CaII ion has only 10% occupancy (C72H61.80Ca0.10F12N8O16S4). The pyridinium rings bonded to methyl­ene groups from porphyrin are located in two different arrangements in almost orthogonal positions between the plane formed by the porphyrin and the pyridinium rings. The crystal structure features cation⋯π inter­actions between the CaII atom and the π-system of the phenyl ring of neighboring mol­ecules. Both tri­fluoro­methane­sulfonate anions are found at the periphery of 1, forming hydrogen bonds with water mol­ecules.

In the title complex, [U(C10H7N3O3)O2(CH3OH)]n, the UVI cation has a typical penta­gonal–bipyramidal environment with the equatorial plane defined by one N and two O atoms of one doubly deprotonated 2-[5-(2-hy­droxy­phen­yl)-1H-1,2,4-triazol-3-yl]acetic acid ligand, a carboxyl­ate O atom of the symmetry-related ligand and the O atom of the methanol mol­ecule [U—N/Oeq 2.256 (4)–2.504 (5) Å]. The axial positions are occupied by two oxide O atoms. The equatorial atoms are almost coplanar, with the largest deviation from the mean plane being 0.121 Å for one of the O atoms. The benzene and triazole rings of the tetra­dentate chelating–bridging ligand are twisted by approximately 21.6 (2)° with respect to each other. The carboxyl­ate group of the ligand bridges two uranyl cations, forming a neutral zigzag chain reinforced by a strong O—H⋯O hydrogen bond. In the crystal, adjacent chains are linked into two-dimensional sheets parallel to the ac plane by C/N—H⋯N/O hydrogen bonding and π–π inter­actions. Further weak C—H⋯O contacts consolidate the three-dimensional supra­molecular architecture. In the solid state, the compound shows a broad medium intensity LMCT transition centred around 463 nm, which is responsible for its red colour.

Two new [1-(phenyl­sulfon­yl)-1H-indol-2-yl]methanamine derivatives, namely, N-(3-meth­oxy­phen­yl)-N-{[1-(phenyl­sulfon­yl)-1H-indol-2-yl]meth­yl}acetamide, C24H22N2O4S, (I), and N-(2,5-di­meth­oxy­phen­yl)-N-{[1-(phenyl­sulfon­yl)-1H-indol-2-yl]meth­yl}benzene­sulfonamide, C29H26N2O6S2, (II), reveal a nearly orthogonal orientation of their indole ring systems and sulfonyl-bound phenyl rings. The sulfonyl moieties adopt the anti-periplanar conformation. For both compounds, the crystal packing is dominated by C—H⋯O bonding [C⋯O = 3.312 (4)–3.788 (8) Å], with the structure of II exhibiting a larger number, but weaker bonds of this type. Slipped π–π inter­actions of anti­parallel indole systems are specific for I, whereas the structure of II delivers two kinds of C—H⋯π inter­actions at both axial sides of the indole moiety. These findings agree with the results of Hirshfeld surface analysis. The primary contributions to the surface areas are associated with the contacts involving H atoms. Although II manifests a larger fraction of the O⋯H/H⋯O contacts (25.8 versus 22.4%), most of them are relatively distal and agree with the corresponding van der Waals separations.

In the structure of the title salt, {[Ba(μ3-C3H2N3O2)2(μ-H2O)(H2O)]·H2O}n, the barium ion and all three oxygen atoms of the water mol­ecules reside on a mirror plane. The hydrogen atoms of the bridging water and the solvate water mol­ecules are arranged across a mirror plane whereas all atoms of the monodentate aqua ligand are situated on this mirror plane. The distorted ninefold coord­ination of the Ba ions is completed with four nitroso-, two carbonyl- and three aqua-O atoms at the distances of 2.763 (3)–2.961 (4) Å and it is best described as tricapped trigonal prism. The three-dimensional framework structure is formed by face-sharing of the trigonal prisms, via μ-nitroso- and μ-aqua-O atoms, and also by the bridging coordination of the anions via carbonyl-O atoms occupying two out of the three cap positions. The solvate water mol­ecules populate the crystal channels and facilitate a set of four directional hydrogen bonds. The principal Ba–carbamoyl­cyano­nitro­somethanido linkage reveals a rare example of the inherently polar binodal six- and three-coordinated bipartite topology (three-letter notation sit). It suggests that small resonance-stabilized cyano­nitroso anions can be utilized as bridging ligands for the supra­molecular synthesis of MOF solids. Such an outcome may be anti­cipated for a broader range of hard Lewis acidic alkaline earth metal ions, which perfectly match the coordination preferences of highly nucleophilic nitroso-O atoms. Thermal analysis reveals two-stage dehydration of the title compound (383 and 473 K) followed by decomposition with release of CO2, HCN and H2O at 558 K.

The mol­ecular structure of the tripodal carbamoyl­methyl­phosphine oxide compound diethyl {[(5-[2-(di­eth­oxy­phosphor­yl)acetamido]-3-{2-[2-(di­eth­oxy­phos­phor­yl)acetamido]­eth­yl}pent­yl)carbamo­yl]meth­yl}phospho­nate, C25H52N3O12P3, features six intra­molecular hydrogen-bonding inter­actions. The phospho­nate groups have key bond lengths ranging from 1.4696 (12) to 1.4729 (12) Å (P=O), 1.5681 (11) to 1.5811 (12) Å (P—O) and 1.7881 (16) to 1.7936 (16) Å (P—C). Each amide group adopts a nearly perfect trans geometry, and the geometry around each phophorus atom resembles a slightly distorted tetra­hedron.

The mol­ecule of the title compound, [Ni(C5H7O2)2(C8H9N3)(H2O)]·C2H5OH, has triclinic (Poverline{1}) symmetry. This compound is of inter­est for its anti­microbial properties. The asymmetric unit comprises two independent complex mol­ecules, which are linked by N—H⋯O and O—H⋯O hydrogen bonds along [111]. Hirshfeld surface analysis indicates that 71.7% of inter­mol­ecular inter­actions come from H⋯H contacts, 17.7% from C⋯H/H⋯C contacts and 7.6% from O⋯H/H⋯O contacts, with the remaining contribution coming from N⋯H/H⋯N, C⋯N/N⋯C, C⋯C and O⋯O contacts.

Reaction of 4-methyl­pyridine N-oxide and Co(NCS)2 in ethanol as solvent accidentally leads to the formation of single crystals of Co(NCS)2(4-methyl­pyridine N-oxide)(ethanol) or [Co(NCS)2(C6H7NO)(C2H6O)]n. The asymmetric unit of the title compound consists of one CoII cation, two crystallographically independent thio­cyanate anions, one 4-methyl­pyridine N-oxide coligand and one ethanol mol­ecule on general positions. The cobalt cations are sixfold coordinated by one terminal and two bridging thio­cyanate anions, two bridging 4-methyl­pyridine N-oxide coligands and one ethanol mol­ecule, with a slightly distorted octa­hedral geometry. The cobalt cations are linked by single μ-1,3(N,S)-bridging thio­cyanate anions into corrugated chains, that are further connected into layers by pairs of μ-1,1(O,O)-bridging 4-methyl­pyridine N-oxide coligands. The layers are parallel to the bc plane and are separated by the methyl groups of the 4-methyl­pyridine N-oxide coligands. Within the layers, intra­layer hydrogen bonding is observed.

The title compound, [Cd(C14H16N3S)Cl] or [CdLCl] (1), where LH = 2-[bis­(pyridin-2-ylmeth­yl)amino]­ethane-1-thiol, was prepared and structurally characterized. The Cd2+ complex crystallizes in P21/c with a distorted trigonal–bipyramidal metal coordination geometry. Supra­molecular inter­actions in 1 include parallel offset face-to-face inter­actions between inversion-related pyridyl rings and potential hydrogen bonds with chlorine or sulfur as the acceptor. Additional cooperative pyrid­yl–pyridyl inter­actions with roughly 45° tilt angles and centroid–centroid distances of less than 5.5 Å likely also contribute to the overall solid-state stability. Hirshfeld surface analysis indicates that H⋯H (51.2%), Cl⋯H/H⋯Cl (13.9%), C⋯H/H⋯C (12.3%) and S⋯H/H⋯S (11.8%) inter­actions are dominant in the solid state.

Reaction of copper(I)chloride with 2,3-di­methyl­pyrazine in ethanol leads to the formation of the title compound, poly[[μ-chlorido-μ-(2,3-di­methyl­pyrazine)-copper(I)] ethanol hemisolvate], {[CuCl(C6H8N2)]·0.5C2H5OH}n or CuCl(2,3-di­methyl­pyrazine) ethanol hemisolvate. Its asymmetric unit consists of two crystallographically independent copper cations, two chloride anions and two 2,3-di­methyl­pyrazine ligands as well as one ethanol solvate mol­ecule in general positions. The ethanol mol­ecule is disordered and was refined using a split model. The methyl H atoms of the 2,3-di­methyl­pyrazine ligands are also disordered and were refined in two orientations rotated by 60° relative to each other. In the crystal structure, each copper cation is tetra­hedrally coordinated by two N atoms of two bridging 2,3-di­methyl­pyrazine ligands and two μ-1,1-bridg­ing chloride anions. Each of the two copper cations are linked by pairs of bridging chloride anions into dinuclear units that are further linked into layers via bridging 2,3-di­methyl­pyrazine coligands. These layers are stacked in such a way that channels are formed in which the disordered solvent mol­ecules are located. The topology of this network is completely different from that observed in the two polymorphic modifications of CuCl(2,3-di­methyl­pyrazine) reported in the literature [Jess & Näther (2006). Inorg. Chem. 45, 7446–7454]. Powder X-ray diffraction measurements reveal that the title compound is unstable and transforms immediately into an unknown crystalline phase.

The title compound, catena-poly[[tri­aqua­sodium]-di-μ-aqua-[tri­aqua­sodium]-μ-(ethane-1,2-di­yl)bis­[(3-meth­oxy­prop­yl)phosphinodi­thiol­ato]], [Na2(C10H22O2P2S4)(H2O)8]n, crystallizes in the triclinic space group P1. The dianionic [CH3O(CH2)3P(=S)(S—)CH2CH2P(=S)(S—)(CH2)3OCH3]2− ligand fragments are joined by a dicationic [Na2(H2O)8]2+ cluster that includes the oxygen of the meth­oxy­propyl unit of the ligand to form infinite chains.

The unit cell of the title compound, [Ni(C16H10ClN6)2]·2CH3OH, consists of a neutral complex and two methanol mol­ecules. In the complex, the two tridentate 2-(3-(4-chloro­phen­yl)-1H-1,2,4-triazol-5-yl)-6-(1H-pyrazol-1-yl)pyridine ligands coordinate to the central NiII ion through the N atoms of the pyrazole, pyridine and triazole groups, forming a pseudo­octa­hedral coordination sphere. Neighbouring tapered mol­ecules are linked through weak C—H(pz)⋯π(ph) inter­actions into monoperiodic chains, which are further linked through weak C—H⋯N/C inter­actions into diperiodic layers. The inter­molecular contacts were qu­anti­fied using Hirshfeld surface analysis and two-dimensional fingerprint plots, revealing the relative contributions of the contacts to the crystal packing to be H⋯H 32.8%, C⋯H/H⋯C 27.5%, N⋯H/H⋯N 15.1%, and Cl⋯H/H⋯Cl 14.0%. The average Ni—N bond distance is 2.095 Å. Energy framework analysis at the HF/3–21 G theory level was performed to qu­antify the inter­action energies in the crystal structure.

A new uranium metal–organic complex salt, [U(C10H9O2)2O2(C2H6O)], with benzoyl acetone, namely, bis­(benzoyl­acetonato)(ethanol)dioxidouranium(VI), was synthesized. The compound has monoclinic P21/n symmetry. The geometry of the seven-coordinate U atom is penta­gonal bipyramidal, with the uranyl oxygen atoms in apical positions. In the complex, the ligands bind to the metal through oxygen atoms. Additional weak O—H⋯O contacts between the cations and anions consolidate the three-dimensional arrangement of the structure. On the Hirshfeld surface, the largest contributions come from the short contacts such as van der Waals forces, including H⋯H, O⋯H and C⋯H. Inter­actions including C⋯C and O⋯C contacts were also observed; however, their contribution to the overall cohesion of the crystal structure is minor. A packing analysis was performed to check the strength of the crystal packing.

In this work, we showed that the use of ethanol to increase image contrast when imaging cardiac tissue with synchrotron X-ray phase-contrast imaging (X-PCI) leads to heterogeneous tissue shrinkage, which has an impact on the 3D organization of the myocardium.

A slit-less wavelength-dispersive spectrometer design using a single-bounce monocapillary that aligns the sample on the Rowland circle, enhancing photon throughput and maintaining resolution. The compact design supports flexibility and reconfiguration in facilities without complex beamline infrastructure, significantly improving detection efficiency.

BL19U1, an energy-tunable protein complex crystallography beamline at the Shanghai Synchrotron Radiation Facility, has emerged as one of the most productive MX beamlines since opening to the public in July 2015. As of October 2023, it has contributed to over 2000 protein structures deposited in the Protein Data Bank (PDB), resulting in the publication of more than 1000 scientific papers. In response to increasing interest in structure-based drug design utilizing X-ray crystallography for fragment library screening, enhancements have been implemented in both hardware and data collection systems on the beamline to optimize efficiency. Hardware upgrades include the transition from MD2 to MD2S for the diffractometer, alongside the installation of a humidity controller featuring a rapid nozzle exchanger. This allows users to opt for either low-temperature or room-temperature data collection modes. The control system has been upgraded from Blu-Ice to MXCuBE3, which supports website-mode data collection, providing enhanced compatibility and easy expansion with new features. An automated data processing pipeline has also been developed to offer users real-time feedback on data quality.

Geological formations provide a promising environment for the long-term and short-term storage of gases, including carbon dioxide, hydrogen and hydro­carbons, controlled by the rock-specific small-scale pore structure. This study investigates the nanoscale structure and gas uptake in a highly porous silica aerogel (a synthetic proxy for natural rocks) using transmission electron microscopy, X-ray diffraction, and small-angle and ultra-small-angle neutron scattering with a tracer of deuterated methane (CD4) at pressures up to 1000 bar. The results show that the adsorption of CD4 in the porous silica matrix is scale dependent. The pore space of the silica aerogel is fully accessible to the invading gas, which quickly equilibrates with the external pressure and shows no condensation on the sub-nanometre scale. In the 2.5–50 nm pore size region a classical two-phase adsorption behaviour is observed. The structure of the aerogel returns to its original state after the CD4 pressure has been released.

Online courses and innovative teaching methods have triggered a trend in education, where the integration of multimedia, online resources and interactive tools is reshaping the view of both virtual and traditional classrooms. The use of interactive tools extends beyond the boundaries of the physical classroom, offering students the flexibility to access materials at their own speed and convenience and enhancing their learning experience. In the field of crystallography, there are a wide variety of free online resources such as web pages, interactive applets, databases and programs that can be implemented in fundamental crystallography courses for different academic levels and curricula. This paper discusses a variety of resources that can be helpful for crystallographic symmetry handling and visualization, discussing four specific resources in detail: the Bilbao Crystallographic Server, the Cambridge Structural Database, VESTA and Jmol. The utility of these resources is explained and shown by several illustrative examples.

Here, a recently commissioned five-analyzer Johann spectrometer at the Inner Shell Spectroscopy beamline (8-ID) at the National Synchrotron Light Source II (NSLS-II) is presented. Designed for hard X-ray photon-in/photon-out spectroscopy, the spectrometer achieves a resolution in the 0.5–2 eV range, depending on the element and/or emission line, providing detailed insights into the local electronic and geometric structure of materials. It serves a diverse user community, including fields such as physical, chemical, biological, environmental and materials sciences. This article details the mechanical design, alignment procedures and data-acquisition scheme of the spectrometer, with a particular focus on the continuous asynchronous data-acquisition approach that significantly enhances experimental efficiency.

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The original cast of The Cosby Show. ; Credit: Frank Carroll/Associated Press

Thirty years ago, on September 20,"The Cosby Show" debuted on NBC and went on to dominate our screens for almost a decade.

The award-winning sitcom introduced us to the Huxtables, an upper-middle class black family  made up of Heathcliff, Clair and their five children. Plus a cast of ugly sweaters.

"The Cosby Show" covered familiar territory; from children getting body piercings, bad boyfriends and maintaining a long term relationship as parents with professional lives.

Speaking to Take Two's Alex Cohen, Mark Anthony Neal, professor of African and African American Studies at Duke University said "The Cosby Show" broke down racial stereotypes.

"It  really was the first program to present not just a middle class, or upper-middle class black family, but a professional family. Clair and Heathcliff Huxtable were educated, they had advanced degrees. It was an image we hadn't seen before."

From 1985 to 1990, "The Cosby Show" held the number one spot in the TV ratings war, appealing to audiences across color lines. Black viewers in particular welcomed a broader representation of African American life on screen, building on the success of shows such as "The Jeffersons", "Sanford and Son" and "Good Times". 

"Bill Cosby was very honest about the fact that when he conceived the character of Heathcliff Huxtable, he was looking for images that countered, say, Fred Sanford who was a junk dealer, or James Evans, Jr. in 'Good Times' who was always struggling to find a job. Bill Cosby wanted to bring a different view of the black family into the mix."

Despite its popularity, some people took issue with how "The Cosby Show" tackled race issues.

"It's not that black Americans didn't enjoy the show, but there were criticisms because it didn't explore the broader world of African Americans." says Professor Neal. "The Huxtable family became a stand in for the successes of the civil rights movement. It became the rationale that if the Huxtables can do it, why can't other African Americans do it?"

Today's media landscape is very different to the one "The Cosby Show" existed in. For this reason, says Professor Neal, its success has been difficult to replicate.

"Right after it went off the air, cable TV takes hold and we get this niche programming.  Many African American programs ended up on Fox, UPN and the WB, so there was no incentive for the major networks to do any Cosby-like programming with a black family at the center."

With the debut of ABC's "Blackish" on September 24, it's hoped this will go some way to fill the Cosby-shaped void. In the meantime there's always YouTube and re-runs. Just be thankful Heathcliff's ugly sweaters are a thing of the past.

File: Queen's Freddie Mercury has his mustache groomed.
; Credit: Steve Wood/Express/Getty Images

The new Queen compilation "Queen Forever" includes three previously unreleased tracks, but the one that has people talking is a collaboration between two legends: Freddie Mercury and Michael Jackson.

The new song, "There Must Be More to Life Than This," was an unfinished track recorded during studio sessions for the 1981 Queen album "Hot Space," according to a press release on the new compilation. Queen also looked at the song for 1984's "The Works," but still don't go with it — the song finally landed, sans Jackson, on 1985's Mercury solo album "Mr. Bad Guy."

Listen to the new version of the song here:

Michael Jackson/Queen Soundcloud

Listen to the originally recorded version of the Queen/Jackson collaboration below:

Michael Jackson/Queen collabo

The new version was produced by William Orbit, who also did a remix of the song.

"Hearing Michael Jackson's vocals was stirring. So vivid, so cool, and poignant, it was like he was in the studio singing live. With Freddie's vocal solo on the mixing desk, my appreciation for his gift was taken to an even higher level," Orbit said in a press release.

The song is a call for peace, talking human rights in a general way. It almost didn't end up on the album — Queen's Brian May said that working with the Jackson family and Jackson's estate was like "wading through glue," according to Philly.com, but the track ended up making the cut.

The album also includes unreleased song "Let Me In Your Heart Again" and a new version of a song Mercury released solo, an acoustic take on "Love Kills." "Let Me In Your Heart Again" was previously recorded and released by May's wife Anita Dobson.

"Freddie sounds as fresh as yesterday," May said at a press conference while the new compilation was in the works.

Listen to Mercury's solo version of "There Must Be More to Life Than This" below:

There Must Be More To Life Than This, solo

Listen to Anita Dobson's version of "Let Me In (Your Heart Again)" below:

Anita Dobson track

Full Text:

The Maya of Central America are thought to have been a kinder, gentler civilization, especially compared to the Aztecs of Mexico. At the peak of Mayan culture some 1,500 years ago, warfare seemed ritualistic, designed to extort ransom for captive royalty or to subjugate rival dynasties, with limited impact on the surrounding population. Only later, archeologists thought, did increasing drought and climate change lead to total warfare -- cities and dynasties were wiped off the map in so-called termination events -- and the collapse of the lowland Maya civilization around 1,000 A.D. (or C.E., current era). New evidence unearthed by National Science Foundation-funded researchers call all this into question, suggesting that the Maya engaged in scorched-earth military campaigns -- a strategy that aims to destroy anything of use, including cropland -- even at the height of their civilization, a time of prosperity and artistic sophistication. The finding also indicates that this increase in warfare, possibly associated with climate change and resource scarcity, was not the cause of the disintegration of the lowland Maya civilization.

Image credit: Francisco Estrada-Belli/Tulane

Mollie, a financial service provider in Europe, has introduced Tap to Pay on iPhone, enabling businesses to accept contactless payments via the Mollie app.

; Credit: /Rose Wong for NPR/KHN

Claire Lang-Ree was in a lab coat taking a college chemistry class remotely in the kitchen of her Colorado Springs, Colo., home, when a profound pain twisted into her lower abdomen. She called her mom, Jen Lang-Ree, a nurse practitioner who worried it was appendicitis and found a nearby hospital in the family's health insurance network.

After a long wait in the emergency room of Penrose Hospital, Claire received morphine and an anti-nausea medication delivered through an IV. She also underwent a CT scan of her abdomen and a series of tests.

Hospital staffers ruled out appendicitis and surmised Claire was suffering from a ruptured ovarian cyst, which can be a harmless part of the menstrual cycle but can also be problematic and painful. After a few days — and a chemistry exam taken through gritted teeth — the pain went away.

Then the bill came.

Patient: Claire Lang-Ree, a 21-year-old Stanford University student who was living in Colorado for a few months while taking classes remotely. She's insured by Anthem Blue Cross through her mom's work as a pediatric nurse practitioner in Northern California.

Total Bill: $18,735.93, including two $722.50 fees for a nurse to "push" drugs into her IV, a process that takes seconds. Anthem's negotiated charges were $6,999 for the total treatment. Anthem paid $5,578.30, and the Lang-Rees owed $1,270.45 to the hospital, plus additional bills for radiologists and other care. (Claire also anted up a $150 copay at the ER.)

Service Provider: Penrose Hospital in Colorado Springs, part of the regional health care network Centura Health.

What Gives: As hospitals disaggregate charges for services once included in an ER visit, a hospitalization or a surgical procedure, there has been a proliferation of newfangled fees to increase billing. In the health field, this is called "unbundling." It's analogous to the airlines now charging extra for each checked bag or for an exit row seat. Over time, in the medical industry, this has led to separate fees for ever-smaller components of care. A charge to put medicine into a patient's IV line — a "push fee" — is one of them.

Though the biggest charge on Claire's bill, $9,885.73, was for a CT scan, in many ways Claire and her mom found the push fees most galling. (Note to readers: Scans are frequently many times more expensive when ordered in an ER than in other settings.)

"That was so ridiculous," says Claire, who adds she had previously taken the anti-nausea drug they gave her; it's available in tablet form for the price of a cup of coffee, no IV necessary. "It works really well. Why wasn't that an option?"

In Colorado, the average charge for the code corresponding to Claire's first IV push has nearly tripled since 2014, and the dollars hospitals actually get for the procedure has doubled. In Colorado Springs specifically, the cost for IV pushes rose even more sharply than it did statewide.

A typical nurse in Colorado Springs makes about $35 an hour. At that rate, it would take nearly 21 hours to earn the amount of money Penrose charged for a push of plunger that likely took seconds or at most minutes.

The hospital's charge for just one "IV push" was more than Claire's portion of the monthly rent in the home she shared with roommates. In the end, Anthem did not pay the push fees in its negotiated payment. But claims data shows that in 2020 Penrose typically received upward of $1,000 for the first IV push. And patients who didn't have an insurer to dismiss such charges would be stuck with them. Colorado hospitals on average received $723 for the same code, according to the claims database.

"It's insane the variation that we see in prices, and there's no rhyme or reason," says Cari Frank with the Center for Improving Value in Health Care, a Colorado nonprofit that runs a statewide health care claims database. "It's just that they've been able to negotiate those prices with the insurance company and the insurance company has decided to pay it."

To put the total cost in context, Penrose initially charged more money for Claire's visit than the typical Colorado hospital would have charged for helping someone give birth, according to data published by the Colorado Division of Insurance.

Even with the negotiated rate, "it was only $1,000 less than an average payment for having a baby," Frank says.

In an email statement, Centura said it "conducted a thorough review and determined all charges were accurate" and went on to explain that "an Emergency Room (ER) must be prepared for anything and everything that comes through the doors," requiring highly trained staff, plus equipment and supplies. "All of this adds up to large operating costs and can translate into patient responsibility."

As researchers have found, little stands in the way of hospitals charging through the roof, especially in a place like an emergency room, where a patient has few choices. A report from National Nurses United found that hospital markups have more than doubled since 1999, according to data from the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics. In an email, Anthem called the trend of increasing hospital prices "alarming" and "unsustainable."

But Ge Bai, an associate professor of accounting and health policy at Johns Hopkins University, says when patients see big bills it isn't only the hospital's doing — a lot depends on the insurer, too. For one, the negotiated price depends on the negotiating power of the payer, in this case, Anthem.

"Most insurance companies don't have comparable negotiating or bargaining power with the hospital," said Bai. Prices in a state like Michigan, where Bai said the UAW union covers a big proportion of Michigan patients, will look very different from those in Colorado.

Also, insurers are not the wallet defenders patients might assume them to be.

"In many cases, insurance companies don't negotiate as aggressively as they can, because they earn profit from the percentage of the claims," she says. The more expensive the actual payment is, the more money they get to extract.

Though Anthem negotiated away the push fees, it paid the hospital 30% more than the average Level IV emergency department visit in Colorado that year, and it paid quadruple what Medicare would allow for her CT scan.

Resolution: Claire and her mom decided to fight the bill, writing letters to the hospital and searching for information on what the procedures should have cost. The cost of the IV pushes and CT scan infuriated them — the hospital wanted more than double for a CT than what top-rated hospitals typically charged in 2019.

But the threat of collections wore them out and ultimately they paid their assigned share of the bill — $1,420.45, which was mostly coinsurance.

"Eventually it got to the point where I was like, 'I don't really want to go to collections, because this might ruin my credit score,'" says Claire, who didn't want to graduate from college with dinged credit.

Bai and Frank say the state of Maryland can provide a useful benchmark for medical bills, since it sets the prices that hospitals can charge for each procedure. Data provided by the Maryland Health Care Commission shows that Anthem and Claire paid seven times what she likely would have paid for the CT scan there, and nearly 10 times what they likely would have paid for the emergency department Level IV visit. In Maryland, intravenous pushes typically cost about $200 apiece in 2019. A typical Maryland hospital would have received only about $1,350 from a visit like Claire's, and the Lang-Rees would have been on the hook for about $270.

Claire's pain has come back a few times, but never as bad as that night in Colorado. She has avoided reentering an emergency room since then. After visiting multiple specialists back home in California, she learned she might have had a condition called ovarian torsion.

The Takeaway: Even at an in-network facility and with good insurance, patients can get hurt financially by visiting the ER. A few helpful documents can help guide the way to fighting such charges. The first is an itemized bill.

"I just think it's wrong in the U.S. to charge so much," says Jen Lang-Ree. "It's just a little side passion of mine to look at those and make sure I'm not being scammed."

Bai, of Johns Hopkins, suggests asking for an itemized explanation of benefits from the insurance company, too. That will show what the hospital actually received for each procedure.

Find out if the hospital massively overcharged. The Medicare price lookup tool can be useful for getting a benchmark. And publicly available data on health claims in Colorado and at least 17 other states can help, too.

Vincent Plymell with the Colorado Division of Insurance encourages patients to reach out if something on a bill looks sketchy. "Even if it's not a plan we regulate," he wrote in an email, departments such as his "can always arm the consumer with info."

Finally, make scrutinizing such charges fun. Claire and Jen made bill-fighting their mother-daughter hobby for the winter. They recommend pretzel chips and cocktails to boost the mood.

Bill of the Month is a crowdsourced investigation by KHN and NPR that dissects and explains medical bills. Do you have an interesting medical bill you want to share with us? Tell us about it!

This content is from Southern California Public Radio. View the original story at SCPR.org.

People rest while riding a Los Angeles Metro Rail train amid the coronavirus pandemic on April 1, 2020 in Los Angeles, California.; Credit: Mario Tama/Getty Images

Despite the racial reckoning going on in America right now, and despite the fact that attitudes towards race, inclusion and representation are different now than they were 30 years ago, new research from UC Berkeley shows that a large majority of American metro areas are more segregated now than they were in 1990. The new report from Berkeley’s Institute covers a number of topic areas, but among the key findings were from the national segregation report component of the project, which found Los Angeles to be the sixth-most segregated metro area with more than 200,000 people.

Today on AirTalk, we’ll talk with the lead researcher on the new report and a local historian to talk about how we see the findings of the report play out in Southern California.

Guests:

Stephen Menendian, assistant director and director of research at the Othering & Belonging Institute at UC Berkeley, which works to identify and eliminate the barriers to an inclusive, just, and sustainable society in order to create transformative change; he tweets @SMenendian

Eric Avila, professor of history, urban planning, and Chicano/a studies at UCLA

This content is from Southern California Public Radio. View the original story at SCPR.org.

In this photo taken on February 10, 2020 a 'love kit' is seen on the bed in a room at the Dragonfly hotel in Mumbai.; Credit: PUNIT PARANJPE/AFP via Getty Images

A new survey shows that in the era of widespread vaccine availability, American couples are more satisfied in their relationships -- and some are even getting more experimental than they have been.

Led by Indiana University Kinsey Institute researcher Justin Lehmiller in collaboration with the website Lovehoney, which describes itself as “global sexual happiness experts,” the report looked at responses from 2,000 U.S. adults age 18-45, including an oversample of 200 who identified as LGBTQ, and among the major findings of the survey were that more than half (51 percent) of respondents said their sexual interests had changed during the pandemic, and many of those said they’d started trying things they hadn’t before. It also found that 44 percent of people surveyed said they were communicating better with their partner, and among singles surveyed 52 percent say they’re less interested in casual sex and more than a third of them said they weren’t interested in having sex on the first date.

Today on AirTalk, we’ll talk with Professor Lehmiller about the survey, its findings and how the pandemic impacted Americans’ views on relationships and sex.

Guest: 

Justin Lehmiller, social psychologist and research fellow at Indiana University’s Kinsey Institute who conducted the “Summer of Love” survey; author of “Tell Me What You Want: The Science of Sexual Desire and How It Can Help You Improve Your Sex Life” (Hachette Go, July 2020); host of the “Sex and Psychology” podcast; he tweets @JustinLehmiller

This content is from Southern California Public Radio. View the original story at SCPR.org.

A voter marks his ballot at a polling place on Nov. 3, 2020, in Richland, Iowa. A new poll finds ensuring access to voting is more important than tamping down voter fraud for most Americans.; Credit: Mario Tama/Getty Images

A majority of Americans believes ensuring access to voting is more important than rooting out fraud, the latest NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist survey finds.

At the same time, there was broad agreement that people should have to show identification when they go to the polls.

Two-thirds of Americans also believe democracy is "under threat," but likely for very different reasons.

"For Democrats, Jan. 6 undoubtedly looms large," said Lee Miringoff, director of the Marist Institute for Public Opinion, referring to the violence and insurrection at the Capitol, "while, for Republicans, it's more likely about Trump and his claims of a rigged election."

Voting access vs. fraud

By a 56%-41% margin, survey respondents said making sure that everyone who wants to vote can do so is a bigger concern than making sure that no one who is ineligible votes.

But there were wide differences by political party and by race.

Among Democrats, almost 9 in 10 said access was more important, but almost three-quarters of Republicans said it was making sure no one votes who isn't eligible.

By race, a slim majority of whites said ensuring everyone who wants to vote can was most important, but almost two-thirds of nonwhites said so.

Photo ID is popular

Nearly 8 in 10 Americans said they believe voters should be required to show government-issued photo identification whenever they vote.

Majorities of Democrats, Republicans, independents, whites and nonwhites all said so. Democrats were far lower, though, with 57% believing photo ID should be required.

Biden holding steady

President Biden gets a 50% job approval rating, largely unchanged from last month. There is a sharp partisan divide with 9 in 10 Democrats approving, and more than 8 in 10 Republicans disapproving.

Biden continues to get his highest ratings when it comes to his handling of the coronavirus pandemic, and his economic approval is holding steady. But Americans have less confidence in his handling of foreign policy, especially immigration. His approval on immigration ticked up slightly from March when it was last measured in the poll.

By a 50%-43% margin, respondents said Biden had strengthened America's role on the world stage.

Americans are split about whether the country is headed in the right direction or not — 49% said it wasn't, 47% said it was. It's an improvement, however, from right after the Jan. 6 insurrection when three-quarters said the country was on the wrong track.

The tone has gotten worse in Washington since Biden was elected, 41% said, but that's better than the two-thirds who said so consistently during the Trump years.

Methodology: The poll of 1,115 U.S. adults was conducted using live telephone interviewers from June 22-29. Survey questions were available in English or Spanish. The full sample has a margin of error of plus or minus 3.7 percentage points with larger margins of error for smaller group subsets.

This content is from Southern California Public Radio. View the original story at SCPR.org.

Hercules Metals Corp. (BADEF:OTCMKTS; BIG:TSXV) has announced advancements in its exploration efforts at the western Idaho Leviathan porphyry copper system. Read more about the significant shallow mineralization discoveries and new target areas that could indicate further resource potential.

Full Text:

Earth's magnetic field seems steady and true -- reliable enough to navigate by. Yet, largely hidden from daily life, the field drifts, waxes and wanes. The magnetic North Pole is currently shifting toward Siberia, forcing the Global Positioning System that underlies modern navigation to update its software sooner than expected. Every several hundred thousand years, the magnetic field dramatically shifts and reverses its polarity. Magnetic north flips to the geographic South Pole and, eventually, back again. This reversal has happened countless times over Earth's history, but scientists' understanding of why and how the field reverses is limited. The researchers find that the most recent field reversal 770,000 years ago took at least 22,000 years to complete, several times longer than previously thought. The results call into question controversial findings that some reversals could occur within a human lifetime.

Image credit: Brad Singer

WHEN:Wednesday, October 21Time: 11am PT / 2pm ET Join Now!>> SPONSORED BY: Citrix Online Audio Services GroupJoin us for this FREE live webcast to hear Marc Beattie of Wainhouse Research as he...

On-Demand Webcast>  Watch Now!SPONSORED BY: SageWatch this FREE on-demand webcast to hear from industry leaders as they walk you through 3 strategies for using ERP to drive productivity and ef...

Omineca Mining and Metals Ltd. (OMM:TSX.V; OMMSF:OTCMKTS) announced it is set to restart mining and gravel extraction at its Wingdam placer gold project in British Columbia's historic Cariboo Mining District. Read why one expert thinks its new methods are a key to possible success.

Special Presidential Envoy for Climate John Kerry tells NPR that the U.S., China and other major emitters aren't doing enough to stem climate change.; Credit: Alex Wong/Getty Images

President Biden is pledging to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 50-52% from 2005 levels by 2030.

It's an ambitious goal that requires transforming much of the economy. Renewable energy would need to make up half of the U.S. power supply from roughly 21% currently. Electric cars make up about 2% of sales now — by 2030, at least half, potentially all, new car sales would need to be electric, according to estimates. Many industrial manufacturing facilities would need to use technologies that haven't been developed.

It's part of Biden's effort to get the U.S. on track to reach the goals of the 2015 Paris Climate Agreement to keep global temperatures from rising more than 1.5 degrees Celsius. Former President Donald Trump withdrew the U.S. from the agreement but Biden has formally rejoined.

John Kerry is Biden's special envoy for climate, a position that involves meeting with countries around the world about efforts to stem emissions.

He calls the threat of climate change "existential."

"That means life and death. And the question is, are we behaving as if it is? And the answer is no," Kerry said in an interview on NPR's All Things Considered.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity and includes extended Web-only answers.

Interview Highlights

Is this more a matter of shoot for the moon and if you miss, at least you'll land among the stars?

No, I think it's achievable. And I think that people who've really studied this, analyzed it and thought about it for a long period of time believe it is achievable.

Already the [car] marketplace is moving towards electric. I mean, you know, Joe Biden didn't create the value of Tesla as the most valuable automobile company in the world. The market did that. And the market did it because that's where people are moving.

The scale of change that you're talking about in the timeframe that is required is something we've never seen in human history.

Let me put it to you this way. How many politicians, how many scientists, how many people have stood up and said, "This is existential for us on this planet"? Existential. That means life and death. And the question is, are we behaving as if it is? And the answer is no.

So why are younger generation folks so angry? Why are they standing up and demonstrating and asking adults to accept adult responsibility to move our nations in the right direction? Because the scientists are telling them that. They learn about this in high school and college. They read. They know what's happening. They know we're experiencing the hottest day in human history, the hottest week, the hottest month, the hottest year. And we see the results. Fires, floods, mudslides, drought, crop disruption, ice melting in the Arctic, run the list.

Climate change is still seen as a partisan issue in the U.S., and Republicans could take over Congress next year. A Republican could win the White House in three years. So why should global leaders view this as a reliable commitment from the United States when GOP leaders have not bought in?

For two reasons. No. 1, when Donald Trump was president of the United States and he pulled out of the agreement, 37 governors in the United States, Republican and Democrats alike, stood up and said, "We're still in." And states, those 37 states, have passed renewable portfolio laws. So at the state level, people are moving because they know it's better for their state. It's a safer, better delivery of power to their state, and it's the way it's going to move.

The second part of the answer: Masses of capital, trillions of dollars, are going to move into the energy market, which is the largest market the world has ever seen and going to grow now. Multiple double-digit trillions of dollars of market. And no politician can come along and tell those banks, or those asset managers or those investors or those venture capitalists or the companies, the corporations that are doing this, they know this is where the market's going to be in the future.

If the $2 trillion infrastructure and jobs plan that the president has put forth does not pass the Senate, does this goal to cut emissions in half by 2030 effectively die with the bill?

Well, it doesn't die, but it certainly takes a blow, a serious one. But the companies I've talked about are going to move in this direction no matter what. I mean, if you look at the biggest companies in America, these folks are all pushing to get this done because they know that the world is going to be better off and that their businesses are going to be better off if we do that. This is a real challenge for all of us, and I think people are waking up to it all around the world.

Let me ask you a question. Why do you think 40 heads of state, including President Xi of China, President Putin of Russia, Prime Minister Modi of India, huge populations come together and say, "We have to do this"? Do they know something that some of these opponents of it don't know or aren't willing to admit? I mean, the only leader in the entire world that saw fit to pull out of the Paris agreement was Donald Trump.

But it's so easy to make commitments and we haven't seen countries follow through on those commitments.

This is accurate. They're doing things; they're not doing enough. There are very few countries that are doing enough. Most countries are not. And of the 20 countries that equal 81% of all the emissions, they are the critical ones that have to do more. And we're among them. We are 15% of all the world's emissions. China is 30%. Does China need to do more? Absolutely. All of the 20 need to do more.

This content is from Southern California Public Radio. View the original story at SCPR.org.

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis speaks to the media about the cruise industry during a press conference at PortMiami in April. DeSantis faces criticism for failing to do all he could on Florida's biggest environmental threat: climate change.; Credit: Joe Raedle/Getty Images

Brick by brick, the stucco shell of a new flood-resilient public works building is taking shape blocks from the beach, the most visible sign yet of a small community's enormous task staving off the rising sea.

"This is actually the highest point in the city," Satellite Beach City Manager Courtney Barker said, adding that right next door to the new public works building will be a new fire station.

It's a close-knit community established by rocket scientists south of Kennedy Space Center, on a low-slung barrier island between the Atlantic Ocean and Indian River Lagoon.

By 2040, community leaders expect significant impacts associated with climate change. Already flooding is a problem, and beach-front homes perch precariously atop a sand dune left exposed after a series of storms and hurricanes washed away a sea wall.

The needs are great, and in Gov. Ron DeSantis, Barker sees a potential ally.

"At least he talks about climate change as actually being real, so that's good," she said. "And he's putting money toward it so that's encouraging."

But Barker also feels DeSantis is doing only part of the job.

"We desperately need to grow up as a state and realize that we need to get our emissions down," Barker said.

Since his election in November 2018, DeSantis is making good on some of his environmental promises, including what he likes to call "resilience," a new buzzword for climate adaptation. But as the governor prepares for a reelection bid in 2022, and is seen as a potential Republican frontrunner for the presidency in 2024, DeSantis faces criticism for failing to do all he could on Florida's biggest environmental threat: climate change.

Some of his critics acknowledge that the $1 billion Resilient Florida plan he announced in January could be a first step toward helping some communities pay for adaptation. But critics also point out that DeSantis has done almost nothing to put Florida on a path to scaling back the state's heavy reliance on fossil fuels.

"I would give him probably a C-minus," said former Republican Gov. Charlie Crist, who served from 2007 to 2011, and now represents St. Petersburg in the U.S. House of Representatives as a Democrat.

Crist still gets plaudits from environmentalists for his administration's climate initiatives, including a cap-and-trade system to curb carbon emissions and an executive order that was intended to put the state on a path to reducing its greenhouse gas emissions 80% by 2050. But those were basically abandoned by Gov. Rick Scott, the Republican now serving in the U.S. Senate.

Crist, who switched parties and this week announced he is running for governor in 2022, said DeSantis should be "encouraging renewables such as wind energy, solar energy, and particularly solar. I mean, my goodness, we're the Sunshine State."

DeSantis' press office declined to make the governor available for an interview and did not respond to written questions.

In comments at two press conferences earlier this year, the governor cited his support for spending hundreds of millions of dollars on water projects and Everglades restoration as evidence of his environmental credentials, while promising to double down on funding for coastal resilience.

Florida needs "to tackle the challenges posed by flooding, intensified storm events [and] sea level rise," he said. "When you look at how an insurance market would view property insurance, and to see that Florida is leading and trying to get ahead of some of these impacts, we think it'll be a very smart thing to do."

Lawmakers have had their own ideas on how to handle climate threats, and have passed two bills that, when taken together, are similar to DeSantis' Resilient Florida proposal.

"It's not exactly as he said he wanted it, but it's close," said Jonathan Webber, deputy director of Florida Conservation Voters. "These are policies that need to happen. It would have been better if they happened 20 years ago."

"I am not a global warming person"

In his 2018 campaign, DeSantis appealed directly to supporters of former President Donald Trump, such as in this ad where he tells one of his children to "build the wall" with toy blocks. The environment was a major issue in that election.

Residents were grappling with a toxic red tide and blue-green algae crisis that made beaches and waterways unsafe, and left marine-life belly-up.

In recent years Floridians have also experienced deadly, devastating consequences of back-to-back major hurricanes.

All the while, advocates were highlighting likely links between the state's environmental woes and global warming.

Florida's climate challenges are among the biggest in the country. Beyond those related to hurricanes intensified by climate change, they include sea level rise, extreme heat, drought and increasing health threats from mosquito-borne diseases.

By its own numbers, the DeSantis administration predicts that with sea level rise, $26 billion in residential property statewide will be at risk of chronic flooding by 2045.

But in 2018, DeSantis let voters know that he had clear limits when it came to climate change.

"I am not in the pews of the church of the global warming leftists," DeSantis told reporters at one 2018 campaign stop. "I am not a global warming person. I don't want that label on me."

Early plaudits from environmentalists

Once in office, DeSantis won early plaudits for directives aimed at cleaning up water and helping Florida adapt to climate change. He appointed the first state resilience officer and the first chief scientist, and ordered Florida's Department of Environmental Protection to make sure its decisions were based on the best available science.

In 2019, they approved of DeSantis' order to his environmental regulators to oppose fracking, but he since has failed to get his Republican colleagues in the legislature to pass a statewide fracking ban, something he advocated for during his campaign. The state's oil and gas industry does not currently use fracking as a drilling method, but environmentalists are worried it might start doing so, resulting in water pollution.

Environmental groups also praised DeSantis in 2020 when the governor announced the state was backing a plan to buy 20,000 acres of the Everglades to prevent oil development there.

And they did the same when DeSantis backed spending $166 million in settlement money Florida received from Volkswagen on electric vehicle charging stations and cleaner electric buses. The money, part of a larger $14.7 billion settlement, came after the German automaker was caught lying about its cars' diesel emissions.

"Everyone was optimistic," said Susan Glickman, the Florida director for the Southern Alliance for Clean Energy. "I kept hearing an opening on climate."

Two years later, though, Glickman and other advocates are assessing DeSantis' climate record much like this: He's done more than previous Governor Scott, but that's not saying much.

DeSantis quietly replaced his chief science officer in March with Mark Rains, a professor, and chair and director of the School of Geosciences at the University of South Florida. But he never has replaced his chief resilience officer after she left for the Trump administration after only a few months in the position.

"Missing in action" on renewables

In many ways, it's what DeSantis hasn't done that defines his climate record. He has chosen not to use his bully pulpit to advocate for a clean-energy future, like his Democratic Party counterparts in the Southeast states of North Carolina and Virginia, or like the mayors of Orlando and Tampa.

DeSantis has also been "missing in action" in debate over bills this year in the Florida legislature that would undermine local government efforts to transition to clean energy, said Webber, with the Florida Conservation Voters group.

One such bill, that has passed the House and Senate and awaits DeSantis' consideration, would ban local governments from restricting fuel sources. The oil and gas industry has supported such measures around the country. They aim to block the push by climate activists to ban natural gas hook-ups in new buildings, and electrify them instead to reduce carbon emissions.

Of course, electrification only reduces emissions if it's powered by renewable energy. But Florida has no requirement that utilities provide a certain amount of that. Solar power accounts for only about 2.5% of the electricity produced by utilities, while they rely on fossil fuels for about 84%.

When DeSantis had a chance to appoint someone to the state's powerful Florida Public Service Commission, a regulatory body with a big say in state energy policy, he chose the Florida chairman of the American Legislative Exchange Council, a group known for its support of fossil fuels.

"We are very frustrated by the messaging, and the lack of acknowledgement of the root of the problem of all these issues," said Yoca Arditi-Rocha, executive director of The CLEO Institute, a nonprofit that focuses on climate science education.

"We need to acknowledge the warming temperatures and the rising seas are a result of our warming climate," she said. "We cannot adapt our way out of it. We need to aggressively tackle mitigation."

"What places can we not save?"

In Satellite Beach, Courtney Barker, the city manager who welcomes the governor's help with adapting to climate change, also wants to see him tackle the emissions side of the equation.

Besides moving the public works building and fire station to higher ground, the community is fortifying its system of flood control. Barker said the community needs more funding opportunities from the state.

"We're looking for assistance in helping us engineer our way out of it," she said.

Marine and climate scientist Jeff Chanton, of Florida State University, thinks there's too much emphasis on sea walls, which can cause beach erosion and destroy tidal zones vital to marine life, including crabs and turtles.

"An ideal governor would try to lessen the impacts of growth in this state, especially along our coastlines," he said.

Before her departure, Julia Nesheiwat, DeSantis' chief resilience officer, characterized the state's infrastructure as "outdated" in a report, and called its resilience strategy "disjointed."

For Thomas Ruppert, an attorney and coastal planning specialist with Florida Sea Grant, DeSantis' emphasis on hardening infrastructure ignores that — for some communities — the investments will be futile in staving off the inevitable.

"Ultimately, what we really need is to start talking seriously [about] what places can we not save? And what is an exit strategy? Because we have no idea," Ruppert said.

Barker hopes it doesn't come to that in Satellite Beach, where she grew up.

"It's personal to all of us, because I think everyone can look at their own hometown, and you can't imagine being anywhere else."

This story is a collaboration between Inside Climate News and WMFE Orlando, a member of ICN's National Reporting Network-Southeast.

This content is from Southern California Public Radio. View the original story at SCPR.org.

A rollercoaster that once sat on the Funtown Pier in Seaside Heights, N.J., rests in the ocean on Wednesday, Oct. 31, 2012 after the pier was washed away by superstorm Sandy.; Credit: Julio Cortez/AP

When Hurricane Sandy swept up the eastern seaboard in 2012, it left a trail of damage from Florida to Maine. Subways were inundated in New York City. Hurricane-force winds tore across New Jersey. Blizzard conditions walloped Appalachia.

The hurricane — also known as Superstorm Sandy — caused an estimated $70 billion in damages in the U.S., mostly from flooding. And while scientists have long believed that some of the carnage was attributable to a warming climate, it's been unclear just how much of a role human-caused warming played in the storm's impacts. New research, published Tuesday in the journal Nature Communications, puts a dollar amount on some of those damages and it's a startling figure.

Using flood maps and sea-level rise measurements, researchers found that human-induced sea-level rise caused an estimated $8 billion in excess flooding damage during Hurricane Sandy and affected an additional 70,000 people.

"I often hear people say when we're trying to help them adapt to increasing coastal flooding, 'Well, it's not going to happen in my lifetime, the sea-level rise won't happen in my lifetime,'" said Philip Orton, a co-author of the study from the Stevens Institute of Technology in New Jersey. "But it's already happening to people. It's already here."

Sea levels at the tip of Manhattan have risen about 8 inches since 1950, according to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration. Estimates range for how much additional sea-level rise is likely to occur, but on average, the expectation is that by mid-century water levels could rise by more than a foot in New York City, compared to the year 2000.

In worst case scenarios, in which humanity does not significantly cut its climate-warming greenhouse gas emissions and the world's ice sheets rapidly melt, sea levels could rise by more than 6 feet by the end of the century, putting hundreds of millions of people at risk worldwide.

Higher water levels mean more areas are susceptible to flooding, storm surge and other problems associated with hurricanes, as well as more chronic flooding from high tides.

The Biden administration has made addressing climate change one of its top priorities. It's proposed a major reconfiguration of the nation's energy and transportation sectors to cut the country's outsized contribution to global warming, with the goal of making the U.S. carbon neutral by the year 2050. Accomplishing that feat will require major federal investments and likely bipartisan support. It's unclear if the administration will be able to procure the latter.

The new study, which joins a growing body of broader attribution science, aims to quantify the cost of inaction and business as usual. Similar studies found that climate change fueled the strength of Hurricane Harvey, increased the risk of Australia's recent unprecedented fire season and contributed to a record-breaking heatwave in Europe.

Scientists have debated whether Hurricane Sandy was made more intense by a warming climate, but it's difficult to know. Generally, there's agreement in the scientific community that hotter global temperatures and warmer ocean waters will lead to more rapid intensification of hurricanes.

Quantifying exactly how much those climatic differences affected a storm like Sandy is difficult. That's why Orton and the team of researchers focused their efforts on sea-level rise, where there's a bevvy of good data. They used that data to model the impacts of Hurricane Sandy in a world without climate change and found the estimated $8 billion difference.

"Increasingly we have the tools to simulate these events and study and quantify the impact of climate change on people's lives," Orton said. "People's lives were dramatically changed by Hurricane Sandy and a lot of them don't realize it had to do with climate change at all."

This content is from Southern California Public Radio. View the original story at SCPR.org.

Author Ta-Nehisi Coates, seen here in 2019, will join the faculty of Howard University.; Credit: Mary Altaffer/AP

Less than a week after trustees at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill belatedly voted to grant tenure to New York Times reporter Nikole Hannah-Jones, Howard University announced Hannah-Jones will instead be joining its faculty.

Howard, the prestigious historically Black university in Washington, D.C., also announced it is hiring writer and Howard alumnus Ta-Nehisi Coates, author of Between the World and Me.

Their positions were funded by nearly $20 million in donations from the Knight Foundation, the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation and the Ford Foundation, as well as an anonymous donor.

The funding establishes the Knight Chair in Race and Journalism, a tenured position to be held by Hannah-Jones.

Hannah-Jones, who won a Pulitzer Prize for her 1619 Project, will also establish the Center for Journalism and Democracy, which the university says will train aspiring journalists in "the investigative skills and historical and analytical expertise needed to cover the crisis our democracy is facing."

The news is a blow to UNC, which has had its reputation damaged by its handling of Hannah-Jones' appointment to an endowed professorship at its journalism school. For months, trustees declined to consider granting her tenure, a highly unusual move considering her tenure was backed by the relevant academic leaders.

Some of the opposition came from Walter Hussman, an Arkansas newspaper publisher and alumnus whose $25 million donation to the UNC's journalism school led to its being named for him.

As NPR's David Folkenflik reported, Hussman said "he was given pause by some prominent scholars' criticism that Hannah-Jones distorted the historical record in arguing that the protection of slavery was one of the Founding Fathers' primary motivations in seeking independence from the British."

Amid the turmoil, other Black faculty members at UNC said they were considering leaving the university, and students protested on behalf of Hannah-Jones.

The university's student body president Lamar Richard penned an open letter last month to the UNC community, saying the university is unprepared for the reckoning that's required, and "[u]ntil this rebirth occurs, Carolina is not deserving of your talents, aspirations, or successes."

Hannah-Jones had said she would not accept UNC's offer without tenure, which UNC's Trustees finally approved in a 9-4 vote.

But the messy and contentious process spoiled it for her.

"Look what it took to get tenure," Hannah-Jones said, noting that every other chair of the position dating to the 1980s had been granted tenure, and that all were white. Hannah-Jones received unanimous approval from the faculty during the tenure process.

"And so to be denied it, and to only have that vote occur on the last possible day, at the last possible moment, after threat of legal action, after weeks of protest, after it became a national scandal – it's just not something that I want anymore," she told CBS This Morning.

Hannah-Jones said she never wanted her hiring to become a public scandal — she was simply hoping to give back to her beloved alma mater. And instead, she said, it became "embarrassing" to be passed over for tenure. She said she was never told by UNC-Chapel Hill's chancellor, provost or trustees why her tenure was not taken up in November or January.

The veteran journalist reportedly had offers from a number of universities after the botched process at UNC. So how did she pick Howard?

She said one of her few regrets was not going to Howard as an undergraduate. And she traced her choice to join its faculty to her own story, beginning as a second-grader bused to a white school.

"I've spent my entire life proving that I belong in elite white spaces that were not built for Black people," she told CBS. "I decided I didn't want to do that anymore. That Black professionals should feel free, and actually perhaps an obligation, to go to our own institutions and bring our talents and resources to our own institutions and help to build them up as well."

She said she won her battle for fair treatment at UNC, "but it's not my job to heal the University of North Carolina. That's the job of the people in power who created this situation in the first place."

Hannah-Jones said she's trying to raise even more money for Howard, and that she's eager to join the faculty this summer.

"To be able to bring that type of resources to a university that always punches above its weight, I'm so excited," she said. "Something great came out of this."

This content is from Southern California Public Radio. View the original story at SCPR.org.

Enhancements include an auto-fill feature, the ability to search on a business or landmark name, and links to both Google and Bing maps.

911 should be used only in emergencies. But if you should ever dial 911 accidently, Sheriff Coy Reid says you should not just hang up.

New State food rules recently put in place are expected to enforce safe food handling and reduce transmission of food-borne illness.

Adult Services Social Worker Chandra Henson with Catawba County Social Services has been honored by the North Carolina Adult Foster Care Association.

Catawba County Library Library system announces staff changes. April Green named Youth Services Librarian; Siobhan Loendorf new manager of Sherrills Ford branch.

Charter Communications' Government Channel for Catawba County will move from Channel 3 to Channel 192 effective January 28, 2014.

Lisa Przekop, director of admissions at University of California, Santa Barbara, says that many high schoolers this year wrote their application essays about depression and anxiety during the pandemic.; Credit: Patricia Marroquin/Moment Editorial/Getty Images

College-bound high schoolers are making their final deliberations ahead of May 1, the national deadline to pick a school. That day will mark the end of a hectic admissions season drastically shaped by the COVID-19 pandemic.

Many colleges dropped standardized testing requirements, and because some high schools gave pass/fail grades and canceled extracurriculars and sports, admissions counselors had to change how they read and evaluate applications.

"[It was] definitely the craziest of all my 36 years, without a doubt," says Lisa Przekop, director of admissions at the University of California, Santa Barbara.

The UC school system received the most applications in the United States.

Like many others, Przekop says all of her staff has been working remotely throughout the pandemic. But if pivoting to working from home wasn't a challenge enough, Przekop says the school saw an increase in applications of 16%.

"On top of all that, we had to devise a way of doing our admissions selection process without the use of SAT or ACT scores," she says. "So any one of those things would have been a major change, but to have all of them at the same time was beyond anything really that I could've imagined."

Przekop spoke with All Things Considered about how what counselors looked for in applications this year changed, what topics they saw in admissions essays and how the process might have actually improved in spite of the pandemic.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

Interview Highlights

Has it all added up to more time spent on every individual application?

Quick answer, yes. Things are much more nuanced now. And although a student may have, for instance, planned to do certain activities, well many of those activities were canceled. The other big difference was students were a lot more depressed this year, obviously. Everybody's more anxious, including students. They're applying for college which is stressful in and of itself. And so what we found is a lot of students used their essays to talk about depression, anxiety, things like this. To read essay after essay after essay about depression, anxiety, stress — is taxing. And so we really had to encourage staff to take more breaks as they were reviewing. So it definitely slowed the whole process down at a time when we had more applications to review.

Can you give any insight into what you are basing your decisions on this year?

Absolutely. Maybe in the past I would've focused on that GPA right away. Now when I'm looking at that academic picture, I have to look at the fact that did the student challenge themselves as much as they could have? Were the courses even available? Do I see any trends in their academic performance? If their spring term of last year, their junior year, was all pass/no pass, can I safely assume that they did well in those courses? And that's where you really had to rely on what the students shared in their essays to try to piece that together.

Are you noticing greater diversity in the students applying to UC?

In terms of ethnic diversity, yes, we are seeing that. In terms of diversity of experience — for instance, first generation students and students with lots of different socioeconomic backgrounds — we're definitely seeing that. I'm seeing students who are very committed to the environment more so than i've seen before. I'm seeing students who are more politically aware and active than I've seen before. So I'm definitely seeing a pattern of behaviors that look a little bit different than students in the past.

This content is from Southern California Public Radio. View the original story at SCPR.org.

Students wave goodbye during dismissal at Yung Wing School P.S. 124 on March 25, 2021 in New York City.; Credit: Michael Loccisano/Getty Images

New York City schools will reopen in full this fall with no options for virtual learning.

Mayor Bill de Blasio made the announcement during an appearance Monday on MSNBC, saying, "You can't have a full recovery without full-strength schools, everyone back sitting in those classrooms."

De Blasio said the nation's largest school district will meet in person five days a week, with no remote option available. New Jersey has similar plans, and other states want to limit remote lessons as well.

While the decision in New York is being celebrated as an important milestone on the path to returning to some level of normalcy from the pandemic, some parents remain fearful about sending their children back to in-person learning.

Meisha Porter, chancellor of the New York City Department of Education, has heard those concerns firsthand, but says "our schools have been the safest place in the city."

In an interview with NPR's Morning Edition, Porter said that with New York City in the process of a full reopening, "it's important that our schools be fully open, too."

Porter said the city would not make the vaccine a requirement for staff and teachers, but said more than 70,000 employees have already received at least one dose. The city will continue to monitor the health and safety of children, teachers and staff, she said, "but we know our schools have been safe and we need our children back."

Interview Highlights

What do you say to parents who are still really worried about the virus and may not want their kids to return, especially elementary aged kids who don't have access to a vaccine?

I say what we've said over and over again. You know, this past week, we've been at 0.3% — our seven-day positivity rate. Our schools are the safest place. And I've always said nothing, absolutely nothing, replaces the interaction and the learning that happens between a student and teacher in our classrooms. And so what I say to parents, as a parent, is we're going to continue to be in conversations. We're going to continue to make decisions around health and safety. We're going to continue to do those things that parents need us to do, that I need to ensure that we do, to make sure our buildings remain safe and we can get our babies back.

Is part of that effort a consideration about making the vaccine a requirement for staff and teachers?

At this moment, we're not making it a requirement, but we are encouraging [staff and teachers to get vaccinated], and we're going to really work with the city to provide access for students and families and teachers, as we've done over the last couple of months. And so right now, we're pushing and encouraging our staff to get vaccinated. ...

But I mean, wouldn't that help if you had 100%? I mean, children are required to show proof of of immunizations of vaccines to go to school. Why not maintain the same line for teachers and staff?

... I would say this, that we are not in a place where we want to, at this moment, mandate the vaccine. We want to continue to encourage. We all know that folks have had concerns about vaccines, and we want to continue to encourage that vaccines are safe and they are effective. I've been vaccinated along with the 70,000 DOE employees that have been vaccinated. And so we're not, at the moment where we are going to require it.

Have you heard from families who've come to rely on being able to have their kids, their teenagers, working while in school? There's evidence that those with that kind of economic need are those who want to continue with remote learning or some kind of hybrid.

I can tell you that I haven't heard that from families, that they want to they want remote learning so that their teenagers can continue to work. But I know, that that may be a reality for some families. And one of the things that we're doing this summer is increasing access to summer youth employment, increasing access to our learning-to-work programs for our young people, because we know how important it is for some young people to work. But it is equally, if not more important, that they maintain learning and have a connection to a strong and sound education, and we'll continue to do that through learning to work throughout the school year.

What about those students who have found that remote learning just works better for them? I mean, whether they are kids who have struggled socially in school environments, who have been bullied or kids with learning challenges who appreciate just being able to focus away from other students in the classroom. Are there any plans to come up with ways to better address their needs in the future?

So what we're looking forward to is leveraging what we've learned from remote learning as an innovation in our system as we move forward in return. And I think that's what's going to be important for us.

Do you know what that innovation is going to look like?

It's going to look like access to courses across schools and districts, breaking down district lines and walls, high-level courses, enrichment opportunities. You know, remote learning has expanded the universe of what schools should look like.

This content is from Southern California Public Radio. View the original story at SCPR.org.