tough This Virus Is Tough, but History Provides Perspective: The 1968 Pandemic and the Vietnam War By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 24, 2020 Apr 24, 2020Nathaniel L. Moir recounts the events of 1968: The war in Vietnam and extensive civil unrest in the United States — and yet another big problem that made life harder. In 1968, the H3N2 pandemic killed more individuals in the United States than the combined total number of American fatalities during both the Vietnam and Korean Wars. Full Article
tough This Virus Is Tough, but History Provides Perspective: The 1968 Pandemic and the Vietnam War By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 24, 2020 Apr 24, 2020Nathaniel L. Moir recounts the events of 1968: The war in Vietnam and extensive civil unrest in the United States — and yet another big problem that made life harder. In 1968, the H3N2 pandemic killed more individuals in the United States than the combined total number of American fatalities during both the Vietnam and Korean Wars. Full Article
tough This Virus Is Tough, but History Provides Perspective: The 1968 Pandemic and the Vietnam War By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 24, 2020 Apr 24, 2020Nathaniel L. Moir recounts the events of 1968: The war in Vietnam and extensive civil unrest in the United States — and yet another big problem that made life harder. In 1968, the H3N2 pandemic killed more individuals in the United States than the combined total number of American fatalities during both the Vietnam and Korean Wars. Full Article
tough This Virus Is Tough, but History Provides Perspective: The 1968 Pandemic and the Vietnam War By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 24, 2020 Apr 24, 2020Nathaniel L. Moir recounts the events of 1968: The war in Vietnam and extensive civil unrest in the United States — and yet another big problem that made life harder. In 1968, the H3N2 pandemic killed more individuals in the United States than the combined total number of American fatalities during both the Vietnam and Korean Wars. Full Article
tough This Virus Is Tough, but History Provides Perspective: The 1968 Pandemic and the Vietnam War By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 24, 2020 Apr 24, 2020Nathaniel L. Moir recounts the events of 1968: The war in Vietnam and extensive civil unrest in the United States — and yet another big problem that made life harder. In 1968, the H3N2 pandemic killed more individuals in the United States than the combined total number of American fatalities during both the Vietnam and Korean Wars. Full Article
tough This Virus Is Tough, but History Provides Perspective: The 1968 Pandemic and the Vietnam War By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 24, 2020 Apr 24, 2020Nathaniel L. Moir recounts the events of 1968: The war in Vietnam and extensive civil unrest in the United States — and yet another big problem that made life harder. In 1968, the H3N2 pandemic killed more individuals in the United States than the combined total number of American fatalities during both the Vietnam and Korean Wars. Full Article
tough This Virus Is Tough, but History Provides Perspective: The 1968 Pandemic and the Vietnam War By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 24, 2020 Apr 24, 2020Nathaniel L. Moir recounts the events of 1968: The war in Vietnam and extensive civil unrest in the United States — and yet another big problem that made life harder. In 1968, the H3N2 pandemic killed more individuals in the United States than the combined total number of American fatalities during both the Vietnam and Korean Wars. Full Article
tough This Virus Is Tough, but History Provides Perspective: The 1968 Pandemic and the Vietnam War By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 24, 2020 Apr 24, 2020Nathaniel L. Moir recounts the events of 1968: The war in Vietnam and extensive civil unrest in the United States — and yet another big problem that made life harder. In 1968, the H3N2 pandemic killed more individuals in the United States than the combined total number of American fatalities during both the Vietnam and Korean Wars. Full Article
tough This Virus Is Tough, but History Provides Perspective: The 1968 Pandemic and the Vietnam War By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 24, 2020 Apr 24, 2020Nathaniel L. Moir recounts the events of 1968: The war in Vietnam and extensive civil unrest in the United States — and yet another big problem that made life harder. In 1968, the H3N2 pandemic killed more individuals in the United States than the combined total number of American fatalities during both the Vietnam and Korean Wars. Full Article
tough This Virus Is Tough, but History Provides Perspective: The 1968 Pandemic and the Vietnam War By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 24, 2020 Apr 24, 2020Nathaniel L. Moir recounts the events of 1968: The war in Vietnam and extensive civil unrest in the United States — and yet another big problem that made life harder. In 1968, the H3N2 pandemic killed more individuals in the United States than the combined total number of American fatalities during both the Vietnam and Korean Wars. Full Article
tough This Virus Is Tough, but History Provides Perspective: The 1968 Pandemic and the Vietnam War By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 24, 2020 Apr 24, 2020Nathaniel L. Moir recounts the events of 1968: The war in Vietnam and extensive civil unrest in the United States — and yet another big problem that made life harder. In 1968, the H3N2 pandemic killed more individuals in the United States than the combined total number of American fatalities during both the Vietnam and Korean Wars. Full Article
tough This Virus Is Tough, but History Provides Perspective: The 1968 Pandemic and the Vietnam War By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 24, 2020 Apr 24, 2020Nathaniel L. Moir recounts the events of 1968: The war in Vietnam and extensive civil unrest in the United States — and yet another big problem that made life harder. In 1968, the H3N2 pandemic killed more individuals in the United States than the combined total number of American fatalities during both the Vietnam and Korean Wars. Full Article
tough This Virus Is Tough, but History Provides Perspective: The 1968 Pandemic and the Vietnam War By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 24, 2020 Apr 24, 2020Nathaniel L. Moir recounts the events of 1968: The war in Vietnam and extensive civil unrest in the United States — and yet another big problem that made life harder. In 1968, the H3N2 pandemic killed more individuals in the United States than the combined total number of American fatalities during both the Vietnam and Korean Wars. Full Article
tough This Virus Is Tough, but History Provides Perspective: The 1968 Pandemic and the Vietnam War By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 24, 2020 Apr 24, 2020Nathaniel L. Moir recounts the events of 1968: The war in Vietnam and extensive civil unrest in the United States — and yet another big problem that made life harder. In 1968, the H3N2 pandemic killed more individuals in the United States than the combined total number of American fatalities during both the Vietnam and Korean Wars. Full Article
tough This Virus Is Tough, but History Provides Perspective: The 1968 Pandemic and the Vietnam War By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 24, 2020 Apr 24, 2020Nathaniel L. Moir recounts the events of 1968: The war in Vietnam and extensive civil unrest in the United States — and yet another big problem that made life harder. In 1968, the H3N2 pandemic killed more individuals in the United States than the combined total number of American fatalities during both the Vietnam and Korean Wars. Full Article
tough This Virus Is Tough, but History Provides Perspective: The 1968 Pandemic and the Vietnam War By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 24, 2020 Apr 24, 2020Nathaniel L. Moir recounts the events of 1968: The war in Vietnam and extensive civil unrest in the United States — and yet another big problem that made life harder. In 1968, the H3N2 pandemic killed more individuals in the United States than the combined total number of American fatalities during both the Vietnam and Korean Wars. Full Article
tough This Virus Is Tough, but History Provides Perspective: The 1968 Pandemic and the Vietnam War By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 24, 2020 Apr 24, 2020Nathaniel L. Moir recounts the events of 1968: The war in Vietnam and extensive civil unrest in the United States — and yet another big problem that made life harder. In 1968, the H3N2 pandemic killed more individuals in the United States than the combined total number of American fatalities during both the Vietnam and Korean Wars. Full Article
tough This Virus Is Tough, but History Provides Perspective: The 1968 Pandemic and the Vietnam War By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 24, 2020 Apr 24, 2020Nathaniel L. Moir recounts the events of 1968: The war in Vietnam and extensive civil unrest in the United States — and yet another big problem that made life harder. In 1968, the H3N2 pandemic killed more individuals in the United States than the combined total number of American fatalities during both the Vietnam and Korean Wars. Full Article
tough This Virus Is Tough, but History Provides Perspective: The 1968 Pandemic and the Vietnam War By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 24, 2020 Apr 24, 2020Nathaniel L. Moir recounts the events of 1968: The war in Vietnam and extensive civil unrest in the United States — and yet another big problem that made life harder. In 1968, the H3N2 pandemic killed more individuals in the United States than the combined total number of American fatalities during both the Vietnam and Korean Wars. Full Article
tough This Virus Is Tough, but History Provides Perspective: The 1968 Pandemic and the Vietnam War By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 24, 2020 Apr 24, 2020Nathaniel L. Moir recounts the events of 1968: The war in Vietnam and extensive civil unrest in the United States — and yet another big problem that made life harder. In 1968, the H3N2 pandemic killed more individuals in the United States than the combined total number of American fatalities during both the Vietnam and Korean Wars. Full Article
tough Allison explains Ferrari win and why a repeat will be tough By en.espnf1.com Published On :: Sun, 29 Mar 2015 13:20:36 GMT James Allison is not convinced Ferrari will be able to repeat its performance in Malaysia at the Chinese Grand Prix in two weeks Full Article
tough This Virus Is Tough, but History Provides Perspective: The 1968 Pandemic and the Vietnam War By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 24, 2020 Apr 24, 2020Nathaniel L. Moir recounts the events of 1968: The war in Vietnam and extensive civil unrest in the United States — and yet another big problem that made life harder. In 1968, the H3N2 pandemic killed more individuals in the United States than the combined total number of American fatalities during both the Vietnam and Korean Wars. Full Article
tough This Virus Is Tough, but History Provides Perspective: The 1968 Pandemic and the Vietnam War By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 24, 2020 Apr 24, 2020Nathaniel L. Moir recounts the events of 1968: The war in Vietnam and extensive civil unrest in the United States — and yet another big problem that made life harder. In 1968, the H3N2 pandemic killed more individuals in the United States than the combined total number of American fatalities during both the Vietnam and Korean Wars. Full Article
tough This Virus Is Tough, but History Provides Perspective: The 1968 Pandemic and the Vietnam War By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 24, 2020 Apr 24, 2020Nathaniel L. Moir recounts the events of 1968: The war in Vietnam and extensive civil unrest in the United States — and yet another big problem that made life harder. In 1968, the H3N2 pandemic killed more individuals in the United States than the combined total number of American fatalities during both the Vietnam and Korean Wars. Full Article
tough This Virus Is Tough, but History Provides Perspective: The 1968 Pandemic and the Vietnam War By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 24, 2020 Apr 24, 2020Nathaniel L. Moir recounts the events of 1968: The war in Vietnam and extensive civil unrest in the United States — and yet another big problem that made life harder. In 1968, the H3N2 pandemic killed more individuals in the United States than the combined total number of American fatalities during both the Vietnam and Korean Wars. Full Article
tough Confronting Concentrated Poverty in Tough Economic Times By webfeeds.brookings.edu Published On :: Wed, 03 Dec 2008 12:00:00 -0500 I want to begin by saying how grateful we were at Brookings to partner with the Federal Reserve System on this concentrated poverty project. We like to think that at Brookings we know a lot about this subject, but it was only through this partnership with the Fed that we were able to ground this understanding in the experiences of the 16 communities across the United States that were the focus of the report’s case studies.The report demonstrates that in addition to managing the macroeconomy, the Fed also possesses a unique and powerful understanding of the U.S. economy from the ground up, which is absolutely necessary for designing smart policy in turbulent times like these. I want to also give special thanks to my colleagues David Erickson and Carolina Reid at the San Francisco Fed. They played several roles in this project for me: intellectual partners, co-conspirators, mood lighteners, and Fed sherpas. It can be tough for foreigners like myself to navigate this system, and they lightened my load throughout the project. I also want to thank my Brookings colleague Elizabeth Kneebone, who performed a lot of the data analysis for this project. I want to argue three points, largely policy points, in my remarks this morning. First, the current economic climate makes the issue of concentrated poverty, and our response, more relevant, not less. Second, major near-term investments our country makes to resolve the economic crisis can and should provide meaningful opportunities for the most disadvantaged families and communities. And third, our longer-run efforts to assist high-poverty areas and their residents must take account of the economic challenges and opportunities that manifest at the regional, metropolitan level. To begin, let’s review where we were when the Fed and Brookings joined forces on this effort in May 2006. The unemployment rate was 4.7 percent, a five-year low. Payrolls were expanding every month for the third consecutive year. The poverty rate, while still above its low in 2000, was dropping. The federal deficit was a relatively manageable 2% of GDP. The Dow was above 11,000, and on its way up. And the 2008 general election promised a storied matchup between party favorites Hillary Clinton and Rudy Giuliani. A lot can happen in 30 months! In the wake of record house-price declines and financial market fallout, the economic outlook today is grim. The unemployment rate is 6.5 percent and rising. One projection suggests that the downturn could eventually increase the ranks of the nation’s poor by anywhere from 7 to 10 million. And amid declining revenues and increased expenditure needs, the U.S. budget deficit is expected to top $1 trillion this year. In short, the situation for the lowest-income communities and their residents is not encouraging. And neither is our starting point. As Paul Jargowsky’s research has shown, the incidence of concentrated poverty in America dropped markedly during the 1990s, after two decades of increase. Some combination of a tight labor market and policy changes to promote work and break up the deepest concentrations of poverty seemed responsible for that decline. But as Elizabeth and I found in a recent Brookings report, we may have given back much of that progress during the first half of this decade. The population in what we termed “high working poverty” communities rose by 40 percent between 1999 and 2005. This suggests that America’s high-poverty areas may have never really recovered from the modest downturn we experienced at the beginning of the decade. Now, with all the turmoil in our economy, it would be easy to lose sight of these places and their residents, who even seem to have missed out on the benefits of recent growth. But if we are to meet the enormous challenges facing our country—economic, social, and environmental—we simply can’t afford to take a blind eye to the continuing problem of concentrated poverty. As decades of research and this report have shown, concentrated poverty magnifies the problems faced by the poor, and exacts a significant toll on the lives of families in its midst. This report greatly enhances our understanding of how high-poverty communities of all stripes bear these costs. Moreover, it suggests that the contemporary circumstances of these communities owe not just to long-term market dynamics, but also to policy choices made over several decades’ time—some deliberate in their intent, and some producing unfortunate unintended consequences. Today we’re at an important inflection point for policy. With the economy souring, we don’t have the luxury of using an “auto-pilot” strategy of macroeconomic growth to reach the most disadvantaged places and their residents. Quite the opposite—just as these communities are often “last in” for economic opportunity during boom times, they seem to be “first out” when things shift into reverse. But the specific nature of the current crisis also poses added challenges for high-poverty communities. That is because many of these areas were ground zero for risky subprime lending over the last several years. In many of the case-study communities in the report, half or more of recent home mortgages were high-cost subprime loans. Now, they are on the front lines of the fallout. Our calculations of HUD data show that census tracts where the poverty rate was at least 40 percent in 2000—the conventional definition behind concentrated poverty—have an estimated foreclosure rate over 9 percent, roughly double the nationwide average. This poses both an immediate and a long-term threat to what little stability these communities possess. Over the short term, these areas face problems associated with heightened property neglect, vacancy, and abandonment. Not only can those conditions breed crime and disorder, but also they can accelerate a process of further disinvestment from high-poverty neighborhoods, which are all too familiar with that cycle of decline. Over the long run, the public sector will work to return foreclosed properties in these neighborhoods to productive use. But there is a danger that we may once again re-concentrate poverty in these neighborhoods if these assets are not managed and deployed strategically. In sum, recent trends and a perilous road ahead merit a meaningful policy response to the challenges facing areas of concentrated poverty and their residents. This brings me to my second point, which is that near-term policy choices can ameliorate the impacts of the current crisis on areas of concentrated poverty. In less than 50 days, a new administration will take office in Washington, facing economic challenges of a scale not seen in decades. The president-elect and his advisors have signaled that they are ready to “do what it takes” to stimulate the economy, create and protect jobs, and catalyze investment in new sectors to spur longer-term growth. I believe that policies advanced by the new administration and Congress in the first few weeks of the new year, if designed and executed well, could matter greatly for the fortunes of the nation’s high-poverty communities. First, a comprehensive strategy to deal with the foreclosure crisis is sorely needed. This would feature, first and foremost, a broad plan to forestall the rising tide of mortgages, including many in high-poverty communities, headed for default due to falling home prices, economic dislocation, and poor underwriting. However, even a sweeping, generous approach will not prevent the inevitable. Especially in high-poverty areas, more loans will fall into foreclosure, more people will lose their homes, and fiscally-strapped local governments will be left to manage the consequences of increasing vacancy and abandonment. The Neighborhood Stabilization Program enacted by Congress and the Bush administration during the summer of 2008 represents an initial effort to arm state and local leaders with the resources to tackle the neighborhood impacts of rising foreclosures. But significant deterioration of the economy in the intervening months suggests that the problem may now be of a much larger scale than was originally anticipated. What’s more, many local governments lack the capacity, expertise, and legal authorities to use existing or additional resources strategically. So the new administration, and HUD in particular, will need to consider a further round of response—using some mix of fiscal, regulatory, capacity-building, and bully pulpit powers—to help cash-strapped local governments mitigate the impacts of foreclosure on their most vulnerable communities. Second, there seems to be wide agreement that the economic recovery package should include a series of measures that inject money into the economy right away. So the package will provide immediate assistance to families, communities, and governments hit hard by the downturn, in the likely form of extended unemployment and increased food stamp benefits, increased state and local aid, and low- to middle-income tax cuts, spending designed to make a real economic impact in the next several months. A couple of details here are of real consequence to communities of concentrated poverty. Income tax cuts included in the package should be refundable, like the Earned Income Tax Credit, or EITC. Boosting the EITC, for instance, would provide additional help to workers most likely to be hit hard by the downturn, and target resources to families most likely to spend the additional cash immediately. As the report shows, at least 30 percent, and as many as 60 percent, of families in the case-study communities today benefit from the EITC. Unemployment insurance benefits should be extended, but also modernized. As the case studies showed, work among residents of high-poverty communities is often seasonal or part-time, even in a good economy. As a result, many laid-off workers from poor areas in several states may not qualify for benefits due to outmoded eligibility rules. Therefore, in addition to extending weeks of eligibility for UI, Congress and the new administration might also consider providing incentives to states to expand the pool of workers who could benefit from the program during the downturn. Third, infrastructure will clearly figure prominently among the spending priorities in the recovery package. Yet there is a significant risk that focusing dollars primarily on projects that states deem “shovel-ready,” as has been discussed, will repeat mistakes of the past. It would primarily subsidize road-building at the metropolitan fringe, and do little to enhance long-run economic growth, or provide better opportunities for low-income people and the places they live. Infrastructure investments of the magnitude under consideration must not only create jobs, but also promote inclusive and sustainable growth. That means setting strict criteria for federal investment, including a real assessment of costs and benefits that considers economic, environmental, and social impacts. As the report shows, poor infrastructure often acts as a barrier to the economic integration of high-poverty communities into their larger municipal and regional areas. To that end, we should also consider providing direct support for large, cash-strapped municipal governments that they could use to modernize and preserve roads, bridges, transit, water, sewer, and perhaps even broadband infrastructure. At the same time, we should hold them and grantees at all other levels of government accountable for connecting younger, disadvantaged workers and communities to the jobs that result. In short, what happens in the first several weeks of the new year here in Washington could, if structured properly, provide meaningful support and opportunity for low-income areas and their residents. At a minimum, this might avert the sort of backsliding these communities suffered during the much milder recession we experienced earlier this decade. So that brings me to my third and final point, which is that, over the longer term, we must advance policies that actively link the fortunes of poor communities to those of their regional neighbors. As you probably heard or read, our division at Brookings is named the “Metropolitan Policy Program.” Our mission is to provide decision makers with cutting-edge research and policy ideas for improving the health and prosperity of cities and metropolitan areas. You might ask, why metropolitan? After all, this is not a term that most Americans use, think about, or even recognize, even though 85 percent of us live in metropolitan areas. A friend of the program once told us that it sounded like a combination of “metrosexual” and “cosmopolitan.” Not exactly what we were going for. More specifically, what relevance does “metropolitan” have for addressing the challenges of concentrated poverty? Well, the report points to skills and employability problems that hold back residents of high-poverty communities. If the route to improving the lives of families affected by concentrated poverty runs in part through the labor market, then we must devise strategies and solutions that respect and respond to the geography of that market—which is metropolitan. The report also points to housing problems, of various stripes, that segregate the poor in these communities and make their daily lives more difficult. Housing markets, too, are metropolitan—and housing dynamics in the wealthiest parts of each metro are inextricably linked to those in the poorest parts. The fact is, our national economy—and that of most industrialized nations—is largely the aggregate of its individual metropolitan economies. In the United States, the 100 largest metro areas account for 12 percent of our land mass, hold 65 percent of our residents, and generate three-quarters of our Gross Domestic Product. They possess even greater shares of our innovative businesses, our most knowledgeable workers, the critical infrastructure that connects us to the global economy, and the quality places that attract, retain, and enhance the productivity of workers and firms. And as the report shows, regions—both metropolitan and non-metropolitan—each retain distinctive clusters that shape their individual contributions to the national economic pie. Photonics in Rochester. Hospitality and tourism in Atlantic City and Miami. Manufacturing in Albany, Georgia. Agriculture and business services in Central California. These clusters do not possess equal strength or equal potential, but they define the starting point for thinking about the regional economic future of these areas, and economic opportunities for their residents. Not only are the assets of our economy fundamentally metropolitan… increasingly, our challenges are, too. In 2006, we found that for the first time, more than half of the poor in metropolitan America lived in suburbs, not cities. While poor suburban families don’t yet concentrate at the levels seen in the communities in this report, they are trending in this direction. Between 1999 and 2005, the number of suburban tax filers living in “moderate” working poverty communities rose by nearly 50 percent. So what does recognition of our metropolitan reality imply for longer-run policies to help the poorest communities and their residents? Bruce has argued elsewhere that our nation must embrace a new, unified framework for addressing the needs of poor neighborhoods and their residents. He has termed this, Creating Neighborhoods of Choice and Connection. Neighborhoods of choice are communities in which lower-income people can both find a place to start, and as their incomes rise, a place to stay. They are also communities to which people of higher incomes can move, for their distinctiveness, amenities, or location. This requires an acceptance of economic integration as a goal of housing and neighborhood policy. Neighborhoods of connection are communities that link families to opportunity, wherever in the metropolis that opportunity might be located. This requires a much more profound commitment to the “educational offer” in these communities and the larger areas of which they are a part. It also requires a pragmatic vision of the “geography of opportunity” with regard to jobs, housing, and other choices. If we take this vision seriously, then our interventions must operate within, and relate to, the metro geography of our economy. This means viewing the conditions and prospects of poor areas through the lens of the broader economic regions of which they are a part, and explicitly gearing policy in that direction. A simple example relates to the geography of work. In the Springfield, Massachusetts metro area, roughly 30 percent of the region’s jobs still cluster in the neighborhoods close to downtown, including Old Hill and Six Corners. In the Miami metro area, by contrast, only 9 percent of the region’s jobs lie close to its downtown, implying transportation needs of a quite different scale for Little Haiti’s residents. In response, we should empower metropolitan transportation planners to address the unique nature of these spatial divides, and measure their performance on creating inclusive systems that overcome them. This metro lens applies to workforce development as well. Labor market intermediaries are some of the most promising mechanisms for bridging the information and skills divide between poor communities and regional economic opportunity. One of the highest performers, the Wisconsin Regional Training Partnership, works in the home region of one of our case-study communities, Milwaukee. If workforce policies and funding at all levels of government were to emphasize employer partnerships, provide greater flexibility, and reward performance, we could grow more capable institutions like these that serve the needs of low-income communities and regional firms alike. A metro perspective can apply to school reform as well. We have called for a new focus at the Department of Education on supporting proven, successful educational entrepreneurs—charter management organizations like KIPP, human capital providers like Teach for America, student support organizations like College Summit. The demand for these entrepreneurial solutions extends well beyond the highest-poverty neighborhoods. Federal education policy should consider investing in these entrepreneurs at the metropolitan scale, to aggregate a critical mass of those organizations, serve a significant percentage of the area’s children, and drive positive changes in the entire public education environment. Finally, our housing policies must embrace metro-wide economic diversity, which is a hallmark of neighborhoods of choice and connection. This means expanding housing opportunities for middle-income families in deprived neighborhoods. We simply cannot continue to cluster low-income housing in already low-income areas, perpetuating the sort of economic segregation evident in so many of the case-study communities, and thereby consign another generation to a childhood amid concentrated poverty. Likewise, we must guard against the possibility that the current foreclosure crisis leads to a re-concentration of poor households in neighborhoods that were just beginning to achieve greater economic diversity. But this is a two-way street. It also means creating more high-quality housing opportunities for low-income families in growing suburban job centers. Requiring or providing incentives to metropolitan areas to engage in regional housing planning, alongside regional transportation planning, may be a necessary first step. Those plans could also apply a more rational screen to the development choices that have fueled sprawl, and thereby added to the social and economic isolation of the lowest-income communities. Let me end where I began. This is both an auspicious and a challenging moment at which to wrestle with the problem of concentrated poverty in America. Auspicious in that we are approaching the dawn of a new government in Washington that has signaled concern for our nation’s low-income residents and communities, recognition that metropolitan economies are the engines of our prosperity, and a pragmatic commitment to doing what works. Challenging in that making progress against concentrated poverty, and improving opportunity for those in its midst, is a tall order when the macroeconomy isn’t cooperating. But the current economic climate is not an excuse to avoid this problem; rather, it’s an imperative to act, strategically and purposefully. That means doing the big near-term things the right way, so that low-income communities and their residents do not bear an excessive brunt of the downturn, and so that they participate meaningfully in our eventual economic recovery. And it means getting the long-term vision right, so that policy advances sustainable, metro-led solutions that connect poor neighborhoods and poor families to opportunity in the wider economy around them. The Federal Reserve System has tremendous, well-earned credibility for understanding and advancing dialogue around the future of our nation’s economic regions. I look forward to continuing to work with the Fed to increase public understanding of concentrated poverty, and to make tackling it a crucial element of strategies to promote regional and national prosperity. Downloads Download Authors Alan Berube Publication: Federal Reserve Board of Governors Full Article
tough Delivering Tough Love to Ukraine, Georgia By webfeeds.brookings.edu Published On :: Fri, 24 Jul 2009 12:00:00 -0400 Steven Pifer joined Bernard Gwertzman to discuss Vice President Joseph Biden's recent trip to Ukraine and Georgia and how it was meant to balance President Barack Obama's Moscow summit earlier in the month. Bernard Gwertzman: Vice President Joseph Biden has just completed a trip to Ukraine and Georgia to reassure both of those former Soviet republics that the American desire to "reset" relations--Biden's words in Munich last February--with Russia were not meant at their expense. But he also had what one Biden aide called "tough love" for both of them. Could you elaborate on this trip? Steven Pifer: That was the first point of the trip: to reassure Kiev and Tbilisi that the United States remains interested in robust relations with Ukraine and Georgia, and that we will work to keep open their pathways to Europe and the North Atlantic community. When I was in Ukraine about five or six weeks ago, what I heard from the Ukrainians was a concern--and I suspect there is a parallel concern in Georgia--that the effort to reset relations with Russia would somehow come at Ukraine's expense. So part of the trip by the vice president was to assure both Ukraine and Georgia that the United States is not going to undercut relations with those two countries as it tries to develop relations with Russia. You've seen points made by this administration, indeed going back to the Munich speech itself, saying the reset of relations would not mean recognition of a Russian "sphere of influence" over the former Soviet states, and then repeated assurances that the United States supports the rights of countries such as Ukraine and Georgia as sovereign states to choose their own foreign policy course. Gwertzman: What was also interesting to me was that in his speech in Ukraine, Biden was virtually demanding that the Ukrainian leadership get their act together. In Georgia, I don't think he was publicly as tough. Can you elaborate on the "tough love" part of the visits? Pifer: Let me start with Ukraine. Certainly the primary goal of the visit was to reassure Ukraine, but there was also a tough message there. In Ukraine, it's not only due to the presidential election, but you've had a situation in the past year and a half where the government really hasn't functioned because of infighting between President Viktor Yushchenko and Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko. It's meant that Ukraine has passed up opportunities to accomplish some important things. A big part of the vice president's message in Kiev was to say, "You need to put aside political differences, come together as mature political leaders, find compromises, and get things done." He also singled out the importance of Ukraine getting serious about reforming its energy sector. This is a huge national security vulnerability for Ukraine because they have a distorted price structure where people buy natural gas at prices that don't begin to cover the cost of the gas that Ukraine buys from Russia. As a result, Naftogaz, the national gas company, is perpetually in debt to Russia and on the verge of bankruptcy. That creates vulnerabilities for Ukraine. Part of the vice president's message was, "You need to get serious about this." Part of the problem in Ukraine is if you are a household, you are probably paying a price that amounts to less than 30 percent of the actual cost of the gas bought from Russia. It's no wonder why Naftogaz is always in financial straits. But it's not just an economic problem because of the way it factors into the Ukraine-Russia relationship. It creates a national security issue for Ukraine. So there are two aspects to the tough message: One, the need for political leaders to get together, compromise, and produce good policy; and second, the special importance of tackling this energy security issue. Read the full interview » (external link) Authors Steven Pifer Publication: Council on Foreign Relations Full Article
tough George W. Bush Was Tough on Russia? Give Me a Break. By webfeeds.brookings.edu Published On :: Mon, 24 Mar 2014 00:00:00 -0400 As the Obama administration copes with Russia’s annexation of Crimea and continuing pressure on Ukraine, its actions invariably invite comparison to the Bush administration’s response to the 2008 Georgian-Russian war. But as the Obama White House readies potentially more potent economic sanctions against Russia, former Bush administration officials are bandying a revisionist history of the Georgia conflict that suggests a far more robust American response than there actually was. Neither White House had good options for influencing Russian President Vladimir Putin. And this time, the fast-moving developments on the ground in Ukraine confront the United States with tough choices. Because the West will not go to war over Crimea, U.S. and European officials must rely on political, diplomatic and financial measures to punish Moscow, while seeking to launch negotiations involving Russia in order to de-escalate and ultimately stabilize the Ukraine situation. They are not having an easy time of it. Neither did the Bush administration during the 2008 Georgia-Russia war. In a brief, five-day conflict, the Russian army routed its outnumbered and outgunned Georgian opponent and advanced to within a short drive of the Georgian capital, Tbilisi. Bush officials ruled out military options and found that, given the deterioration in U.S.-Russian relations over the previous five years, they had few good levers to influence the Kremlin. The sanctions Washington applied at the time had little resonance in Moscow. In recent days, however, former Bush administration officials have described a forceful and effective U.S. response in Georgia. On “Fox News Sunday” on March 16, former senior White House adviser Karl Rove told Chris Wallace, “What the United States did was it sent warships to, to the Black Sea, it took the combat troops that Georgia had in Afghanistan, and airlifted them back, sending a very strong message to Putin that ‘you’re going to be facing combat-trained, combat-experienced Georgian forces.’ And not only that, but the United States government is willing to give logistical support to get them there, and this stopped them.” Rove was echoing what former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice wrote in a March 7 op-ed in The Washington Post: “After Russia invaded Georgia in 2008, the United States sent ships into the Black Sea, airlifted Georgian military forces from Iraq back to their home bases and sent humanitarian aid. Russia was denied its ultimate goal of overthrowing the democratically elected government.” Really? These statements do not match well with the history of the conflict. War broke out the night of Aug. 7, when Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili ordered his troops into the breakaway region of South Ossetia, after Russian forces shelled Georgian villages just outside South Ossetia. The Russians — by appearances, spoiling for a fight — responded swiftly with massive force. They turned the Georgian army back and overran much of Georgia. As has been widelyreported, when the conflict began, one of Georgia’s five army brigades was serving as part of the coalition force in Iraq (not Afghanistan, as Rove claimed). On Aug. 10, U.S. C-17s began returning the brigade to Tbilisi, and it promptly went into combat. The brigade was well-trained and experienced — but in counterinsurgency operations for Iraq, not combined arms operations. Facing a larger and far better-armed opponent, the brigade added little to the failing Georgian effort to halt the Russian advance. On Aug. 12, Moscow announced a cease-fire. French President Nicolas Sarkozy traveled to the Russian and Georgian capitals to formalize an end to the hostilities. Did the U.S. airlift of the Georgian troops to Tbilisi change the tide of battle or Moscow’s political calculations? No. The Russian army handily drove them back. What about the deployment of U.S. Navy ships to the Black Sea? The guided missile destroyer USS McFaul did enter the Black Sea to deliver humanitarian supplies to Georgia, passing through the Bosporus on Aug. 22 — 10 days after the cease-fire. No evidence suggests these actions had much, if any, impact on Putin’s decision making. The Russians halted their offensive short of Tbilisi, figuring that occupying the capital was unnecessary. They thought — as did many in Georgia and the West — that the political shock of the rout would suffice to bring down Saakashvili’s government (though, in the end, it did not). U.S. C-17s did fly humanitarian supplies to Tbilisi, but President Bush ruled out military action. His administration imposed modest penalties on Russia, ratcheting down bilateral relations, freezing a U.S.-Russia civil nuclear cooperation agreement and ending support for Moscow’s bid to join the World Trade Organization. U.S. officials found that they had little leverage to affect Moscow’s behavior. The Obama administration has applied similar measures as it seeks to sway Putin again, but it has added a new penalty: visa and financial sanctions targeted at individual Russians, including some close to Putin. On March 20, the president also announced a new executive order to enable U.S. sanctions against key sectors of the Russian economy, including finance, energy and defense — the kinds of tough penalties that the United States has not previously applied against Moscow. Despite the bluster of former Bush administration officials today, Washington in fact has a stronger hand in the current crisis in Ukraine in one other regard. In 2008, many European states held Saakashvili partially responsible for triggering the war with the Georgian advance into South Ossetia. Ukraine, by contrast, has acted with great restraint. This time, nearly all of Europe agrees that Russia’s actions are out of bounds. Sure enough, European states also appear more ready to sanction Russia than in 2008. Along with the various sanctions the U.S. alone has announced, European Union officials last week also announced visa and financial sanctions on individual Russians. These moves might not end up shaking Putin from his course, but applying the new executive order could inflict real pain on the Russian economy — something Washington did not accomplish in 2008. Those who faced the challenge of punishing Russia over Georgia should understand the complexities of dealing with Putin and, at a minimum, cut the current administration a little slack. Read the original article at POLITICO Magazine» Authors Steven Pifer Publication: POLITICO Magazine Image Source: © Grigory Dukor / Reuters Full Article
tough As US-Russian arms control faces expiration, sides face tough choices By webfeeds.brookings.edu Published On :: Mon, 23 Mar 2020 16:42:41 +0000 The Trump administration’s proposal for trilateral arms control negotiations appears to be gaining little traction in Moscow and Beijing, and the era of traditional nuclear arms control may be coming to an end just as new challenges emerge. This is not to say that arms control should be an end in it itself. It provides… Full Article
tough Buhari’s Nigeria: John Kerry’s tough love message By webfeeds.brookings.edu Published On :: Wed, 07 Sep 2016 17:24:00 +0000 Full Article
tough "Passivhaus is a team sport"- the idea is simple, the execution is a bit tougher By www.treehugger.com Published On :: Tue, 20 Aug 2013 09:47:00 -0400 It's one thing to design to the Passivhaus standard; it is another thing altogether to prove it. Full Article Design
tough Is LEED tough enough to stop climate change? Is it even the right question? By www.treehugger.com Published On :: Tue, 05 Jun 2018 15:54:24 -0400 What do we really want from a building certification system? Full Article Design
tough If you think the Green New Deal is tough to do, think about the Rural Electrification Administration By www.treehugger.com Published On :: Wed, 06 Mar 2019 12:05:31 -0500 Starting in 1936 they wired the entire country, the houses, the tools and the farms, changing America. It is time to think big and do it again. Full Article Science
tough Wild blueberry growers face tough times on the East Coast By www.treehugger.com Published On :: Thu, 06 Sep 2018 06:53:00 -0400 Competition, oversupply, and unpredictable weather has caused the price of wild berries in Maine to hit a 30-year low. Full Article Science
tough Gardening in outer space is going to be tough By www.treehugger.com Published On :: Tue, 22 Oct 2019 11:42:36 -0400 People are talking about moving to the moon and Mars, but what is everyone going to eat? Full Article Living
tough Apple makes it tougher to text and drive By www.treehugger.com Published On :: Tue, 06 Jun 2017 08:58:07 -0400 A new "do not disturb while driving" feature is coming with the next OS update. Will people use it? Full Article Technology
tough Forget about banning glass towers, instead demand tough standards like Passivhaus By www.treehugger.com Published On :: Tue, 30 Jul 2019 14:31:10 -0400 Most glass buildings are a problem, but just banning them is the wrong solution. Full Article Design
tough The best DIY baking soda cleaner for tough kitchen messes By www.treehugger.com Published On :: Mon, 10 Feb 2020 12:08:35 -0500 For everything from stained sinks and burnt pots to baked-on grime, this simple 3-ingredient formula is eco-friendly, zero-waste, and actually works. Full Article Living
tough Great travel books for tough times By www.treehugger.com Published On :: Thu, 02 Apr 2020 07:00:00 -0400 If you can't travel in real life, try to see the world through the pages of a book. Full Article Living
tough Renovation or demolition? The question gets tougher every day By www.treehugger.com Published On :: Mon, 28 Oct 2019 09:15:51 -0400 Sometimes we have to decide between "neighborhood character" or carbon emissions and density. A new Passive House in Vancouver is a good example. Full Article Design
tough Let sleeping babies lie: Chilly temps build tough Nordic tots By www.treehugger.com Published On :: Tue, 07 Jan 2020 10:33:01 -0500 Cold weather won't stop Scandinavian moms from their age-old practice of parking baby prams outside in all weathers...and leaving the babies napping. Full Article Living
tough Maley: It's going to be tough for the markets to rally much further By www.cnbc.com Published On :: Thu, 07 May 2020 10:10:27 GMT Matt Maley of Miller Tabak discusses how the markets appear to be driven by a small number of stocks, and says narrow markets are usually followed by further declines. Full Article
tough Media companies expect a tough quarter for TV advertising, with no live sports and spending delayed By www.cnbc.com Published On :: Fri, 08 May 2020 18:10:33 GMT In recent days, companies including ABC and ESPN parent Disney, Fox Corp., AMC Networks, NBCUniversal parent Comcast, ViacomCBS and Discovery reported earnings that showed how TV is trending as advertisers are pulling spend or postponing campaigns until later in the year. Full Article
tough Never Rarely Sometimes Always review – tough, realist abortion drama | Peter Bradshaw's film of the week By www.theguardian.com Published On :: 2020-05-07T06:00:27Z A teenager bonds awkwardly with her cousin as they take the bus from a rural community to New York so that she can have a terminationThe four words in this title are the four possible replies to bureaucratic tick-box questions about the frequency of your various sexual experiences. A young woman here must answer them, before she is allowed to have an abortion. However rigid and blandly routine it seems, the four-part answer grid is cleverly designed to get information about vulnerability: it is so easy instinctively and evasively to deny a difficult question structured as a yes/no, but much harder to check the “never” box, when “rarely”, “sometimes” and “always” are coolly offered as equivalently non-judgmental options.The lead character in Eliza Hittman’s tough, realist drama is confronted with this central, four-part inquisition about her life in one brilliantly controlled, enigmatic scene. Theoretically, it is just a bit of form-filling that doesn’t appear to promise any real revelation to the audience. Yet it does just that, delivering a penny-drop moment of realisation. Or perhaps it’s more of an ambiguous hint and all the more disquieting for that. Related: Sleazy bosses, exploited barmaids: US cinema finally discovers the left behinds Continue reading... Full Article Drama films Film Culture Abortion Women New York
tough EXTREMELY TOUGH QUESTIONS FROM ASSESSMENT PROCEDURE. By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Fri, 8 May 2020 14:26:43 GMT Section 115BBE ONE OF THE MOST DANGEROUS SECTION OF THE IT ACT. My story belongs to Sec 115BBE one of the most dangerous section of the Income Tax Act 1961, and my story belongs to Appeal to Income Tax Applleate Tribunal against an order of CIT appeals. Actually one of My case lying with an ITO regarding Cash on Demonitisation. QUESTION NO 1) Should i proceed to ITAT against an order of CIT APPEALS for vacate of any demand arising under section 115BBE or not for a cash on demonitisation case and why ? QUESTION NO 2) Should i move to CIT APPEALS AGAINST AN ORDER OF ITO for charging of penalty with tax under sec 115BBE during a Cash on demonitisarion case ? or Should i pay the whole amount of tax with fine which an ITO demands with penalty as tax on regular assessment and Why ? QUESTION NO 3) What is the latest update of Sec 115BBE ?QUESTION NO 4) Is there any probability of Special Audit during a cash on demonitisation case lying with CIT APPEALS and why ?QUESTION NO 5 ) Is there any probability of relief of tax, if i move to CIT APPEALS OR EVEN to ITAT for vacate any demand arising out of Cash on demonitisation case Sec 115BBE ? Disclaimer :- Only A qualified CA & CMA can answer to this query ( based on his/her practical approach ). Regards Full Article
tough Chancellor: 'Tough times' as coronavirus affects UK economy By www.bbc.co.uk Published On :: Mon, 27 Apr 2020 15:48:21 GMT The chancellor says there have already been "tough times" as the coronavirus outbreak has an impact on the UK and warns "there will be more to come". Full Article
tough Mumbai restaurateurs talk about how tough it is to achieve zero waste status By www.mid-day.com Published On :: 27 Aug 2017 06:26:09 GMT When restaurateurs lunch together the conversation always, ultimately, comes down to food and the discussion of food wastage is never far off. At a shoot for mid-day recently, chefs Kelvin Cheung (Bastian), Karishma Dalal (Bombay Salad Co) and Pooja Dhingra (Le 15 Cafe) lamented the lack of composting facilities in the city. They say they have been trying hard to find an eco-friendly solution for their waste, much of which ends up being handed to the local civic body and ends up in a landfill. They have considered joining forces and starting their own composting facility, but it's early days. Cheung, Dalal and Dhingra might find kindred spirits in other city restaurateurs who face a similar challenge. While some compost a small percentage of the garbage they generate daily, others try and reuse, some control output by cooking on a need-per-order basis, but the greater amount gets binned. Bombay Salad Co, Bandra WestWaste generated every week: 700 kgWaste disposed organically every week: Approx 50 kg Karishma Dalal (in pic), who runs Bandra's hip Bombay Salad Co, is waiting for someone to come up with a novel idea that could use all the organic waste her restaurant generates. "As we are a salad bar, most of our waste is made up of peels, stalks and leaves. Around 15 per cent is just cabbage!" As a restaurateur, it would be a huge economical undertaking for Dalal to send her garbage to a large composting facility, which Mumbai doesn't seem to have . "I have kept an eye out and nobody collects it on a large scale. The ones who do, in the suburbs, want me to arrange transportation."What sheâÂÂis doing right: Distributing garbage to locals who compost at homeSolution: Dalal is trying to do her bit. Every week, she gives around five kg to Bandra residents who compost at home, and around 20 kg every three days to a friend from Pune who uses it in his nursery. "And, BMC comes twice a day for the rest." Pod Supply, Andheri West (Meal prep service)Waste generated every week: Approx 30 kgWaste disposed organically every week: None Chef Harsh Dixit says they follow waste management procedures including segregation as they only prep an order according to required quantities. He also says that they have never tried composting. "I have worked in three major cities - Mumbai, Bengaluru and New Delhi - before Pod Supply, but I have never experienced restaurants composting their waste. I do believe with the changing food scene in the country; chefs and restaurant owners being more aware about practices like these, it will soon be adopted too."What they are doing right: Achieve minimal waste by using ingredients to the maximumSolution: "For example, we use the vegetable peels/fish bones to make stock which we use to cook rice, make soups and base for curries. Off cuts of meats and seafood are used for the kitchen staff meals. But we do land up with a lot of egg yolks as we use more of whites." Ministry of Salad, Breach CandyWaste generated every week: Approx 4 to 5 kgWaste disposed organically every week: Approx 4 to 5 kgHead Chef Akanksha Saigal says the main challenge she faces is that one day's waste is never the same as the next. It depends on the quantity of order versus what is consumed. "Luckily for us, our estimates are usually close to the benchmark," she says. She does say that in ideal conditions, they would like to compost this waste themselves or via an agency, however, as per regulations, they would need a license to do it. "At our end, we try to keep the waste down and only hope that the BMC makes good use of it." What they are doing right: Reducing waste generated by ordering only what's necessary The restaurant works on an aggressive inventory system with the core team defining approximate sales per day. "This experience has made us almost intuitive, and we know how much to order for a particular day. Ordering right is the key here." Saigal also insists on using ingredients across dishes to ensure less wastage. Lord of the Drinks, Andheri WestWaste generated every week: Approx 700 kgWaste composted every week: NoneAt the Andheri hotspot, a majority of its waste comes from leafy greens and other vegetables since not all parts of every vegetable can be consumed. "Therefore, waste from meat is lesser," says JJ, Corporate Chef. The restaurant has tried composting, but it's not cost effective. "We use the segregation method. Due to lack of space for storing waste in Mumbai, a part of it usually gets disposed in garbage vans. I think the answer could be to install composting machines. However, these may not be cost effective for every establishment," he says.What they are doing right: Segregating dry and wet garbage and using the former for manure, inhouseSolution: The food waste is usually segregated between dry and wet. "Composting of dry garbage is easy at the restaurant level as most of it gets reused while gardening and makes for good manure," says JJ. But most of the wet garbage is binned. "There is hardly any government support in composting of such garbage." Full Article
tough BT Insight: Where 6 Franklin Templeton funds got stuck; recovery tougher By www.businesstoday.in Published On :: Wed, 29 Apr 2020 08:03:34 GMT Franklin Templeton Debt crisis: FT investors can hope to get better realisation of their locked investment if the market sentiment improves Full Article
tough Tax-News.com: Most Europeans Want Tougher Action Against Tax Fraud By www.tax-news.com Published On :: Wed, 3 Aug 2016 00:00:00 GMT Three-quarters of Europeans want the European Union to do more to tackle tax evasion, according to a new survey by Eurobarometer. Full Article
tough Tax-News.com: Australia Toughens Tax Rules For Procurement Bids By www.tax-news.com Published On :: Fri, 5 Apr 2019 00:00:00 GMT The Australian Government is to implement a new government procurement process that will require the tenderer's tax record to be taken into account. Full Article
