Review: Rick Owens' puffer capes will have you hoping for a cold snap
Paris Fashion Week: Repurposed duvets, recycled plastics and curve-hugging cashmere add up to a stellar collection.
Paris Fashion Week: Repurposed duvets, recycled plastics and curve-hugging cashmere add up to a stellar collection.
Lots of crunchy vegetables and an assertively seasoned vinaigrette breathe new life into pasta salad.
Brad Pitt played Dr. Anthony Fauci in 'Saturday Night Live' episode with musical guest Miley Cyrus and cameos from Adam Sandler and Paul Rudd.
Mother's Day will bring Arctic blasts, wintry conditions and records low temperatures for two-thirds of the US. Meanwhile, a heat wave will hit Alaska
Oh the joys of dog ownership — like getting your best bud to go to the bathroom in the snow. Here are some ideas.
It's illegal to leave a pet outside in Indianapolis when temperatures drop below 20 degrees Fahrenheit or during a wind chill advisory.
Cold weather can make it hard to start your car, or keep it running smoothly. Here's some help.
The polar vortex over Ontario is still bringing us comparatively frigid temperatures and yet another cold temperature record.
Record-breaking high and low temperatures were recorded in parts of Canada going into the weekend, including the nearly 28 C recorded in the Squamish area of British Columbia and the -4.2 C recorded in Kitchener, Ont.
17 April 2020
Managing relations with China once the COVID-19 crisis abates will be one of the biggest challenges facing political leaders in the United States and Europe – two of the areas worst-hit by the virus that originated in China.So far, there has been a noticeable worsening of relations that had already soured in recent years – the latest step being President Donald Trump’s suspension of US funding for the World Health Organization (WHO) in response to accusations of Chinese interference in its operations.
Should the world now simply prepare for a period of intense and extended hostility? As director of a policy institute founded 100 years ago in the shadow of the First World War, I believe we must do all in our power to avoid a return of the global strategic rivalries that blighted the 20th century.
Of course, the outcome does not lie only in the hands of the US and Europe. In the 1930s, as much as they wanted to avoid another great war, British and French leaders were forced to respond to Germany’s aggression in central Europe. In the late 1940s, America’s instinct to disentangle itself from war-ravaged Europe was quickly tempered by the realization that the Soviet Union would impose or infiltrate Communist control as far into Europe as possible.
Today, those who warned that China - a one-party, surveillance state with a power-centralising leader - could never be treated as a global stakeholder feel vindicated. They see in COVID-19 an opportunity to harden policies towards China, starting by blocking all Chinese investment into 5G infrastructure and breaking international dependence on Chinese supply chains.
They can point to the fact that Chinese Communist Party officials in Wuhan initially prioritised sustaining economic growth and supressed reports about COVID-19’s capacity for human-to-human transmission, epitomised by their treatment of Dr Li Wenliang. They can highlight how Beijing’s obsession with denying Taiwan a voice in the WHO prevented Taiwanese input into the early analysis of the crisis. They can highlight the ways in which Beijing has instrumentalised its medical support for coronavirus-afflicted countries for diplomatic gain.
For their part, those in China who believed the US and Europe would never allow China’s return as a regional and world power see this criticism as further evidence. They can point to comments about this being the ‘Chinese virus’, a leaked biological weapon or China’s ‘Chernobyl moment’. ‘Wolf warrior’ Chinese diplomats have sought to outdo each other by challenging narratives about COVID-19, while propagating disinformation about the origins of the virus.
There are major risks if this blame game escalates, as it could in the lead-up to a fraught US presidential election. First, consciously uncoupling the US economically from China will make the post-coronavirus recovery that much harder. China already accounts for nearly 20% of world GDP but, unlike after the global financial crisis in 2008, it is fast becoming the world’s leading consumer market. Its financial stimulus measures need to be closely coordinated with the G7 and through the G20.
Second, Chinese scientists were the first to uncover the genetic code of the virus and shared it with the WHO as early as January 12, enabling the roll-out of effective testing around the world. They are now involved in the global search for a vaccine alongside American and European counterparts. While the Chinese government will remain a legitimate target for criticism, Chinese citizens and companies will contribute to many of the most important technical breakthroughs this century.
Third, if COVID-19 creates a long-term schism between China and the US, with Europeans caught on its edge, this could do deep damage to world order. China may become a less willing partner in lowering global greenhouse gas emissions and sharing renewable energy technologies; in helping African and other developing countries grow sustainably; and in helping to build a more resilient global health infrastructure.
But the COVID-19 crisis can also be the hinge point to a more coherent and self-interested transatlantic approach to China, one whose motto should be ‘beware but engage’. There should indeed be limits on state-backed Chinese investment in strategic US and European economic sectors, just as China limits Western access to its market. But the goal should be to lower barriers to trade and investment over time on a mutually beneficial and transparent basis, not to recreate an economic Cold War.
Chinese human rights violations, at home and abroad, should be called out. The dissemination of Chinese systems of citizen surveillance, which will be more popular in a post-coronavirus world, should be monitored and contested with US and European alternatives. And the extent of Chinese exports’ access to international markets should be conditional on China improving its phytosanitary standards - which protect humans, animals, and plants from diseases, pests, or contaminants - and strictly regulating unhygienic wet markets.
But to go further and try to make disengagement the dominant transatlantic policy as COVID-19 subsides will not only divide Europe and America. It will also contribute to a self-fulfilling prophecy; in which a resentful China grows apart from the US and Europe during a period where they must work together.
Given that it will likely be the world’s largest economy in 2030, how the US and Europe manage their relations with China after this crisis is a question at least as seminal as the one they faced after 1945 with the Soviet Union. In the ensuing years, the Soviet Union became a military superpower and competitor, but not an economic one. Containment was a viable, correct and, ultimately, successful strategy. The same options are not available this time. There will be no winners from a new Cold War with China.
17 April 2020
Managing relations with China once the COVID-19 crisis abates will be one of the biggest challenges facing political leaders in the United States and Europe – two of the areas worst-hit by the virus that originated in China.So far, there has been a noticeable worsening of relations that had already soured in recent years – the latest step being President Donald Trump’s suspension of US funding for the World Health Organization (WHO) in response to accusations of Chinese interference in its operations.
Should the world now simply prepare for a period of intense and extended hostility? As director of a policy institute founded 100 years ago in the shadow of the First World War, I believe we must do all in our power to avoid a return of the global strategic rivalries that blighted the 20th century.
Of course, the outcome does not lie only in the hands of the US and Europe. In the 1930s, as much as they wanted to avoid another great war, British and French leaders were forced to respond to Germany’s aggression in central Europe. In the late 1940s, America’s instinct to disentangle itself from war-ravaged Europe was quickly tempered by the realization that the Soviet Union would impose or infiltrate Communist control as far into Europe as possible.
Today, those who warned that China - a one-party, surveillance state with a power-centralising leader - could never be treated as a global stakeholder feel vindicated. They see in COVID-19 an opportunity to harden policies towards China, starting by blocking all Chinese investment into 5G infrastructure and breaking international dependence on Chinese supply chains.
They can point to the fact that Chinese Communist Party officials in Wuhan initially prioritised sustaining economic growth and supressed reports about COVID-19’s capacity for human-to-human transmission, epitomised by their treatment of Dr Li Wenliang. They can highlight how Beijing’s obsession with denying Taiwan a voice in the WHO prevented Taiwanese input into the early analysis of the crisis. They can highlight the ways in which Beijing has instrumentalised its medical support for coronavirus-afflicted countries for diplomatic gain.
For their part, those in China who believed the US and Europe would never allow China’s return as a regional and world power see this criticism as further evidence. They can point to comments about this being the ‘Chinese virus’, a leaked biological weapon or China’s ‘Chernobyl moment’. ‘Wolf warrior’ Chinese diplomats have sought to outdo each other by challenging narratives about COVID-19, while propagating disinformation about the origins of the virus.
There are major risks if this blame game escalates, as it could in the lead-up to a fraught US presidential election. First, consciously uncoupling the US economically from China will make the post-coronavirus recovery that much harder. China already accounts for nearly 20% of world GDP but, unlike after the global financial crisis in 2008, it is fast becoming the world’s leading consumer market. Its financial stimulus measures need to be closely coordinated with the G7 and through the G20.
Second, Chinese scientists were the first to uncover the genetic code of the virus and shared it with the WHO as early as January 12, enabling the roll-out of effective testing around the world. They are now involved in the global search for a vaccine alongside American and European counterparts. While the Chinese government will remain a legitimate target for criticism, Chinese citizens and companies will contribute to many of the most important technical breakthroughs this century.
Third, if COVID-19 creates a long-term schism between China and the US, with Europeans caught on its edge, this could do deep damage to world order. China may become a less willing partner in lowering global greenhouse gas emissions and sharing renewable energy technologies; in helping African and other developing countries grow sustainably; and in helping to build a more resilient global health infrastructure.
But the COVID-19 crisis can also be the hinge point to a more coherent and self-interested transatlantic approach to China, one whose motto should be ‘beware but engage’. There should indeed be limits on state-backed Chinese investment in strategic US and European economic sectors, just as China limits Western access to its market. But the goal should be to lower barriers to trade and investment over time on a mutually beneficial and transparent basis, not to recreate an economic Cold War.
Chinese human rights violations, at home and abroad, should be called out. The dissemination of Chinese systems of citizen surveillance, which will be more popular in a post-coronavirus world, should be monitored and contested with US and European alternatives. And the extent of Chinese exports’ access to international markets should be conditional on China improving its phytosanitary standards - which protect humans, animals, and plants from diseases, pests, or contaminants - and strictly regulating unhygienic wet markets.
But to go further and try to make disengagement the dominant transatlantic policy as COVID-19 subsides will not only divide Europe and America. It will also contribute to a self-fulfilling prophecy; in which a resentful China grows apart from the US and Europe during a period where they must work together.
Given that it will likely be the world’s largest economy in 2030, how the US and Europe manage their relations with China after this crisis is a question at least as seminal as the one they faced after 1945 with the Soviet Union. In the ensuing years, the Soviet Union became a military superpower and competitor, but not an economic one. Containment was a viable, correct and, ultimately, successful strategy. The same options are not available this time. There will be no winners from a new Cold War with China.
(American Association for Cancer Research) Combining intratumoral electroporation of interleukin-12 (IL-12) DNA (tavokinogene telseplasmid, or TAVO) with the immune checkpoint inhibitor pembrolizumab (Keytruda) led to clinical responses in patients with immunologically quiescent advanced melanoma, according to results from a phase II trial.
(University of California - Davis) In the tropical atmosphere, cold air rises due to an overlooked effect -- the lightness of water vapor. This effect helps to stabilize tropical climates, and the impacts of a warming climate would be much worse without it.
(Clemson University) While the world admires the beauty and fragrance of flowers, most of us are missing out on the extraordinary processes these seemingly delicate life forms are carrying out every moment of the day. Matthew Koski, an assistant professor at Clemson, is not only paying attention, he is advancing his research with a three-year, $455,000 grant from the NSF for a study of flower adaptations titled 'Modifying the floral microenvironment: elevational divergence in floral thermoregulatory mechanisms.'
17 April 2020
Managing relations with China once the COVID-19 crisis abates will be one of the biggest challenges facing political leaders in the United States and Europe – two of the areas worst-hit by the virus that originated in China.So far, there has been a noticeable worsening of relations that had already soured in recent years – the latest step being President Donald Trump’s suspension of US funding for the World Health Organization (WHO) in response to accusations of Chinese interference in its operations.
Should the world now simply prepare for a period of intense and extended hostility? As director of a policy institute founded 100 years ago in the shadow of the First World War, I believe we must do all in our power to avoid a return of the global strategic rivalries that blighted the 20th century.
Of course, the outcome does not lie only in the hands of the US and Europe. In the 1930s, as much as they wanted to avoid another great war, British and French leaders were forced to respond to Germany’s aggression in central Europe. In the late 1940s, America’s instinct to disentangle itself from war-ravaged Europe was quickly tempered by the realization that the Soviet Union would impose or infiltrate Communist control as far into Europe as possible.
Today, those who warned that China - a one-party, surveillance state with a power-centralising leader - could never be treated as a global stakeholder feel vindicated. They see in COVID-19 an opportunity to harden policies towards China, starting by blocking all Chinese investment into 5G infrastructure and breaking international dependence on Chinese supply chains.
They can point to the fact that Chinese Communist Party officials in Wuhan initially prioritised sustaining economic growth and supressed reports about COVID-19’s capacity for human-to-human transmission, epitomised by their treatment of Dr Li Wenliang. They can highlight how Beijing’s obsession with denying Taiwan a voice in the WHO prevented Taiwanese input into the early analysis of the crisis. They can highlight the ways in which Beijing has instrumentalised its medical support for coronavirus-afflicted countries for diplomatic gain.
For their part, those in China who believed the US and Europe would never allow China’s return as a regional and world power see this criticism as further evidence. They can point to comments about this being the ‘Chinese virus’, a leaked biological weapon or China’s ‘Chernobyl moment’. ‘Wolf warrior’ Chinese diplomats have sought to outdo each other by challenging narratives about COVID-19, while propagating disinformation about the origins of the virus.
There are major risks if this blame game escalates, as it could in the lead-up to a fraught US presidential election. First, consciously uncoupling the US economically from China will make the post-coronavirus recovery that much harder. China already accounts for nearly 20% of world GDP but, unlike after the global financial crisis in 2008, it is fast becoming the world’s leading consumer market. Its financial stimulus measures need to be closely coordinated with the G7 and through the G20.
Second, Chinese scientists were the first to uncover the genetic code of the virus and shared it with the WHO as early as January 12, enabling the roll-out of effective testing around the world. They are now involved in the global search for a vaccine alongside American and European counterparts. While the Chinese government will remain a legitimate target for criticism, Chinese citizens and companies will contribute to many of the most important technical breakthroughs this century.
Third, if COVID-19 creates a long-term schism between China and the US, with Europeans caught on its edge, this could do deep damage to world order. China may become a less willing partner in lowering global greenhouse gas emissions and sharing renewable energy technologies; in helping African and other developing countries grow sustainably; and in helping to build a more resilient global health infrastructure.
But the COVID-19 crisis can also be the hinge point to a more coherent and self-interested transatlantic approach to China, one whose motto should be ‘beware but engage’. There should indeed be limits on state-backed Chinese investment in strategic US and European economic sectors, just as China limits Western access to its market. But the goal should be to lower barriers to trade and investment over time on a mutually beneficial and transparent basis, not to recreate an economic Cold War.
Chinese human rights violations, at home and abroad, should be called out. The dissemination of Chinese systems of citizen surveillance, which will be more popular in a post-coronavirus world, should be monitored and contested with US and European alternatives. And the extent of Chinese exports’ access to international markets should be conditional on China improving its phytosanitary standards - which protect humans, animals, and plants from diseases, pests, or contaminants - and strictly regulating unhygienic wet markets.
But to go further and try to make disengagement the dominant transatlantic policy as COVID-19 subsides will not only divide Europe and America. It will also contribute to a self-fulfilling prophecy; in which a resentful China grows apart from the US and Europe during a period where they must work together.
Given that it will likely be the world’s largest economy in 2030, how the US and Europe manage their relations with China after this crisis is a question at least as seminal as the one they faced after 1945 with the Soviet Union. In the ensuing years, the Soviet Union became a military superpower and competitor, but not an economic one. Containment was a viable, correct and, ultimately, successful strategy. The same options are not available this time. There will be no winners from a new Cold War with China.
A greater decrease in 24-h energy expenditure (24EE) during 24h fasting defines a thriftier metabolic phenotype prone to weight gain during overfeeding and resistant to weight loss during caloric restriction. As the thermogenic response to mild cold exposure (COLD) may similarly characterize this human phenotype identified by acute fasting conditions, we analyzed changes in 24EE and sleeping metabolic rate (SLEEP) in a whole-room indirect calorimeter during 24h fasting at thermoneutrality (24°C) and during energy balance both at thermoneutrality (24°C) and mild cold (19°C) in 20 healthy volunteers (80% male, age: 36.6±11.4y, percentage body fat: 34.8±10.5%). Greater decrease in 24EE during fasting (thriftier phenotype) was associated with less increase in 24EE during COLD, i.e. less cold-induced thermogenesis. Greater decreases in plasma fibroblast growth factor 21 (FGF21) after 24h fasting and after COLD were highly correlated and associated with greater decreases in SLEEP in both conditions. We conclude that the metabolic responses to short-term fasting and COLD are associated and mediated by the liver-derived hormone FGF21. Thus, the 24EE response to COLD further identifies the thrifty versus spendthrift phenotype, providing an additional setting to investigate the physiological mechanisms underlying the human metabolic phenotype and characterizing the individual susceptibility to weight change.
The common cold is usually mild and self limiting - but they’re very annoying, especially the runny nose and bunged up feeling that form the nasal symptoms. A new practice article, published on BMJ.com looks at the available evidence for treatment of those nasal symptoms - both pharmacological and alternative. In this podcast we're joined by...
17 April 2020
Managing relations with China once the COVID-19 crisis abates will be one of the biggest challenges facing political leaders in the United States and Europe – two of the areas worst-hit by the virus that originated in China.So far, there has been a noticeable worsening of relations that had already soured in recent years – the latest step being President Donald Trump’s suspension of US funding for the World Health Organization (WHO) in response to accusations of Chinese interference in its operations.
Should the world now simply prepare for a period of intense and extended hostility? As director of a policy institute founded 100 years ago in the shadow of the First World War, I believe we must do all in our power to avoid a return of the global strategic rivalries that blighted the 20th century.
Of course, the outcome does not lie only in the hands of the US and Europe. In the 1930s, as much as they wanted to avoid another great war, British and French leaders were forced to respond to Germany’s aggression in central Europe. In the late 1940s, America’s instinct to disentangle itself from war-ravaged Europe was quickly tempered by the realization that the Soviet Union would impose or infiltrate Communist control as far into Europe as possible.
Today, those who warned that China - a one-party, surveillance state with a power-centralising leader - could never be treated as a global stakeholder feel vindicated. They see in COVID-19 an opportunity to harden policies towards China, starting by blocking all Chinese investment into 5G infrastructure and breaking international dependence on Chinese supply chains.
They can point to the fact that Chinese Communist Party officials in Wuhan initially prioritised sustaining economic growth and supressed reports about COVID-19’s capacity for human-to-human transmission, epitomised by their treatment of Dr Li Wenliang. They can highlight how Beijing’s obsession with denying Taiwan a voice in the WHO prevented Taiwanese input into the early analysis of the crisis. They can highlight the ways in which Beijing has instrumentalised its medical support for coronavirus-afflicted countries for diplomatic gain.
For their part, those in China who believed the US and Europe would never allow China’s return as a regional and world power see this criticism as further evidence. They can point to comments about this being the ‘Chinese virus’, a leaked biological weapon or China’s ‘Chernobyl moment’. ‘Wolf warrior’ Chinese diplomats have sought to outdo each other by challenging narratives about COVID-19, while propagating disinformation about the origins of the virus.
There are major risks if this blame game escalates, as it could in the lead-up to a fraught US presidential election. First, consciously uncoupling the US economically from China will make the post-coronavirus recovery that much harder. China already accounts for nearly 20% of world GDP but, unlike after the global financial crisis in 2008, it is fast becoming the world’s leading consumer market. Its financial stimulus measures need to be closely coordinated with the G7 and through the G20.
Second, Chinese scientists were the first to uncover the genetic code of the virus and shared it with the WHO as early as January 12, enabling the roll-out of effective testing around the world. They are now involved in the global search for a vaccine alongside American and European counterparts. While the Chinese government will remain a legitimate target for criticism, Chinese citizens and companies will contribute to many of the most important technical breakthroughs this century.
Third, if COVID-19 creates a long-term schism between China and the US, with Europeans caught on its edge, this could do deep damage to world order. China may become a less willing partner in lowering global greenhouse gas emissions and sharing renewable energy technologies; in helping African and other developing countries grow sustainably; and in helping to build a more resilient global health infrastructure.
But the COVID-19 crisis can also be the hinge point to a more coherent and self-interested transatlantic approach to China, one whose motto should be ‘beware but engage’. There should indeed be limits on state-backed Chinese investment in strategic US and European economic sectors, just as China limits Western access to its market. But the goal should be to lower barriers to trade and investment over time on a mutually beneficial and transparent basis, not to recreate an economic Cold War.
Chinese human rights violations, at home and abroad, should be called out. The dissemination of Chinese systems of citizen surveillance, which will be more popular in a post-coronavirus world, should be monitored and contested with US and European alternatives. And the extent of Chinese exports’ access to international markets should be conditional on China improving its phytosanitary standards - which protect humans, animals, and plants from diseases, pests, or contaminants - and strictly regulating unhygienic wet markets.
But to go further and try to make disengagement the dominant transatlantic policy as COVID-19 subsides will not only divide Europe and America. It will also contribute to a self-fulfilling prophecy; in which a resentful China grows apart from the US and Europe during a period where they must work together.
Given that it will likely be the world’s largest economy in 2030, how the US and Europe manage their relations with China after this crisis is a question at least as seminal as the one they faced after 1945 with the Soviet Union. In the ensuing years, the Soviet Union became a military superpower and competitor, but not an economic one. Containment was a viable, correct and, ultimately, successful strategy. The same options are not available this time. There will be no winners from a new Cold War with China.
A recent publication questioned the integrity of insulin purchased from U.S. retail pharmacies. We sought to independently validate the method used, isotope dilution solid-phase extraction (SPE) liquid chromatography mass spectrometry (LC-MS), and expand analysis to two U.S. Pharmacopeia (USP) methods (high-performance LC with ultraviolet detection and LC-MS).
Each method was used to evaluate nine insulin formulations, purchased at four pharmacies, within five geographic locations in the U.S.
All human and analog insulins measured by the USP methods (n = 174) contained the expected quantity of active insulin (100 ± 5 units/mL). When using isotope dilution SPE-LC-MS, units-per-milliliter values were well below product labeling due to unequal recovery of the internal standard compared with target insulin.
Insulin purchased from U.S. pharmacies is consistent with product labeling.
Researchers suggest the coldest material in the universe could reveal the presence of dark matter particles.
Americans across a large portion of the Northeast are in the midst of an unusually late-season blast of Arctic air courtesy of the polar vortex.
Why would David Vitter, a U.S. senator with four young children, have gotten involved with a seedy escort service? Why would Michael Vick, a gifted NFL quarterback, get mixed up with the sordid world of dog fighting? Why would Bill Clinton, a Rhodes scholar, six-time governor and president of the...
After 62 years underwater, the USS "Stickleback"—the casualty of an accidental friendly collision—has finally been found
Nuclear bomb tests caused a spike in a radioactive form of carbon that accumulated in living things
<span class="topsy_trackback_comment"><span class="topsy_twitter_username"><span class="topsy_trackback_content">Coldplay und Taio Cruz erhalten ASCAP Awards | RSS Feeds – IMC ...: Coldplay und Taio Cruz erhalten... http://bit.ly/d9aHcK #indiemusictips</span></span>
The Coldwater band is calling for federal intervention after Trans Mountain announced it was changing the way it would study the aquifer the First Nation relies on for its drinking water.
Widowed, with two sons in wheelchairs, Doña Angela struggled to care for her 10 children, until the Lord brought OM Costa Rica into her life.
In 2007, manufacturers voluntarily withdrew over-the-counter (OTC) infant cough and cold medications (CCMs) from the US market. A year later, manufacturers announced OTC CCM labeling would be revised to warn against OTC CCM use by children aged <4 years.
Among children aged <2 and 2 to 3 years, emergency department visits for CCM adverse events declined nationally after the withdrawal and labeling revision announcement relative to all adverse drug event visits. Unsupervised ingestions caused most CCM adverse events after each intervention. (Read the full article)
Prison time for other defendants on murder, weapons, racketeering, drug, and sexual abuse charges The operator of a criminal enterprise run out of several massage parlors he owned throughout the state, was found liable of 3 violations of the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (R.I.C.O.) statute. The State alleged that Da Zhong Wang, 55, formerly […]
Other defendants receive prison sentences for fatal shootings Kili Mayfield, a man convicted of raping 3 women over the course of 7 years will spend the rest of his life in prison. Mayfield, 40, of Bear, was arrested in June 2018 after being linked to the raping, beating, and strangling of a woman and 2 […]
The 10th Annual Heart 2 Heart Hugs Campaign for Delaware’s Homeless Children Need Coats, Hats, Sleeping Bags, Gloves and other warm new or hand made items. It’s been a decade since the Governor’s Advisory Council for Exceptional Citizens (GACEC) has orchestrated the Heart 2 Heart Hugs campaign which provides warm winter clothes to school districts […]
NEW CASTLE (Jan. 30, 2019) With Delaware facing the coldest temperatures of the winter from Wednesday night through Thursday, Code Purple is being declared across the state by the nonprofit and volunteer organizations that operate the shelters to keep people who are homeless safe during dangerous winter weather. When severe snowstorms or sub-zero temperatures are […]
Chief minister YS Jagan Mohan Reddy said YSR Telemedicine will continue on a permanent basis and village clinics will have great utility in times of health emergency.
Adobe ColdFusion versions 9.0, 9.0.1, and 9.0.2 do not properly check the "rdsPasswordAllowed" field when accessing the Administrator API CFC that is used for logging in. The login function never checks if RDS is enabled when rdsPasswordAllowed="true". This means that if RDS was not configured, the RDS user does not have a password associated with their username. This means by setting rdsPasswordAllowed to "true", we can bypass the admin login to use the rdsPassword, which in most cases, is blank. These details were purchased through the Packet Storm Bug Bounty program and are being released to the community.
For years, climate contrarians have pointed to snowfall and cold weather to question the scientific reality of human-induced climate change.
FALMOUTH, Maine (AP) — The coronavirus pandemic has canceled dozens of spring traditions, from college basketball’s Final Four to Easter Sunday services, but there’s one rite that’s going on largely unfettered — turkey hunting. Every state except Alaska, which is the only state with no turkeys, hosts a spring turkey hunt each year. The birds, whose domesticated cousins grace Thanksgiving tables from Hawaii to Maine, are among America’s greatest conservation success stories. The hunt is taking on a new look in some parts of the country this year due to social distancing laws. Many states, including Maine, are requiring out-of-state residents to self quarantine for two...
Efforts to fast-track the opening of pubs next month have been delivered a body blow by Chief Medical Officer Dr Tony Holohan.
It may not be the biggest in the world, but the Faroe Islands' Betri League will for once be in the spotlight when its season kicks off on Saturday.
Title: Heat Beats Cold for Treating Jellyfish Stings
Category: Health News
Created: 4/29/2016 12:00:00 AM
Last Editorial Review: 4/29/2016 12:00:00 AM
Title: Health Tip: Stave Off Cold Symptoms for Better Sleep
Category: Health News
Created: 5/3/2017 12:00:00 AM
Last Editorial Review: 5/3/2017 12:00:00 AM