Long hailed as dancehall's most controversial figure, Vybz Kartel has always commanded the spotlight with his edgy lyrics and unfiltered persona. But since his release from prison in July, Kartel has begun to show a surprising transformation that'...

As I walked into the embalming room at Jones Funeral Home and Supplies in Kingston on Sunday, I immediately felt the weight of the room. The air was thick with the scent of various chemicals used in the trade permeating the space. Tools such as...

Knockout mouse models have been extensively used to study the antiviral activity of IFIT (interferon-induced protein with tetratricopeptide repeats). Human IFIT1 binds to cap0 (m7GpppN) RNA, which lacks methylation on the first and second cap-proximal nucleotides (cap1, m7GpppNm, and cap2, m7GpppNmNm, respectively). These modifications are signatures of “self” in higher eukaryotes, whereas unmodified cap0-RNA is recognized as foreign and, therefore, potentially harmful to the host cell. IFIT1 inhibits translation at the initiation stage by competing with the cap-binding initiation factor complex, eIF4F, restricting infection by certain viruses that possess “nonself” cap0-mRNAs. However, in mice and other rodents, the IFIT1 orthologue has been lost, and the closely related Ifit1b has been duplicated twice, yielding three paralogues: Ifit1, Ifit1b, and Ifit1c. Although murine Ifit1 is similar to human IFIT1 in its cap0-RNA–binding selectivity, the roles of Ifit1b and Ifit1c are unknown. Here, we found that Ifit1b preferentially binds to cap1-RNA, whereas binding is much weaker to cap0- and cap2-RNA. In murine cells, we show that Ifit1b can modulate host translation and restrict WT mouse coronavirus infection. We found that Ifit1c acts as a stimulatory cofactor for both Ifit1 and Ifit1b, promoting their translation inhibition. In this way, Ifit1c acts in an analogous fashion to human IFIT3, which is a cofactor to human IFIT1. This work clarifies similarities and differences between the human and murine IFIT families to facilitate better design and interpretation of mouse models of human infection and sheds light on the evolutionary plasticity of the IFIT family.

Thoracic great vessels such as the aorta and subclavian arteries are formed through dynamic remodeling of embryonic pharyngeal arch arteries (PAAs). Previous work has shown that loss of a basic helix-loop-helix transcription factor Hey1 in mice causes abnormal fourth PAA development and lethal great vessel anomalies resembling congenital malformations in humans. However, how Hey1 mediates vascular formation remains unclear. In this study, we revealed that Hey1 in vascular endothelial cells, but not in smooth muscle cells, played essential roles for PAA development and great vessel morphogenesis in mouse embryos. Tek-Cre–mediated Hey1 deletion in endothelial cells affected endothelial tube formation and smooth muscle differentiation in embryonic fourth PAAs and resulted in interruption of the aortic arch and other great vessel malformations. Cell specificity and signal responsiveness of Hey1 expression were controlled through multiple cis-regulatory regions. We found two distal genomic regions that had enhancer activity in endothelial cells and in the pharyngeal epithelium and somites, respectively. The novel endothelial enhancer was conserved across species and was specific to large-caliber arteries. Its transcriptional activity was regulated by Notch signaling in vitro and in vivo, but not by ALK1 signaling and other transcription factors implicated in endothelial cell specificity. The distal endothelial enhancer was not essential for basal Hey1 expression in mouse embryos but may likely serve for Notch-dependent transcriptional control in endothelial cells together with the proximal regulatory region. These findings help in understanding the significance and regulation of endothelial Hey1 as a mediator of multiple signaling pathways in embryonic vascular formation.

Proteins in the α-macroglobulin (αM) superfamily use thiol esters to form covalent conjugation products upon their proteolytic activation. αM protease inhibitors use theirs to conjugate proteases and preferentially react with primary amines (e.g. on lysine side chains), whereas those of αM complement components C3 and C4B have an increased hydroxyl reactivity that is conveyed by a conserved histidine residue and allows conjugation to cell surface glycans. Human α2-macroglobulin–like protein 1 (A2ML1) is a monomeric protease inhibitor but has the hydroxyl reactivity–conveying histidine residue. Here, we have investigated the role of hydroxyl reactivity in a protease inhibitor by comparing recombinant WT A2ML1 and the A2ML1 H1084N mutant in which this histidine is removed. Both of A2ML1s' thiol esters were reactive toward the amine substrate glycine, but only WT A2ML1 reacted with the hydroxyl substrate glycerol, demonstrating that His-1084 increases the hydroxyl reactivity of A2ML1's thiol ester. Although both A2ML1s conjugated and inhibited thermolysin, His-1084 was required for the conjugation and inhibition of acetylated thermolysin, which lacks primary amines. Using MS, we identified an ester bond formed between a thermolysin serine residue and the A2ML1 thiol ester. These results demonstrate that a histidine-enhanced hydroxyl reactivity can contribute to protease inhibition by an αM protein. His-1084 did not improve A2ML1's protease inhibition at pH 5, indicating that A2ML1's hydroxyl reactivity is not an adaption to its acidic epidermal environment.

Cation diffusion facilitator (CDF) proteins are a conserved family of divalent transition metal cation transporters. CDF proteins are usually composed of two domains: the transmembrane domain, in which the metal cations are transported through, and a regulatory cytoplasmic C-terminal domain (CTD). Each CDF protein transports either one specific metal or multiple metals from the cytoplasm, and it is not known whether the CTD takes an active regulatory role in metal recognition and discrimination during cation transport. Here, the model CDF protein MamM, an iron transporter from magnetotactic bacteria, was used to probe the role of the CTD in metal recognition and selectivity. Using a combination of biophysical and structural approaches, the binding of different metals to MamM CTD was characterized. Results reveal that different metals bind distinctively to MamM CTD in terms of their binding sites, thermodynamics, and binding-dependent conformations, both in crystal form and in solution, which suggests a varying level of functional discrimination between CDF domains. Furthermore, these results provide the first direct evidence that CDF CTDs play a role in metal selectivity. We demonstrate that MamM's CTD can discriminate against Mn2+, supporting its postulated role in preventing magnetite formation poisoning in magnetotactic bacteria via Mn2+ incorporation.

17 July 2020

28 August 2020

The development of a chronic, low-grade inflammation originating from adipose tissue in obese subjects is widely recognized to induce insulin resistance, leading to the development of type 2 diabetes. The adipose tissue microenvironment drives specific metabolic reprogramming of adipose tissue macrophages, contributing to the induction of tissue inflammation. Uncoupling protein 2 (UCP2), a mitochondrial anion carrier, is thought to separately modulate inflammatory and metabolic processes in macrophages and is up-regulated in macrophages in the context of obesity and diabetes. Here, we investigate the role of UCP2 in macrophage activation in the context of obesity-induced adipose tissue inflammation and insulin resistance. Using a myeloid-specific knockout of UCP2 (Ucp2ΔLysM), we found that UCP2 deficiency significantly increases glycolysis and oxidative respiration, both unstimulated and after inflammatory conditions. Strikingly, fatty acid loading abolished the metabolic differences between Ucp2ΔLysM macrophages and their floxed controls. Furthermore, Ucp2ΔLysM macrophages show attenuated pro-inflammatory responses toward Toll-like receptor-2 and -4 stimulation. To test the relevance of macrophage-specific Ucp2 deletion in vivo, Ucp2ΔLysM and Ucp2fl/fl mice were rendered obese and insulin resistant through high-fat feeding. Although no differences in adipose tissue inflammation or insulin resistance was found between the two genotypes, adipose tissue macrophages isolated from diet-induced obese Ucp2ΔLysM mice showed decreased TNFα secretion after ex vivo lipopolysaccharide stimulation compared with their Ucp2fl/fl littermates. Together, these results demonstrate that although UCP2 regulates both metabolism and the inflammatory response of macrophages, its activity is not crucial in shaping macrophage activation in the adipose tissue during obesity-induced insulin resistance.

Why Ethiopia must close its political gender gap The World Today mhiggins.drupal 29 July 2022

Women urgently need to gain access to high office if the country hopes to survive, say Hilina Berhanu Degefa and Emebet Getachew.

At the end of 2021, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s government announced the formation of a three-year national dialogue to address Ethiopia’s political crisis, looking at the ongoing civil war and conflict, inflation, unemployment, drought and other urgent domestic issues. 

But, while efforts have been made to ensure the participation of women in this dialogue, it must be more than symbolic otherwise gaps in meaningful gender inclusion could have significant implications on the very survival of the country.
 
One of the challenges for meaningful inclusion is that Ethiopia is a highly patriarchal society. Patriarchal norms and practices permeate all aspects of the country’s social, economic and political life. Women constitute over half of the Ethiopian population and represent 41 per cent of the national parliament.

Nevertheless, most political parties, including those with liberal credentials, are exclusively governed by men, with women taking almost no part in key decision-making processes. As a result, women are relegated to the margins of political and economic activities. 

Though there has been little systematic study of the structural challenges faced by Ethiopian women in politics, women members of political parties encounter many barriers, including political violence, male-coded norms and sexist discourses across Ethiopian society.
 
The nature and scale of political violence perpetrated against women is particularly disempowering and affects their ability to participate in political spaces.

While attitudes to gender equality, sexual violence and gender discrimination are often trivialized, they remain ever-present threats in women’s lives. As late as 2016, a significant minority of men still believed wife-beating to be justified in certain situations. Even when women overcome social pressure to pursue their political ambitions, patriarchal views and practices within political party structures about the role of women significantly undermine their active participation and engagement. 

The political space is even more inaccessible to women with disabilities and in conflict and climate-related crises such as among internally displaced people and in pastoral communities. Male-coded norms ingrained at both party and community levels remain a significant concern. Specifically, sex in exchange for candidacy, inconsiderate working schedules affecting women with children and denial of access to equal information and financial resources are frequently reported as major internal hurdles among political parties.

Closing the gender gap could offer Ethiopia a new beginning

Many political initiatives designed to tackle these gender imbalances often have been driven by short-term political considerations without proper gender-gap assessment and policy analysis. In most cases, the authorities have viewed gender-targeted reforms as acts of benevolence, dispensed by the government, without adopting the legal and financial measures necessary to ensure sustainability and impact.
 
Take, for example, Abiy’s appointment of a 50:50 gender-balanced cabinet in 2018. At the time, much was made about its transformative potential, with the prime minister attracting widespread global approval. Yet, a cabinet reshuffle in 2021 reduced female representation to 36.3 per cent, with far less scrutiny or accountability.

This indicates that gender equality in Ethiopia is not considered a priority but rather an endeavour for more opportune, ‘stable’ times. Without thorough measures that create the conditions for real change, the aspiration of having a gender-balanced cabinet will always be challenging to translate into lasting equal representation.
 
The proposed national dialogue presents an ideal opportunity for Ethiopian women to begin reshaping attitudes and closing the gender gap through their inclusion and participation in the political process. To do so, three issues must be addressed.
 
First, the varying rights of women need to be consolidated, including on identity, constitutional reform and economic issues .

Second, gender equality considerations must be absorbed into mainstream political discourse at all levels.

Third, the experiences of women in the recent war, other ongoing conflicts and past and lingering legacies of political violence targeting women from specific communities, must be acknowledged and remedied. 

If Ethiopia is indeed serious about addressing its asymmetric gender power dynamics, this national dialogue provides an excellent opportunity to begin the process. Genuine participation of women as independent actors, with their own agency, could offer Ethiopia a new beginning.

Review: Decolonization and its discontents The World Today mhiggins.drupal 1 August 2022

Jenna Marshall on a lively if flawed argument to find a way forward in a debate that has descended ‘into acrimony’.

Against Decolonization: Taking African Agency Seriously
Olufemi Taiwo, Hurst, £14.99

Decolonization was once heralded as a moment of potential and possibility for the formerly imperial world to chart a new way forward no longer tied to the apparatus of empire.

It marked a period of transition to nation states – and an expansion of a rights-based international community that would dispense with the morally bankrupt regime of racism, dispossession and subjugation that characterized colonialism.  
 

The descent of the decolonization debate

Half a century later, the debate surrounding decolonization has descended into acrimony. Some factions cast the issue of decolonization as a sustained attack on British and western culture writ large; other disparate voices coalesce around related social justice issues such as inequality, climate change and education. 

Decolonization has become ubiquitous in the public domain – and its ubiquity is the problem. In Against Decolonization, Olufemi Taiwo renounces a concept he conceives as having been emptied of serious study and analytical purchase; one incapable of addressing the complexities of modern global politics and more importantly, Africa’s place in it. 

Although the book attacks the inexhaustible ways in which the ‘trope of decolonization’ has been deployed, Taiwo is less bothered by the purported failures of scholars he deems ‘decolonizers’ and focuses his attention instead on the political landscape of African countries, past and present. 

Central to the book’s argument are two distinct scholarly strands on decolonization. The first, legal focus, centres on the political and economic forces of state-building. The second essays an ‘ideology’ of decolonization that rests on ‘forcing an ex-colony to forswear on pain of being forever under the yoke of colonization any and every cultural, political, intellectual, social and linguistic artefact, idea, process, institution and practice that retains even the slightest whiff of the colonial past’. 

Whether one should characterize the latter as simply a field of study or a potential set of policy arrangements remains unclear – yet what is certain is that it is too nebulous, too elastic, too open-ended to offer any substantive model or mechanism to understand postcolonial Africa. 
 

Correcting Eurocentric narcissism

 The decolonization research agenda in Africa came to prominence during the Cold War period of national liberation struggles.

The intellectual project that followed centred on dismantling Eurocentrism as colonial subjugation through its promotion of the West as the crucible of legitimate and scientific knowledge. Since then, scholars have argued that decolonization itself has become compromised by its enduringly Eurocentric gaze at the expense of the agency of African thinkers, creatives and statesmen and women. 

Taiwo seeks to correct this narcissism – and the omissions left in its wake – by introducing lesser-known Africans and pan-African scholars and cultural figures. These voices, he hopes, will illuminate issues often ignored by ‘decolonizers’ and spark a ‘renewed interest in an appreciation of the many different ways in which African thinkers have responded to the colonial experience’.
 

The decolonization of language

Taiwo challenges the decolonization of language as an oversold promise.

Romanticizing an imagined, pristine African pre-colonial past, he says, ultimately leads to nativism and atavism. As a case in point, Taiwo highlights bureaucratic instances of ‘language policy planning’ to deploy African languages in places such as Niger, Mali, Cameroon, Senegal and Nigeria that were hindered by multilingualism, education and high rates of illiteracy.

The author goes on to confront the abstract language of decolonization, which, he says, allows western scholars to unproblematically engage with the concept without any serious consideration of their own complicity in upholding systems of exclusion. It entrenches their own institutional power within the academy, amplifies their perspectives at the expense of others, and limits the possibilities for understanding the problems of world politics with deleterious effects on policy.

It is a serious claim, but there are issues to be addressed: Taiwo assumes there is coherence among scholars of decolonization, which is not the case. 

When Taiwo approaches how to foster political systems that cater to the needs of their citizens he dismantles the binary of ‘West as modern’ v ‘Africa as traditional’. Chieftaincies as traditional African governance, he points out, were the product of colonial anthropology, not Africans themselves. From the Fanti Confederation of 1871 to the Egba United Government in what is now Nigeria, Taiwo demonstrates that there has been a sustained tradition towards demands for democratic values. 

As he concedes an intellectual neglect of African philosophers that underlies the design and operations of Africa’s political institutions, Taiwo’s initial dismissal of the significance of cultural decolonization deserves another look. How should political and economic drives toward self-determination be advanced in the absence of knowledge shaped and mediated through African lived experiences?

In this respect, the tale of two decolonizations – the legal alongside the ideological – suggest an unhelpful, if not false, binary.
 

The problem of reconciling modernity and colonialism

What resonates throughout the book is the idea that Europe cannot profess to hold an exclusive intellectual claim to modernity. Its universal aspirations are open to all of humanity, allowing those who have historically been marginalized to be worldmakers. 

The idea that modernity and colonialism are irreconcilable is problematic. For instance, Taiwo argues that the curtailment of capitalism in Africa by restricting the growth of the middle classes while limiting competition between African capitalists and the metropole is the consequence of colonialism.

Yet the celebrated cultural anthropologist Sidney Mintz established an understanding that the matter for debate is not whether non-westerners were part of the modern system, but how and to what degree they were included and able to actualise its ideals. 

The emerging capitalist world economy needed non-western lands and labour, and so they were conscripted to this end. Recent abolitionist and black radical scholarship has built on this argument to maintain that capitalism not only requires inequality for it to function but that race – as a mechanism for producing ‘difference’ – enshrines it.

Acknowledging the unacknowledged

In the end, Taiwo communicates a palpable frustration at the state of academic discourses on contemporary Africa under the guise of emancipatory and radical scholarship. He offers an alternative approach whereby African students might rid themselves of a faddism that is ‘at best unsatisfactory’ and at worst produces ‘confusion, obscurantism, if not outright distortion and falsification’.

Yet out of this irritation, Taiwo’s greatest contribution in Against Decolonization might be to urge an acknowledgement of how and to what degree decolonization has become subdued and its political possibilities curtailed. He ultimately urges us to reconsider the purpose of the decolonization academic movement as an ethics to abide by rather than a social theory of the postcolonial world. 

This requires those ‘decolonizers’ on whose careers the term is built to adopt greater intellectual humility – to resist the posture of the anarchist radical scholar armed for the ‘good fight’. Instead, they should apply a scholarly curiosity to genuinely engage with those already on the battlefield, so to speak; those ‘doing the work’ in practice, but who have been unacknowledged until now.

The kinesin-3 family contains the fastest and most processive motors of the three neuronal transport kinesin families, yet the sequence of states and rates of kinetic transitions that comprise the chemomechanical cycle and give rise to their unique properties are poorly understood. We used stopped-flow fluorescence spectroscopy and single-molecule motility assays to delineate the chemomechanical cycle of the kinesin-3, KIF1A. Our bacterially expressed KIF1A construct, dimerized via a kinesin-1 coiled-coil, exhibits fast velocity and superprocessivity behavior similar to WT KIF1A. We established that the KIF1A forward step is triggered by hydrolysis of ATP and not by ATP binding, meaning that KIF1A follows the same chemomechanical cycle as established for kinesin-1 and -2. The ATP-triggered half-site release rate of KIF1A was similar to the stepping rate, indicating that during stepping, rear-head detachment is an order of magnitude faster than in kinesin-1 and kinesin-2. Thus, KIF1A spends the majority of its hydrolysis cycle in a one-head-bound state. Both the ADP off-rate and the ATP on-rate at physiological ATP concentration were fast, eliminating these steps as possible rate-limiting transitions. Based on the measured run length and the relatively slow off-rate in ADP, we conclude that attachment of the tethered head is the rate-limiting transition in the KIF1A stepping cycle. Thus, KIF1A's activity can be explained by a fast rear-head detachment rate, a rate-limiting step of tethered-head attachment that follows ATP hydrolysis, and a relatively strong electrostatic interaction with the microtubule in the weakly bound post-hydrolysis state.

Montgomery Blencowe
Dec 23, 2020; 0:jlr.RA120000713v1-jlr.RA120000713
Research Articles

Akemi Kakino
Nov 3, 2020; 0:jlr.RA120000767v1-jlr.RA120000767
Research Articles

This article has been withdrawn by the authors as part of this review overlapped with the contents of Pietrangelo A and Ridgway ND. 2018. Cellular and Molecular Life Sciences. 75; 3079-98.

Mendelian randomization (MR) of lipid traits in coronary artery disease (CAD) has provided evidence for causal associations of low-density lipoprotein cholesterol (LDL-C) and triglycerides (TG) in CAD, but many lipid trait genetic variants have pleiotropic effects on other cardiovascular risk factors that may bias MR associations. The goal of this study was to evaluate pleiotropic effects of lipid trait genetic variants and to account for these effects in MR of lipid traits in CAD. We performed multivariable MR using inverse variance-weighted (IVW) and MR-Egger methods in large (n ≥ 300,000) GWAS datasets. We found that 30% of lipid trait genetic variants have effects on metabolic syndrome traits, including body mass index (BMI), type 2 diabetes (T2D), and systolic blood pressure (SBP). Nonetheless, in multivariable MR analysis, LDL-C, high-density lipoprotein cholesterol (HDL-C), TG, BMI, T2D, and SBP are independently associated with CAD, and each of these associations is robust to adjustment for directional pleiotropy. MR at loci linked to direct effects on HDL-C and TG suggests locus- and mechanism-specific causal effects of these factors on CAD.

Adiponectin, an adipocyte-derived protein, has anti-atherogenic and anti-diabetic effects, but how it confers the anti-atherogenic effects is not well understood. To study the anti-atherogenic mechanisms of adiponectin, we examined whether it interacts with atherogenic low-density lipoprotein (LDL) to attenuate LDL’s atherogenicity. L5, the most electronegative subfraction of LDL, induces atherogenic responses similarly to copper-oxidized LDL (oxLDL). Unlike native LDL endocytosed via the LDL receptor, L5 and oxLDL are internalized by cells via the lectin-like oxidized LDL receptor-1 (LOX-1). Using enzyme-linked immunosorbent assays (ELISAs), we showed that adiponectin preferentially bound oxLDL but not native LDL. In Chinese hamster ovary (CHO) cells transfected with LOX-1 or LDL receptor, adiponectin selectively inhibited the uptake of oxLDL but not of native LDL, respectively. Furthermore, adiponectin suppressed the internalization of oxLDL in human coronary artery endothelial cells (HCAECs) and THP-1–derived macrophages. Western blot analysis of human plasma showed that adiponectin was abundant in L5 but not in L1, the least electronegative subfraction of LDL. Sandwich ELISAs with anti-adiponectin and anti–apolipoprotein B antibodies confirmed the binding of adiponectin to L5 and oxLDL. In LOX-1–expressing CHO cells, adiponectin inhibited cellular responses to oxLDL and L5, including nuclear factor-B activation and ERK phosphorylation. In HCAECs, adiponectin inhibited oxLDL-induced endothelin-1 secretion and ERK phosphorylation. Conversely, oxLDL suppressed the adiponectin-induced activation of adenosine monophosphate–activated protein kinase in COS-7 cells expressing adiponectin receptor AdipoR1. Our findings suggest that adiponectin binds and inactivates atherogenic LDL, providing novel insight into the anti-atherogenic mechanisms of adiponectin.

Genome-wide association studies (GWAS) have implicated ~380 genetic loci for plasma lipid regulation. However, these loci only explain 17-27% of the trait variance and a comprehensive understanding of the molecular mechanisms has not been achieved. In this study, we utilized an integrative genomics approach leveraging diverse genomic data from human populations to investigate whether genetic variants associated with various plasma lipid traits, namely total cholesterol (TC), high and low density lipoprotein cholesterol (HDL and LDL), and triglycerides (TG), from GWAS were concentrated on specific parts of tissue-specific gene regulatory networks. In addition to the expected lipid metabolism pathways, gene subnetworks involved in ‘interferon signaling’, ‘autoimmune/immune activation’, ‘visual transduction’, and ‘protein catabolism’ were significantly associated with all lipid traits. Additionally, we detected trait-specific subnetworks, including cadherin-associated subnetworks for LDL, glutathione metabolism for HDL, valine, leucine and isoleucine biosynthesis for TC, and insulin signaling and complement pathways for TG. Finally, utilizing gene-gene relations revealed by tissue-specific gene regulatory networks, we detected both known (e.g. APOH, APOA4, and ABCA1) and novel (e.g. F2 in adipose tissue) key regulator genes in these lipid-associated subnetworks. Knockdown of the F2 gene (Coagulation Factor II, Thrombin) in 3T3-L1 and C3H10T1/2 adipocytes reduced gene expression of Abcb11, Apoa5, Apof, Fabp1, Lipc, and Cd36, reduced intracellular adipocyte lipid content, and increased extracellular lipid content, supporting a link between adipose thrombin and lipid regulation. Our results shed light on the complex mechanisms underlying lipid metabolism and highlight potential novel targets for lipid regulation and lipid-associated diseases.

As the COVID-19 pandemic continues to spread, thousands of scientists around the globe have changed research direction to understand better how the virus works and to find out how it may be tackled. The number of manuscripts on preprint servers is soaring and peer-reviewed publications using MS-based proteomics are beginning to emerge. To facilitate proteomic research on SARS-CoV-2, the virus that causes COVID-19, this report presents deep-scale proteomes (10,000 proteins; >130,000 peptides) of common cell line models, notably Vero E6, Calu-3, Caco-2, and ACE2-A549 that characterize their protein expression profiles including viral entry factors such as ACE2 or TMPRSS2. Using the 9 kDa protein SRP9 and the breast cancer oncogene BRCA1 as examples, we show how the proteome expression data can be used to refine the annotation of protein-coding regions of the African green monkey and the Vero cell line genomes. Monitoring changes of the proteome on viral infection revealed widespread expression changes including transcriptional regulators, protease inhibitors, and proteins involved in innate immunity. Based on a library of 98 stable-isotope labeled synthetic peptides representing 11 SARS-CoV-2 proteins, we developed PRM (parallel reaction monitoring) assays for nano-flow and micro-flow LC–MS/MS. We assessed the merits of these PRM assays using supernatants of virus-infected Vero E6 cells and challenged the assays by analyzing two diagnostic cohorts of 24 (+30) SARS-CoV-2 positive and 28 (+9) negative cases. In light of the results obtained and including recent publications or manuscripts on preprint servers, we critically discuss the merits of MS-based proteomics for SARS-CoV-2 research and testing.

Ion mobility separates molecules in the gas-phase based on their physico-chemical properties, providing information about their size as collisional cross-sections. The timsTOF Pro combines trapped ion mobility with a quadrupole, collision cell and a TOF mass analyzer, to probe ions at high speeds with on-the-fly fragmentation. Here, we show that on this platform ion mobility is beneficial for cross-linking MS (XL-MS). Cross-linking reagents covalently link amino acids in proximity, resulting in peptide pairs after proteolytic digestion. These cross-linked peptides are typically present at low abundance in the background of normal peptides, which can partially be resolved by using enrichable cross-linking reagents. Even with a very efficient enrichable cross-linking reagent, like PhoX, the analysis of cross-linked peptides is still hampered by the co-enrichment of peptides connected to a partially hydrolyzed reagent – termed mono-linked peptides. For experiments aiming to uncover protein-protein interactions these are unwanted byproducts. Here, we demonstrate that gas-phase separation by ion mobility enables the separation of mono-linked peptides from cross-linked peptide pairs. A clear partition between these two classes is observed at a CCS of 500 Ų and a monoisotopic mass of 2 kDa, which can be used for targeted precursor selection. A total of 50-70% of the mono-linked peptides are prevented from sequencing, allowing the analysis to focus on sequencing the relevant cross-linked peptide pairs. In applications to both simple proteins and protein mixtures and a complete highly complex lysate this approach provides a substantial increase in detected cross-linked peptides.

Glutathionylation is an important posttranslational modification that protects proteins from further oxidative damage as well as influencing protein structure and activity. In the present study, we demonstrate that the cysteine-42 residue in protein arginine N-methyltransferase 5 (PRMT5) is glutathionylated in aged mice or in cells that have been exposed to oxidative stress. Deglutathionylation of this protein is catalyzed by glutaredoxin-1 (Grx1). Using mutagenesis and subsequent biochemical analyses, we show that glutathionylation decreased the binding affinity of PRMT5 with methylosome protein-50 (MEP50) and reduced the methyltransferase activity of PRMT5. Furthermore, overexpression of PRMT5-C42A mutant caused a significant increase in histone methylation in HEK293T and A549 cells and promoted cell growth, whereas overexpression of the PRMT5-C42D mutant, a mimic of glutathionylated PRMT5, inhibited cell proliferation. Taken together, our results demonstrate a new mechanism of regulation of PRMT5 methyltransferases activity and suggest that PRMT5 glutathionylation is partly responsible for reactive oxygen species-mediated cell growth inhibition.

After ejaculation, mammalian spermatozoa must undergo a process known as capacitation in order to successfully fertilize the oocyte. Several post-translational modifications occur during capacitation, including sialylation, which despite being limited to a few proteins, seems to be essential for proper sperm-oocyte interaction. Regardless of its importance, to date, no single study has ever identified nor quantified which glycoproteins bearing terminal sialic acid (Sia) are altered during capacitation. Here we characterize sialylation during mouse sperm capacitation. Using tandem MS coupled with liquid chromatography (LC–MS/MS), we found 142 nonreductant peptides, with 9 of them showing potential modifications on their sialylated oligosaccharides during capacitation. As such, N-linked sialoglycopeptides from C4b-binding protein, endothelial lipase (EL), serine proteases 39 and 52, testis-expressed protein 101 and zonadhesin were reduced following capacitation. In contrast, mitochondrial aconitate hydratase (aconitase; ACO2), a TCA cycle enzyme, was the only protein to show an increase in Sia content during capacitation. Interestingly, although the loss of Sia within EL (N62) was accompanied by a reduction in its phospholipase A₁ activity, a decrease in the activity of ACO2 (i.e. stereospecific isomerization of citrate to isocitrate) occurred when sialylation increased (N612). The latter was confirmed by N612D recombinant protein tagged with both His and GFP. The replacement of Sia for the negatively charged Aspartic acid in the N612D mutant caused complete loss of aconitase activity compared with the WT. Computer modeling show that N612 sits atop the catalytic site of ACO2. The introduction of Sia causes a large conformational change in the alpha helix, essentially, distorting the active site, leading to complete loss of function. These findings suggest that the switch from oxidative phosphorylation, over to glycolysis that occurs during capacitation may come about through sialylation of ACO2.

Pour beaucoup de personnes, la perte de poids rime obligatoirement avec une période de privation. Mais contrairement à ces idées reçues, il est bien possible d’observer un régime pour perdre du poids tout en vous faisant plaisir. Découvrez notre recette minceur de biscuits croquants sans beurre aux flocons d’avoine qui raviront vos papilles sans pour autant vous apporter […]

L’article Quelle est la meilleure recette minceur à base de biscuits aux flocons d’avoine ? est apparu en premier sur Ortho Doc France.

The choice for adjuvant chemotherapy in stage II colorectal cancer (CRC) is controversial as many patients are cured by surgery alone and it is difficult to identify patients with high-risk of recurrence of the disease. There is a need for better stratification of this group of patients. Mass spectrometry imaging could identify patients at risk. We report here the N-glycosylation signatures of the different cell populations in a group of stage II CRC tissue samples. The cancer cells, compared to normal epithelial cells, have increased levels of sialylation and high-mannose glycans, as well as decreased levels of fucosylation and highly branched N-glycans. When looking at the interface between cancer and its microenvironment, it seems that the cancer N-glycosylation signature spreads into the surrounding stroma at the invasive front of the tumor. This finding was more outspoken in patients with a worse outcome within this sample group.

VOLUME 279 (2004) PAGES 33438–33446For Fig. 1B, the second, third, and fifth panels were mistakenly duplicated during article preparation as no yeast colonies were observed in these conditions. The corrected images are presented in the revised Fig. 1B. This correction does not affect the results or conclusions of the work. The authors apologize for the error.jbc;295/50/17382/F1F1F1Figure 1B.

South Africa Needs a Strategic Vision for Its Continent Expert comment sysadmin 24 November 2017

South Africa has the potential to catalyse growth across its sub-region and the continent, but the government must develop a comprehensive strategy that aligns political, ideological and commercial interests.

South Africa’s status as the ‘gateway to Africa’ is under serious threat. Its companies continue to flourish, but complex relationships at home and abroad constrain government capacity to match its economic dominance with political reach and influence.

South Africa’s policies towards the rest of the continent are often accused of being inconsistent and incoherent. It has been a development partner to the region and to international donors; a moral leader, championing human rights and exporting its own model of transition; and an advocate and representative for the continent in international forums. However, it has simultaneously been accused of exploiting its economic dominance at the expense of its neighbours; handicapped by the political debts owed by the ANC to other liberation movements for their assistance in the struggle; and criticized for its arrogance in seeking to position itself as the ‘legitimate’ voice of Africa.

At the same time, reputational risks, a weakened policy environment and poor growth have taken the shine off South Africa’s ‘Gateway to Africa’ rhetoric. South Africa faces considerable domestic economic issues. Growth forecasts have fallen from 1.3 to 0.7 per cent, State owned enterprises are a huge burden on the treasury, and the forecast budget deficit is R50.8 billion (£2.7 billion), at a time when the cost of borrowing is increasing following downgrades of the country’s credit ratings.

Political risk is high, lowering investor confidence. Corruption, poor service delivery and the government’s under-delivery on citizen’s expectations are exacerbating social tensions in a country with expanded unemployment at 36.4 per cent, and one of the highest rates of inequality in the world. McKinsey, KPMG and HSBC have all become entangled in scandal relating to their dealings with government entities that have become ‘captured’ by private interests.

Despite these concerns, South Africa nonetheless remains the backbone of the regional economy, and its firms are key players across the continent. Johannesburg hosts the deepest and most sophisticated capital market on the continent, and Pretoria has one of the highest numbers of diplomatic missions in the world. ESKOM provides around 75 per cent of the electricity contribution to the Southern Africa SADC Power pool – comprising 12 countries, including those as far north as DRC and Tanzania – and South African ports facilitate over half of sub-Saharan Africa’s non-commodity trade with the rest of the world.

Post-apartheid expansion across the continent by South African companies was initially met with resistance, but these relationships have improved significantly – and South African firms retain significant advantages. South African retailers have the scale to incorporate regional producers into continental supply chains, purchasing fresh produce at a competitive price from regional agri-businesses, then re-selling further afield. For example, Zambeef supplies meat from Zambia to Shoprite stores in west Africa.

African companies in turn rely on South Africa as a significant consumer of goods, services and primary commodities. A South African government agreement with the DRC to import about half of the electricity that will be produced by a new grand-scale hydro-power project guaranteed its bankability. Mozambique is looking to maximize the potential of its world-class natural gas reserves by building a pipeline into South Africa, thus benefitting from the purchasing power of South African parastatal electricity utility firm ESKOM.

But South Africa’s status as an economic hegemon is not mirrored in its political relationships. South Africa’s GDP is five times higher than the six countries with which it shares a border, combined. But successive ANC governments have been unable to fully flex this economic muscle. Partly this is a legacy of history. It is not forgotten that the regional economic body, the Southern African Development Community, originated as the organization of Front Line States coordinating efforts to end apartheid, and ZANU-PF officials in Zimbabwe lecture their ANC counterparts on liberation.

The pan-African vision of former president Thabo Mbeki, and promotion of South Africa’s transition as a model for the continent, reflected the values that have driven ANC policy since the end of apartheid. But the coherence of South Africa’s foreign policy has been undermined by conflict and contradiction within the government. Appetite for engagement in Africa is dwindling. The country’s ability to project military influence across the continent is in critical decline. Jacob Zuma’s use of regional political bodies as a means of removing political rivals from domestic politics has corroded goodwill.

A new Africa Programme research paper argues that a fresh approach to South African engagement on the continent is both possible and necessary. South Africa can use its relative economic weight to play a stronger developmental role, leveraging the strengths of its business sector and its financial agencies. But it must match this with stronger and more cooperative political engagement, particularly through cultivating relationships with pivotal states such as Nigeria, Kenya, Ethiopia and Angola.

In December, the ANC will elect a new leader to take the party into elections in 2019. Both leading candidates have international experience – Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma was the chair of the African Union, and Cyril Ramaphosa has led regional responses to crises in South Sudan, Lesotho and Burundi. South Africa still has considerable foreign policy resources at its disposal. A new strategic vision for Africa that unites the interests of government and business, both domestically and in partner states, can deliver prosperity for both South Africa and the region – and need not contradict the values that have shaped South Africa’s aspirations for the continent in the post-apartheid era.

Culture notes: Will the EU find its voice at last? The World Today mhiggins.drupal 30 January 2023

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has galvanized the bloc, but doubt remains about how it can capitalize on this moment, writes Catherine Fieschi.

Despite its reticence to believe that Russia would attack Ukraine, once Vladimir Putin’s tanks rolled across the Donbas, the European Union finally grasped the momentous nature of the events unfolding on its eastern flank. The immediate reaction of Europe’s member states was one of unity, resolve and uncharacteristically rapid decision-making, at least on sanctions and energy policy.

That they would need to act in concert across a concatenation of crises that would be either triggered (energy), worsened (inflation) or heightened (geopolitical instability) by Putin’s move was obvious. And so, Europe’s collective narrative of this past year slid into place, and it goes something like this: We gave Russia the benefit of every doubt, including after their invasion of Crimea when we still tried to bring them back to the negotiating table, but Putin has made the fundamental choice of turning away from democracy and the rule of law.

Now, the narrative goes on, we have to treat them as enemies and give ourselves the means to become resilient in the face of aggression as Ukraine is all that stands – both symbolically and geographically – between us and the chaos of a Europe-wide war.

Like any good narrative, it is anchored in previous trials and exploits. Having learnt from its failure to coordinate action during the eurozone crisis and then the migration crisis, Europe was keen to make the most of its resilience in the face of the Covid pandemic in the form of the joint vaccine purchases and a massive recovery plan.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine is an added – albeit dramatic and costly – opportunity to pursue further collective action and discover the next chapter of its shared purpose, as a political and perhaps even a defence alliance.

Europe had long been in need of an arc to follow. In the aftermath of the Second World War, peace and prosperity seemed enough. But the new multipolar world that emerged from the ashes of the Cold War and then 9/11 were more difficult to navigate for a largely commercial and regulatory alliance.

Could the EU, then, ever find its political voice?

David vs Goliath

While Brexit and Covid created rallying points, the shock and tragedy of the invasion delivered everything the EU needed in narrative terms: a David and Goliath story, with the opportunity to feature on Team David in European terms while allying with the United States, and a ‘band of brothers’ element to shore up a union bruised by the defection of a key but troubled member. Above all, the appearance of an arch-villain in the form of Vladimir Putin put Europe back into the familiar and mythical territory of the 1940s and then the Cold War.

When on May 28, 2016, Putin seated himself on the throne of the Byzantine emperors in Mount Athos’ Protaton Church in Greece in a scene truly worthy of Game of Thrones, the writing should have been on the wall. That day he explicitly laid out his aim to appoint himself as the new Eastern emperor who would fight the decadence of the West.

‘Today,’ Putin told the world, ‘we restore the values of patriotism, historical memory and traditional culture.’ Later, he cited Ukraine as the biggest unfinished mission of his years in power. That Europe – and Germany in particular – had taken so long to decipher Putin’s dark designs only adds to the narrative’s epic quality, positioning Europe as a victim of its own good faith and open heart.

Cracks in the narrative

But the narrative is not free from cracks. The Baltic states would argue that they had long warned of Putin’s nefarious intentions; and Poland has always been convinced of the threat posed by its neighbour.

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U.S. Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin said Ukraine continues to have U.S. support against Russian aggression and is free to decide its own foreign policy during a visit to Kyiv Tuesday. 

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