Times change and so do the codes.

The OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) issued a final report on 8 July 2016 on the postponed early parliamentary elections in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, which were scheduled for 5 June 2016. The final report assesses whether the electoral process and activities conducted before the postponement of elections were in line with OSCE commitments, other international obligations and standards for democratic elections, and with national legislation.  

While recognizing that 2015 amendments to the Electoral Code attempted to address most of the prior OSCE/ODIHR recommendations, the report notes that late changes negatively affected electoral stakeholders’ understanding of new provisions and impacted their ability to fulfil their functions. In addition, a number of previous recommendations remain to be addressed and legal inconsistencies eliminated. The report recommends conducting a complete review of the Code after consultations between all political stakeholders and relevant civil society organizations.  

As one of the priority recommendations, the report recommends the State Election Commission and the Ministry of Internal Affairs continue the process of updating the voter register through a co-ordinated effort ahead of the next elections. In order to increase the citizens’ confidence in the accuracy of voter registration, it also recommends that the process is transparent and ensures political parties and civil society access for verification.  

Noting that some measures to prevent intimidation and pressure on citizens were taken by authorities, it however mentions that a climate of intimidation persisted, attributed to a fear of retribution existing in state companies and institutions. The report recommends that authorities actively encourage citizens to report any cases of pressure and intimidation and thoroughly investigate such instances. 

While a number of aspects for the media coverage of election campaigns have been detailed in the Electoral Code, a need for continued substantial reform was highlighted. The report suggests amending the legal framework to further clarify the requirements for balanced reporting during the pre-campaign period.

Additional recommendations in the report include deciding on election-related cases within timely deadlines and harmonizing the Electoral Code with the Constitution, which provides for public hearings. It also recommends periodic review of district boundaries by an independent body to ensure the equality of the vote.

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Africa in 2023: Continuing political and economic volatility Expert comment NCapeling 6 January 2023

Despite few African trade and financial links with Russia and Ukraine, the war in Ukraine will cause civil strife in Africa due to food and energy inflation.

Africa’s economy was recovering from the COVID-19 pandemic in 2022 when a range of internal and external shocks struck such as adverse weather conditions, a devastating locust invasion, and the Russian invasion of Ukraine – all of which worsened already rapidly-rising rates of inflation and borrowing costs.

Although the direct trade and financial linkages of Africa with Russia and Ukraine are small, the war has damaged the continent’s economies through higher commodity prices, higher food, fuel, and headline inflation.

The main impact is on the increasing likelihood of civil strife because of food and energy-fuelled inflation amid an environment of heightened political instability.

Key African economies such as South Africa and Nigeria were already stuck with low growth and many African governments have seen their debt burdens increase – some such as Ethiopia and Ghana now have dollar debt trading at distressed levels – and more countries will follow in 2023.

On average the public sector debt-to-GDP ratio of African countries stood at above 60 per cent in 2022. The era of Chinese state-backed big loans and mega-projects which started 20 years ago in Angola after the end of its civil war may be coming to an end but Chinese private sector investments on the continent will continue through its Belt and Road Initiative and dual circulation model of development.

Great and middle powers building influence

Geopolitical competition in Africa has intensified in 2022, particularly among great powers such as China, Russia, the US, and the EU but also by middle powers such as Turkey, Japan, and the Gulf states.

The sixth AU-EU summit held in Brussels in February 2022 agreed on the principles for a new partnership, although the Russian invasion of Ukraine which followed disrupted these ambitions. Japan’s pledge of $30 billion in aid for Africa at TICAD 8 in August 2022 was clearly made due to the $40 billion pledged at the China–Africa summit in November 2021.

The US also launched a new strategy to strengthen its partnership and held a second US-Africa Leaders’ summit in Washington in December, the first since 2014. Russia’s ambition has been curtailed by its invasion of Ukraine, postponing its second summit with African states to 2023.

The imposition of international sanctions complicated its trade and investments, and military support such as that provided by Russian paramilitary group Wagner focused on Mali, Libya and the Central African Republic (CAR) has been curtailed.

The strategic importance of Africa has resulted in all the UN P5 members calling on the G20 to make the African Union (AU) its 21st member in 2023 under India’s presidency.

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