nc Victorian Premier Daniel Andrews announces 175 new tech jobs for Melbourne By www.smh.com.au Published On :: Mon, 09 Nov 2015 01:57:04 GMT State government commits to five-year funding round as software company launches community centre and new jobs. Full Article
nc Branching out after death: where next for the 'Internet of Things'? By www.smh.com.au Published On :: Wed, 30 Mar 2016 07:53:02 GMT It turns out that even death needs the internet. Full Article
nc Government agencies name cybercrime as their top fraud risk: PwC By www.smh.com.au Published On :: Tue, 26 Jul 2016 14:15:00 GMT The 'typical' corrupt bureaucrat is a male, university-educated middle manager, aged 41 to 50. Full Article
nc Digital Transformation Agency boss Paul Shetler resigns By www.smh.com.au Published On :: Sun, 02 Jul 2017 22:05:05 GMT Agile government takes a stumble as digital pioneer logs off after just six weeks. Full Article
nc Brisbane City Council IT contract faces potential $60 million blow-out By www.smh.com.au Published On :: Wed, 25 Jan 2017 05:49:06 GMT A $122 million Brisbane City Council IT contract will be renegotiated after a systems replacement program was delayed by 18 months, with a potential cost blow-out of up to $60 million. Full Article
nc Brisbane City Council terminates $122 million IT contract By www.smh.com.au Published On :: Fri, 28 Jul 2017 12:14:03 GMT Brisbane CIty Council has terminated a $122 million IT contract that had been plagued with cost blow outs and lengthy delays. Full Article
nc ACT human rights commission 'concerned' about new app for ACT police By www.smh.com.au Published On :: Sat, 27 Jan 2018 13:00:00 GMT Canberrans' privacy rights could be threatened by the new app. Full Article
nc Smart Energy Council calls for state to abandon facial recognition By www.smh.com.au Published On :: Tue, 23 Jul 2019 01:27:04 GMT Some users have been brought to tears by 'broken' facial recognition software now required to approve solar rebate applications. Full Article
nc Financial Markets: Lessons Learned Since the Financial Crisis and What the Future Holds By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 20 Aug 2019 10:00:02 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 2 September 2019 - 5:15pm to 6:30pm Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE Event participants Professor Robert Shiller, Sterling Professor of Economics, Yale UniversityChair: Marianne Schneider-Petsinger, Research Fellow, US and the Americas Programme Chatham House The 2007-08 financial crisis wreaked havoc on the lives of millions of people across the globe, and upended the faith of many in the prevailing economic system, with many countries still recovering a decade on.Drawing on extensive research in his new book, Narrative Economics: How Stories Go Viral and Drive Major Economic Events, Professor Shiller will draw on a rich array of historical examples and data and outline a new way to think about economic change, and the narratives that shape it, to provide answers to questions such as whether lessons have been learned since the last financial crisis, are the same dislocations likely to occur again and what toolkits, if any, are there for anticipating the next financial crisis or recession?Attendance at this event is by invitation only. Event attributes Chatham House Rule Department/project US and the Americas Programme US and Americas Programme Email Full Article
nc Rethinking 'The Economic Consequences of the Peace' By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Mon, 07 Oct 2019 15:10:01 +0000 Members Event 25 November 2019 - 1:00pm to 2:00pm Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE Event participants Professor Michael Cox, Associate Fellow, US and the Americas Programme, Chatham House; Director, LSE IDEASProfessor Margaret MacMillan, Professor of History, University of Toronto; Emeritus Professor of International History, University of OxfordDr Geoff Tily, Senior Economist, TUC; Author, Keynes Betrayed: The General Theory, the Rate of Interest and 'Keynesian' EconomicsChair: Dr Jessica Reinisch, Reader in Modern European History, Birkbeck University of London John Maynard Keynes' The Economic Consequences of the Peace has long been a key reference point in discussions about the Treaty of Versailles and its impact on Germany and Europe’s rehabilitation. A century after its publication, the relevance of Keynes’ thinking – not least the influence it had on public perception of the treaty itself – offers an insight into the impact of expert analysis on how political decisions are received in public and academic spheres.This panel discusses the author, the book and the controversy they have generated up to the present day. How relevant is Keynes’ polemic and how applicable is his European economic recovery plan to our current period of global dislocation? What is the role of experts in the formation and scrutiny of international politics? And how can contemporary politicians use Keynes’ comprehensive assessment of the intersection between political, social and economic realities and national idealism to inform their approaches to international relations? Members Events Team Email Full Article
nc Understanding China’s Evolving Role in Global Economic Governance By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Mon, 04 Nov 2019 13:00:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 21 November 2019 - 4:00pm to 22 November 2019 - 5:00pm The Hague, The Netherlands Draft Agendapdf | 130.1 KB Almost four years since it was established, the China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) has approved 49 projects and proposed 28. The AIIB claims to be more efficient and less bureaucratic than traditional multilateral development banks (MDB’s) which has threatened the existing model of multilateral development finance. At the same time, China’s increased role in previously Western-led economic institutions, such as the WTO and IMF, has raised questions over the future of the international trade order. How will a rising China shape the international institutional order? Where are there opportunities for potential collaboration and what areas pose challenges? And how should other states and international organizations respond?Attendance at this event is by invitation only. Department/project Asia-Pacific Programme, Geopolitics and Governance, Trade, Investment and Economics Lucy Ridout Programme Administrator, Asia-Pacific Programme +44 (0) 207 314 2761 Email Full Article
nc The everyday practices of global finance: gender and regulatory politics of ‘diversity’ By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 06 Nov 2019 08:39:23 +0000 6 November 2019 , Volume 95, Number 6 Penny Griffin Read online This article argues that practices of global finance provide a rich opportunity to consider gender's embodiment in everyday, but highly regulatory, financial life. Tracing a pathway through the rise of the ‘diversity agenda’ in global finance in the wake of the global financial crisis, the article asks how ‘diversity’ has shaped the global financial services industry, and whether it has challenged the reproduction of gendered power in global finance. Recent, innovative feminist political economy work has laid out a clear challenge to researchers of the global political economy to explore how everyday practices have become significant sites of gendered, regulatory power, and this article takes up this challenge, analysing how the rise of ‘diversity’ in financial services reveals the crucial intersections of gendered power and everyday economic practices. Using a conceptual framework drawn explicitly from Marysia Zalewski's work, this article advances critical inquiry into how gender has become an often unacknowledged way of writing the world of global finance, in ongoing, and problematic, ways. It proposes that the practices and futures of the diversity agenda in global finance provide a window into the persistent failure of global finance to reconfigure its foundational masculinism, and asks that financial actors begin to take seriously the foundational, gendered myths on which global finance has been built. Full Article
nc The African Continental Free Trade Area Could Boost African Agency in International Trade By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 10 Dec 2019 09:17:12 +0000 10 December 2019 Tighisti Amare Assistant Director, Africa Programme @tighistiamare Treasure Thembisile Maphanga Director, Trade and Industry, African Union Commission (2012–19) The agreement, which entered into force in May, could be a major step for Africa’s role in international trade, if the continent can overcome barriers to implementation. 2019-12-10-Niger.jpg Delegates arrive at the closing ceremony of the African Union summit in Niger in July. Photo: Getty Images. The entry into force of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) on 30 May, after only three years of negotiations, is an economic, political and diplomatic milestone for the African Union (AU) and its member states, crucial for economic growth, job creation, and making Africa a meaningful player in international trade. But the continent will have to work together to ensure that the potential benefits are fully realized.A necessary innovationWith its advances in maintaining peace and security, abundant natural resources, high growth rates, improved linkages to global supply chains and a youthful population, Africa is emerging as a new global centre of economic growth, increasingly sought after as a partner by the world’s biggest economies. Governments from across Africa have been taking a more assertive role in international markets, including through proactive diversification of trading partners, and the continent remains a strong advocate for the multilateral trading system.However, this is not yet reflected in outcomes. The African Union does not have observer status at the World Trade Organization, despite diplomatic efforts in the past decade. Africa has less than a three per cent share of global trade, and the growing trend towards protectionism across the global economy may only increase the vulnerability of a disunited Africa. Its fractured internal market means that trade within Africa is lower than for any other region on the globe, with intra-African trade just 18 per cent of overall exports, as compared to 70 per cent in Europe.The AfCFTA is the continent’s tool to address the disparity between Africa’s growing economic significance and its peripheral place in the global trade system, to build a bridge between present fragmentation and future prosperity. It is an ambitious, comprehensive agreement covering trade in goods, services, investment, intellectual property rights and competition policy. It has been signed by all of Africa’s states with the exception of Eritrea.It is the AU's Agenda 2063 flagship project, brought about by the decisions taken at the January 2012 African Union Summit to boost intra-African trade and to fast track the establishment of the Continental Free Trade Area. It builds upon ambitions enshrined in successive agreements including the Lagos Plan of Action and the Abuja Treaty. Access to new regional markets and reduced non-tariff barriers are intended to help companies scale up, driving job creation and poverty reduction, as well as attracting inward investment to even Africa’s smaller economies.The signing in 2018 of the instruments governing the Single Air Transport Market and the Protocol on Free Movement of Persons, Right of Residence and Right of Establishment provided another step towards the gradual elimination of barriers to the movement of goods, services and people within the continent.Tests to comeHowever, while progress is being made towards the ratification of the AfCFTA, much remains to be done before African countries can fully trade under its terms. The framework for implementation is still under development, and the creation of enabling infrastructure that is critical for connectivity will take time to develop and requires extensive investment. Africa’s Future in a Changing Global Order: Africa’s Economic Diplomacy Treasure Thembisile Maphanga talks about the international implications of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA). So, the first test for the AfCFTA will be the level to which Africa’s leaders make it a domestic priority, and whether a consensus can be maintained across the AU’s member states as the costs of implementation become clear.There is no guarantee that the gains of free trade will be evenly distributed. They will mainly depend on the extent to which countries embrace industrialization, liberalization of their markets and opening of their borders for free movement of goods and people – policies that some incumbent leaders may be reluctant to implement. Political will to maintain a unified negotiating position with diverse stakeholders, including the private sector, will come under increasing stress. A second challenge is how the AfCFTA relates to already existing trade arrangements, notably with the EU. The AU has long preferred to pursue a continent-to-continent trading arrangement instead of the bilateral Economic Partnership Agreements being sought by the EU under the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) framework to which, with the exception of Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia and South Africa, all African states belong. The signing of the AfCFTA is one important step towards making this possible.But there are currently negotiations under the ACP to replace the Cotonou Accord (the framework governing trade between ACP members and the EU, including Economic Partnership Agreements [EPAs], that is due to expire in 2020). Negotiations on the African pillar of the accord are due to take place after the AfCFTA has entered into force. So African states and the AU will face the challenge of balancing their commitment to the ACP bloc with pursuing their own interests.And though the AfCFTA should supersede any other agreements, the EPAs or their successors, will continue to govern day-to-day trading, in parallel to the new pan-African market. It is not yet clear how these contradictions will be reconciled.A new role for the AU?The AU will need to play an active role as the main interlocutor with Africa´s international trading partners, with the AfCFTA secretariat being the arbiter of internal tensions and trade disputes. The AU´s engagement at continental level has to date revolved mainly around headline political diplomacy, security and peacekeeping. With the continental free market becoming a reality, an effective pivot to economic diplomacy will be critical for growth and development.With the AfCFTA, the AU has endeavoured to address Africa’s unsustainable position in global trade, to stimulate growth, economic diversification and jobs for its growing population. Much will depend on the commitment of African leaders to maintaining a unified negotiating position to implement the agreement and the AU’s capacity to effectively move from political to economic diplomacy. Full Article
nc Secrets and Spies: UK Intelligence Accountability After Iraq and Snowden By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 15 Jan 2020 09:23:12 +0000 20 January 2020 How can democratic governments hold intelligence and security agencies to account when what they do is largely secret? Jamie Gaskarth explores how intelligence professionals view accountability in the context of 21st century politics. Jamie Gaskarth Senior Lecturer, University of Birmingham Secrets and Spies (cover image) Using the UK as a case study, this book provides the first systematic exploration of how accountability is understood inside the secret world. It is based on new interviews with current and former UK intelligence practitioners, as well as extensive research into the performance and scrutiny of the UK intelligence machinery.The result is the first detailed analysis of how intelligence professionals view their role, what they feel keeps them honest, and how far external overseers impact on their work.The UK gathers material that helps inform global decisions on such issues as nuclear proliferation, terrorism, transnational crime, and breaches of international humanitarian law. On the flip side, the UK was a major contributor to the intelligence failures leading to the Iraq war in 2003, and its agencies were complicit in the widely discredited U.S. practices of torture and 'rendition' of terrorism suspects. UK agencies have come under greater scrutiny since those actions, but it is clear that problems remain.Secrets and Spies is the result of a British Academy funded project (SG151249) on intelligence accountability.Open society is increasingly defended by secret means. For this reason, oversight has never been more important. This book offers a new exploration of the widening world of accountability for UK intelligence, encompassing informal as well as informal mechanisms. It substantiates its claims well, drawing on an impressive range of interviews with senior figures. This excellent book offers both new information and fresh interpretations. It will have a major impact.Richard Aldrich, Professor of International Security, University of Warwick, UKGaskarth’s novel approach, interpreting interviews with senior figures from the intelligence world, brings fresh insight on a significant yet contested topic. He offers an impressively holistic account of intelligence accountability—both formal and informal—and, most interestingly of all, of how those involved understand it. This is essential reading for those wanting to know what accountability means and how it is enacted.Rory Cormac, Professor of International Relations, University of NottinghamAbout the authorJamie Gaskarth is senior lecturer at the University of Birmingham, where he teaches strategy and decision-making. His research looks at the ethical dilemmas of leadership and accountability in intelligence, foreign policy, and defence. He is author/editor or co-editor of six books and served on the Academic Advisory panel for the 2015 UK National Security Strategy and Strategic Defence and Security Review.Available now: Buying optionsInsights: Critical Thinking on International Affairs Department/project Russia and Eurasia Programme Full Article
nc Can the UK Strike a Balance Between Openness and Control? By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Mon, 02 Mar 2020 13:07:34 +0000 2 March 2020 Hans Kundnani Senior Research Fellow, Europe Programme @hanskundnani Rather than fetishizing free trade, Britain should aim to be a model for a wider recalibration of sustainable globalization. 2020-03-02-Johnson.jpg Boris Johnson speaks at the Old Naval College in Greenwich on 3 February. Photo: Getty Images. This week the UK will start negotiating its future relationship with the European Union. The government is trying to convince the EU that it is serious about its red lines and is prepared to walk away from negotiations if the UK’s ‘regulatory freedom’ is not accepted – a no-deal scenario that would result in tariffs between the EU and the UK. Yet at the same time the story it is telling the world is that Britain is ‘re-emerging after decades of hibernation as a campaigner for global free trade’, as Boris Johnson put it in his speech in Greenwich a few weeks ago.The EU is understandably confused. It’s a bit odd to claim to be campaigning for free trade at the exact moment you are creating new barriers to trade. If Britain were so committed to frictionless trade, it wouldn’t have left the EU in the first place – and having decided to leave, it would have sought to maintain a close economic relationship with the EU, like that of Norway, rather than seek a basic trade deal like Canada’s. As well as creating confusion, the narrative also absurdly idealizes free trade. Johnson invoked Richard Cobden and the idea that free trade is ‘God’s diplomacy – the only certain way of uniting people in the bonds of peace since the more freely goods cross borders the less likely it is that troops will ever cross borders’. But the idea that free trade prevents war was shattered by the outbreak of the First World War, which brought to an end the first era of globalization.We also know that the domestic effects of free trade are more complex and problematic than Johnson suggested. Economic liberalization increases efficiency by removing friction but also creates disruption and has huge distributional consequences – that is, it creates winners and losers. In a democracy, these consequences need to be mitigated.In any case, the world today is not the same as the one in which Cobden lived. Tariffs are at a historically low level – and many non-tariff barriers have also been removed. In other words, most of the possible gains from trade liberalization have already been realized. Johnson talked about the dangers of a new wave of protectionism. But as the economist Dani Rodrik has argued, the big problem in the global economy is no longer a lack of openness, it is a lack of democratic legitimacy.The UK should therefore abandon this confusing and misleading narrative and own the way it is actually creating new barriers to trade – and do a better job of explaining the legitimate reasons for doing so. Instead of simplistically talking up free trade, we should be talking about the need to balance openness and economic efficiency with democracy and a sense of control, which is ultimately what Brexit was all about. Instead of claiming to be a ‘catalyst for free trade’, as Johnson put it, the UK should be talking about how it is trying to recalibrate globalization and, in doing so, make it sustainable.In the three decades after the end of the Cold War, globalization got out of control as barriers to the movement of capital and goods were progressively removed – what Rodrik called ‘hyper-globalization’ to distinguish it from the earlier, more moderate phase of globalization. This kind of deep integration necessitated the development of a system of rules, which have constrained the ability of states to pursue the kind of economic policy, particularly industrial policy, they want, and therefore undermined democracy.Hyper-globalization created a sense that ‘the nation state has fundamentally lost control of its destiny, surrendering to anonymous global forces’, as the economist Barry Eichengreen put it. Throughout the West, countries are all struggling with the same dilemma – how to reconcile openness and deep integration on the one hand, and democracy, sovereignty and a sense of control on the other.Within the EU, however, economic integration and the abolition of barriers to the movement of capital and goods went further than in the rest of the world – and the evolution of the principle of freedom of movement after the Maastricht Treaty meant that barriers to the internal movement of people were also eliminated as the EU was enlarged. What happened within the EU might be thought of as ‘hyper-regionalization’ – an extreme example, in a regional context, of a global trend.EU member states have lost control to an even greater extent than other nation states – albeit to anonymous regional rather than global forces – and this loss of control was felt intensely within the EU. It is therefore logical that this led to an increase in Euroscepticism. Whereas the left wants to restore some barriers to the movement of capital and goods, the right wants to restore barriers to the movement of people.However, having left the EU, the UK is uniquely well placed to find a new equilibrium. The UK has an ideological commitment to free trade that goes back to the movement to abolish the Corn Laws in the 1840s – which Johnson’s speech expressed. It is difficult to imagine the UK becoming protectionist in any meaningful sense. But at the same time, it has a well-developed sense of national and popular sovereignty, and the sense that the two go together – which is why it was so sensitive to the erosion of them through the EU. This means that Britain is unlikely to go to one extreme or the other.In other words, the UK may be the ideal country to find a new balance between openness and integration on the one hand, and a sense of control on the other. If it can find this balance – if it can make Brexit work – the UK could be a model for a wider recalibration of sustainable globalization. That, rather than fetishizing free trade, is the real contribution the UK can make.A version of this article was originally published in the Observer. Full Article
nc Influencing the social impact of financial systems: alternative strategies By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 04 Mar 2020 13:35:39 +0000 4 March 2020 , Volume 96, Number 2 Lee-Anne Sim Read Online The social impact of the global financial crisis brought global and domestic financial systems into public focus. While over the last ten years governments have introduced a range of regulatory reforms, there are still low levels of public trust in financial sectors, and academics continue to express their concerns about financial systems and their desire for more influence. This is particularly the case for those framing their evaluation of the quality of financial systems in terms of social values. This article offers those seeking more influence over the social values of financial systems, a fresh perspective on their available strategic options for influencing outcomes. It argues that they should consider strategies aimed at making allies of financial sectors and regulators in influencing change. The main advantage of these alliance strategies is that they address key constraints to influence, as identified in existing scholarship, which are difficult to relax because they are tied to features inherent in financial systems. By addressing these constraints, alliance strategies could increase the likelihood that financial system outcomes align more closely with their preferred social values. Full Article
nc Coronavirus: All Citizens Need an Income Support By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Mon, 16 Mar 2020 10:50:49 +0000 16 March 2020 Jim O'Neill Chair, Chatham House We cannot expect policies such as the dramatic monetary steps announced by the Federal Reserve Board and others like it, to end this crisis. A People's Quantitative Easing (QE) could be the answer. 2020-03-16-coronavirus-delivery.jpg Delivery bike rider wearing a face mask as a precaution against coronavirus at Madrid Rio park. Photo by Pablo Cuadra/Getty Images. Linked to the call for a global response to the Covid-19 pandemic that I, Robin Niblett and Creon Butler have outlined, the case for a specific dramatic economic policy gesture from many policymakers in large economies is prescient.It may not be warranted from all G20 nations, although given the uncertainties, and the desire to show collective initiative, I think it should be G20 driven and inclusive.We need some sort of income support for all our citizens, whether employees or employers. Perhaps one might call it a truly People’s QE (quantitative easing).Against the background of the previous economic crisis from 2008, and the apparent difficulties that more traditional forms of economic stimulus have faced in trying to help their economies and their people - especially against a background of low wage growth, and both actual, and perception of rising inequality - other ideas have emerged.Central banks printing moneyBoth modern monetary theory (MMT) and universal basic income (UBI) essentially owe their roots to the judgement that conventional economic policies have not been helping.At the core of these views is the notion of giving money to people, especially lower income people, directly paid for by our central banks printing money. Until recently, I found myself having very little sympathy with these views but, as a result of COVID-19, I have changed my mind.This crisis is extraordinary in so far as it is both a colossal demand shock and an even bigger colossal supply shock. The crisis epicentre has shifted from China - and perhaps the rest of Asia - to Europe and the United States. We cannot expect policies, however unconventional by modern times, such as the dramatic monetary steps announced by the Federal Reserve Board and others like it, to put a floor under this crisis.We are consciously asking our people to stop going out, stop travelling, not go to their offices - in essence, curtailing all forms of normal economic life. The only ones not impacted are those who entirely work through cyberspace. But even they have to buy some forms of consumer goods such as food and, even if they order online, someone has to deliver it.As a result, markets are, correctly, worrying about a collapse of economic activity and, with it, a collapse of companies, not just their earnings. Expansion of central bank balance sheets is not going to do anything to help that, unless it is just banks we are again worried about saving.What is needed in current circumstances, are steps to make each of us believe with high confidence that, if we take the advice from our medical experts, especially if we self-isolate and deliberately restrict our personal incomes, then we will have this made good by our governments. In essence, we need smart, persuasive People’s QE.Having discussed the idea with a couple of economic experts, there are considerable difficulties with moving beyond the simple concept. In the US for example, I believe the Federal Reserve is legally constrained from pursuing a direct transfer of cash to individuals or companies, and this may be true elsewhere.But this is easily surmounted by fiscal authorities issuing a special bond, the proceeds of which could be transferred to individuals and business owners. And central banks could easily finance such bonds.It is also the case that such a step would encroach on the perception and actuality of central bank independence, but I would be among those that argue central banks can only operate this independence if done wisely. Others will argue that, in the spirit of the equality debate, any income support should be targeted towards those on very low incomes, while higher earners or large businesses, shouldn’t be given any, or very little.I can sympathise with such spirit, but this also ignores the centrality of this particular economic shock. All of our cafes and restaurants, and many of our airlines, and such are at genuine risk of not being able to survive, and these organisations are considerable employers of people on income.It is also the case that time is of the essence, and we need our policymakers to act as soon as possible, otherwise the transmission mechanisms, including those about the permanent operation of our post World War 2 form of life may be challenged.We need some kind of smart People’s QE now. Full Article
nc To Advance Trade and Climate Goals, ‘Global Britain’ Must Link Them By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Thu, 19 Mar 2020 17:12:54 +0000 19 March 2020 Carolyn Deere Birkbeck Associate Fellow, Global Economy and Finance Programme, and Hoffmann Centre for Sustainable Resource Economy @carolyndeere LinkedIn Google Scholar Dr Emily Jones Associate Professor, Blavatnik School of Government Dr Thomas Hale Associate Professor, Blavatnik School of Government COVID-19 is a sharp reminder of why trade policy matters. As the UK works to forge new trade deals, it must align its trade policy agenda with its climate ambition. 2020-03-19-Boris-Johnson-COP26.jpg Boris Johnson at the launch of the UK-hosted COP26 UN Climate Summit at the Science Museum, London on February 4, 2020. Photo by Jeremy Selwyn - WPA Pool/Getty Images. COVID-19 is a sharp reminder of why trade and climate policy matters. How can governments maintain access to critical goods and services, and ensure global supply chains function in times of crisis?The timing of many trade negotiations is now increasingly uncertain, as are the UK’s plans to host COP26 in November. Policy work continues, however, and the EU has released its draft negotiating text for the new UK-EU trade deal, which includes a sub-chapter specifically devoted to climate. This is a timely reminder both of the pressing need for the UK to integrate its trade and climate policymaking and to use the current crisis-induced breathing space in international negotiations - however limited - to catch up on both strategy and priorities on this critical policy intersection.The UK government has moved fast to reset its external trade relations post-Brexit. In the past month it formally launched bilateral negotiations with the EU and took up a seat at the World Trade Organization (WTO) as an independent member. Until the COVID-19 crisis hit, negotiations were also poised to start with the US.The UK is also in the climate spotlight as host of COP26, the most important international climate negotiation since Paris in 2015, which presents a vital opportunity for the government to show leadership by aligning its trade agenda with its climate and sustainability commitments in bold new ways.Not just an empty aspirationThis would send a signal that ‘Global Britain’ is not just an empty aspiration, but a concrete commitment to lead.Not only is concerted action on the climate crisis a central priority for UK citizens, a growing and increasingly vocal group of UK businesses committed to decarbonization are calling on the government to secure a more transparent and predictable international market place that supports climate action by business.With COP26, the UK has a unique responsibility to push governments to ratchet up ambition in the national contributions to climate action – and to promote coherence between climate ambition and wider economic policymaking, including on trade. If Britain really wants to lead, here are some concrete actions it should take.At the national level, the UK can pioneer new ways to put environmental sustainability – and climate action in particular - at the heart of its trade agenda. Achieving the government’s ambitious Clean Growth Strategy - which seeks to make the UK the global leader in a range of industries including electric cars and offshore wind – should be a central objective of UK trade policy.The UK should re-orient trade policy frameworks to incentivize the shift toward a more circular and net zero global economy. And all elements of UK trade policy could be assessed against environmental objectives - for example, their contribution to phasing out fossil fuels, helping to reverse overexploitation of natural resources, and support for sustainable agriculture and biodiversity.In its bilateral and regional trade negotiations, the UK can and should advance its environment, climate and trade goals in tandem, and implementation of the Paris Agreement must be a core objective of the UK trade strategy.A core issue for the UK is how to ensure that efforts to decarbonise the economy are not undercut by imports from high-carbon producers. Here, a ‘border carbon adjustment (BCA)’ - effectively a tax on the climate pollution of imports - would support UK climate goals. The EU draft negotiating text released yesterday put the issue of BCAs front and centre, making crystal clear that the intersection of climate, environment and trade policy goals will be a central issue for UK-EU trade negotiations.Even with the United States, a trade deal can and should still be seized as a way to incentivize the shift toward a net zero and more circular economy. At the multilateral level, as a new independent WTO member, the UK has an opportunity to help build a forward-looking climate and trade agenda.The UK could help foster dialogue, research and action on a cluster of ‘climate and trade’ issues that warrant more focused attention at the WTO. These include the design of carbon pricing policies at the border that are transparent, fair and support a just transition; proposals for a climate waiver for WTO rules; and identification of ways multilateral trade cooperation could promote a zero carbon and more circular global economy. To help nudge multilateral discussion along, the UK could also ask to join a critical ‘path finder’ effort by six governments, led by New Zealand, to pursue an agreement on climate change, trade and sustainability (ACCTS). This group aims to find ways forward on three central trade and climate issues: removing fossil fuel subsidies, climate-related labelling, and promoting trade in climate-friendly goods and services.At present, the complex challenges at the intersection of climate, trade and development policy are too often used to defer or side-step issues deemed ‘too hard’ or ‘too sensitive’ to tackle. The UK could help here by working to ensure multilateral climate and trade initiatives share adjustment burdens, recognise the historical responsibility of developed countries, and do not unfairly disadvantage developing countries - especially the least developed.Many developing countries are keen to promote climate-friendly exports as part of wider export diversification strategies and want to reap greater returns from greener global value chains. Further, small island states and least-developed countries – many of which are Commonwealth members – that are especially vulnerable to the impacts of climate change and natural disasters, need support to adapt in the face of trade shocks and to build climate-resilient, trade-related infrastructure and export sectors.As an immediate next step, the UK should actively support the growing number of WTO members in favour of a WTO Ministerial Statement on environmental sustainability and trade. It should work with its key trading partners in the Commonwealth and beyond to ensure the agenda is inclusive, supports achievement of the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and helps developing countries benefit from a more environmentally sustainable global economy.As the UK prepares to host COP26, negotiates deals with the EU and US, and prepares for its first WTO Ministerial meeting as an independent member, it must show it can lead the way nationally, bilaterally, and multilaterally. And to ensure the government acts, greater engagement from the UK’s business, civil society and research sectors is critical – we need all hands on deck to forge and promote concrete proposals for aligning UK trade policy with the climate ambition our world needs. Full Article
nc Webinar: Coordinating the Fight Against Financial Crime By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Fri, 17 Apr 2020 16:10:01 +0000 Corporate Members Event Webinar 1 July 2020 - 5:00pm to 6:00pmAdd to CalendariCalendar Outlook Google Yahoo Che Sidanius, Global Head of Regulation & Industry Affairs, RefinitivPatricia Sullivan, Global Co-Head, Financial Crime Compliance, Standard CharteredDame Sara Thornton, Independent Anti-Slavery Commissioner, UKChair: Tom Keatinge, Director, Centre for Financial Crime and Security Studies, RUSI Illicit finance not only threatens financial stability and inclusion but also provides support for terrorism and is a primary incentive for human trafficking, the illegal wildlife trade and narcotics smuggling. Frequently, actors capitalize on loopholes and inefficiencies resulting from the lack of a coordinated response to financial crime and an underpowered global system for tracking illicit financial flows. Enhanced public-private partnerships, in addition to investment in tackling financial crime from governments, international bodies and private industries, are necessary to develop regulatory frameworks, effective responses and valuable coordination between law enforcement, policymakers, regulators and financial institutions. But how should businesses structure their efforts so that their business interests are protected and the work they do is of use to others fighting financial crime?This webinar will explore solutions to enable public-private partnerships to work together to combat financial crime. What do successful partnerships need from each side to ensure that the work being done is efficient and effective? How can the industry’s internal effectiveness impact the ‘real-world’ victims? And what barriers impede public-private partnerships operating as a force for good? This event is part of a fortnightly series of 'Business in Focus' webinars reflecting on the impact of COVID-19 on areas of particular professional interest for our corporate members and giving circles.Not a corporate member? Find out more. Full Article
nc Webinar: Global Economic Recovery and Resilience to Systemic Shocks By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Fri, 17 Apr 2020 16:15:01 +0000 Corporate Members Event Webinar 20 May 2020 - 5:00pm to 5:45pmAdd to CalendariCalendar Outlook Google Yahoo Francesca Viliani, Consultant Researcher, Global Health Programme, Chatham House; Director, Public Health, International SOSSven Smit, Co-Chair, McKinsey Global Institute and Senior Partner, McKinsey & Company, AmsterdamChair: Creon Butler, Research Director, Trade, Investment & New Governance Models: Director, Global Economy and Finance Programme, Chatham House The outbreak of COVID-19 has demonstrated the wide-ranging and immediate impact a systemic shock can have on the global economy including the financial loss caused by the emergency shutdown of many retail operations, the loss of income for individuals who are forced to stay indoors and the major disruption to supply chains. The longer term impacts are still being realized and depend heavily on the ability of industry and the government to respond effectively to the direct economic shock caused by the pandemic.Systemic shocks like the COVID-19 pandemic demand immediate responses, but should also encourage governments and industries to re-examine their recovery processes, their resilience and their forward planning. In this webinar, the panellists will discuss the short and long-term impacts of the current crisis and explore how industry can help ensure that the global economy is able to recover from, and build resilience to, future systemic shocks. How do business leaders move from making decisions to reimagining a ‘new normal’ and reforming their practices? What are the critical decisions that businesses should consider when planning for this 'new normal'? And how far can these decisions be based on expected changes to governmental or intergovernmental regulation of different sectors? This event is part of a fortnightly series of 'Business in Focus' webinars reflecting on the impact of COVID-19 on areas of particular professional interest for our corporate members and giving circles.Not a corporate member? Find out more. Full Article
nc HDL and pancreatic {beta} cells: a SMO-king gun? By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-04-01 Liam R. BrunhamApr 1, 2020; 61:468-469Commentary Full Article
nc Phosphatidylinositol Metabolism, Phospholipases, Lipidomics, and Cancer:In Memoriam of Michael J. O. Wakelam (1955-2020) By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-04-28 Edward A DennisApr 28, 2020; 0:jlr.T120000868v1-jlr.T120000868Tribute Full Article
nc HDL inhibits endoplasmic reticulum stress-induced apoptosis of pancreatic {beta}-cells in vitro by activation of Smoothened By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-04-01 Mustafa YalcinkayaApr 1, 2020; 61:492-504Research Articles Full Article
nc Of mice and men: murine bile acids explain species differences in the regulation of bile acid and cholesterol metabolism By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-04-01 Sara StranieroApr 1, 2020; 61:480-491Research Articles Full Article
nc Circulating oxidized LDL increased in patients with acute myocardial infarction is accompanied by heavily modified HDL. By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-04-14 Naoko SawadaApr 14, 2020; 0:jlr.RA119000312v1-jlr.RA119000312Research Articles Full Article
nc The grease trap: uncovering the mechanism of the hydrophobic lid in Cutibacterium acnes lipase By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-05-01 Hyo Jung KimMay 1, 2020; 61:722-733Research Articles Full Article
nc Myeloid-specific deficiency of pregnane X receptor decreases atherosclerosis in LDL receptor-deficient mice By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-05-01 Yipeng SuiMay 1, 2020; 61:696-706Research Articles Full Article
nc Roles of endogenous ether lipids and associated PUFA in the regulation of ion channels and their relevance for disease By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-04-07 Delphine FontaineApr 7, 2020; 0:jlr.RA120000634v1-jlr.RA120000634Research Articles Full Article
nc The lncRNA Gm15622 stimulates SREBP-1c expression and hepatic lipid accumulation by sponging the miR-742-3p in mice By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-03-30 Minjuan MaMar 30, 2020; 0:jlr.RA120000664v1-jlr.RA120000664Research Articles Full Article
nc Metabolic phospholipid labeling of intact bacteria enables a fluorescence assay that detects compromised outer membranes By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-03-10 Inga NilssonMar 10, 2020; 0:jlr.RA120000654v1-jlr.RA120000654Research Articles Full Article
nc Lipid-tuned Zinc Transport Activity of Human ZnT8 Protein Correlates with Risk for Type-2 Diabetes [Molecular Bases of Disease] By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2016-12-30T00:06:37-08:00 Zinc is a critical element for insulin storage in the secretory granules of pancreatic beta cells. The islet-specific zinc transporter ZnT8 mediates granular sequestration of zinc ions. A genetic variant of human ZnT8 arising from a single nonsynonymous nucleotide change contributes to increased susceptibility to type-2 diabetes (T2D), but it remains unclear how the high risk variant (Arg-325), which is also a higher frequency (>50%) allele, is correlated with zinc transport activity. Here, we compared the activity of Arg-325 with that of a low risk ZnT8 variant (Trp-325). The Arg-325 variant was found to be more active than the Trp-325 form following induced expression in HEK293 cells. We further examined the functional consequences of changing lipid conditions to mimic the impact of lipid remodeling on ZnT8 activity during insulin granule biogenesis. Purified ZnT8 variants in proteoliposomes exhibited more than 4-fold functional tunability by the anionic phospholipids, lysophosphatidylcholine and cholesterol. Over a broad range of permissive lipid compositions, the Arg-325 variant consistently exhibited accelerated zinc transport kinetics versus the Trp-form. In agreement with the human genetic finding that rare loss-of-function mutations in ZnT8 are associated with reduced T2D risk, our results suggested that the common high risk Arg-325 variant is hyperactive, and thus may be targeted for inhibition to reduce T2D risk in the general populations. Full Article
nc Episode 63 - The Internet of the French (IotF) New Surface Pro and Netflix vs Cannes By play.acast.com Published On :: Fri, 26 May 2017 11:15:53 GMT This week we dive into the new Surface Pro with Digital Arts' Neil Bennett. Who is it for and is it that different to the last one? And are 2 in 1 devices really the future of computing? Then Techworld's Scott Carey, fresh back from Cannes, discusses why the French film industry booed at a Netflix film - why was it there in the first place? Is the film industry being that affected by tech giants like Amazon? Tech Advisor's Dom Preston chimes in to let us know. Finally, we all quickly nerded out about Alien: Covenant. Mild spoiler alert! See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information. Full Article technology film tech funny
nc Episode 71: The Internet of iPhone X (IoiX) Plus Apple Watch 3 and Apple TV announcements By play.acast.com Published On :: Wed, 13 Sep 2017 15:41:20 GMT This week it is all about Apple as the company announces its eagerly awaited iPhone X and iPhone 8/8 Plus smartphones, a new Apple watch (yawn) and Apple TV news. Macworld UK editor Karen Haslam is our host this week, as she chats to a distinctly unconvinced Dominic Preston about the latest iPhone, followed by David Price on the Apple Watch Series 3, which he likes but not as much as its predecessor. Then everyone piles in together to discuss the quite-good iPhone 8, the quite-late Apple TV 4K, and all the rest of the evening's festivities. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information. Full Article
nc Episode 83 - The Internet of White Rings (IoWR) HomePod, Kingdom Come: Deliverance and no spoiler Black Panther chat By play.acast.com Published On :: Fri, 16 Feb 2018 00:00:00 GMT Scott Carey assembles half the Tech Advisor squad to chat about the HomePod's great audio and then all the things that make it a tabloid headline. Jim Martin lets us know if Apple ruined his oak and/or pine.Lewis Painter chats us through Kingdom Come: Deliverance and all the wacky things you can do in its slow paced but huge world. Dom Preston then lets us know - without spoilers - just how good Black Panther is, Marvel's latest marvel (hopefully). See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information. Full Article
nc WITHDRAWN: Structural and mechanistic studies of hydroperoxide conversions catalyzed by a CYP74 clan epoxy alcohol synthase from amphioxus (Branchiostoma floridae) [Research Articles] By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2014-03-04T09:59:12-08:00 This manuscript has been withdrawn by the Author. Full Article
nc WITHDRAWN: The Fundamental And Pathological Importance Of Oxysterol Binding Protein And Its Related Proteins [Thematic Reviews] By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2018-10-15T08:42:37-07:00 This article has been withdrawn by the authors as part of this review overlapped with the contents of Pietrangelo A and Ridgway ND. 2018. Cellular and Molecular Life Sciences. 75; 3079-98. Full Article
nc Metabolic phospholipid labeling of intact bacteria enables a fluorescence assay that detects compromised outer membranes [Research Articles] By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-03-10T09:30:25-07:00 Gram-negative bacteria possess an asymmetric outer membrane (OM) composed primarily of lipopolysaccharides (LPS) on the outer leaflet and phospholipids (PLs) on the inner leaflet. Loss of this asymmetry due to mutations in the lipopolysaccharide (LPS) biosynthesis or transport pathways causes externalization of PLs to the outer leaflet of the OM and leads to OM permeability defects. Here, we employed metabolic labeling to detect a compromised OM in intact bacteria. Phosphatidylcholine synthase (Pcs) expression in Escherichia coli allowed for incorporation of exogenous propargylcholine (PCho) into phosphatidyl(propargyl)choline (PPC) and for incorporation of exogenous 1-azidoethyl-choline (AECho) into phosphatidyl(azidoethyl)choline (AEPC) as confirmed by LC-MS analyses. A fluorescent copper-free click reagent poorly labeled AEPC in intact wild-type cells, but readily labeled AEPC from lysed cells. Fluorescence microscopy and flow cytometry analyses confirmed the absence of significant AEPC labeling from intact wild-type E. coli strains, and revealed significant AEPC labeling in an E. coli LPS transport mutant (lptD4213) and an LPS biosynthesis mutant (E. coli lpxC101). Our results suggest that metabolic PL labeling with AECho is a promising tool to detect a compromised bacterial OM, reveal aberrant PL externalization, and identify or characterize novel cell-active inhibitors of LPS biosynthesis or transport. Full Article
nc The lncRNA Gm15622 stimulates SREBP-1c expression and hepatic lipid accumulation by sponging the miR-742-3p in mice [Research Articles] By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-03-30T14:36:26-07:00 Excessive lipid deposition is a hallmark of nonalcoholic fatty liver disease (NAFLD). Although much has been learned about the enzymes and metabolites involved in NAFLD, few studies have focused on the role of long non-coding RNAs (lncRNAs) in hepatic lipid accumulation. Here, using in vitro and in vivo models of NAFLD, we found that the lncRNA Gm15622 is highly expressed in the liver of obese mice fed a high-fat diet (HFD) and in murine liver (AML-12) cells treated with free fatty acids. Investigating the molecular mechanism in the liver-enriched expression of Gm15622 and its effects on lipid accumulation in hepatocytes and on NAFLD pathogenesis, we found that Gm15622 acts as a sponge for the microRNA miR-742-3p. This sponging activity increased the expression of the transcriptional regulator sterol regulatory element–binding transcription factor 1c (SREBP-1c) and promoted lipid accumulation in the liver of the HFD mice and AML-12 cells. Moreover, further results indicated that metformin suppresses Gm15622 and alleviates NAFLD-associated lipid deposition in mice. In conclusion, we have identified an lncRNA Gm15622–miR-742-3p–SREBP-1c regulatory circuit associated with NAFLD in mice, a finding that significantly advances our insight into how lipid metabolism and accumulation are altered in this metabolic disorder. Our results also suggest that Gm15622 may be a potential therapeutic target for managing NAFLD. Full Article
nc Roles of endogenous ether lipids and associated PUFA in the regulation of ion channels and their relevance for disease [Research Articles] By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-04-07T06:36:30-07:00 Ether lipids (ELs) are lipids characterized by the presence of either an ether linkage (alkyl lipids) or a vinyl ether linkage (i.e. plasmalogens [Pls]) at the sn1 position of the glycerol backbone and they are enriched in PUFAs at the sn2 position. In this review, we highlight that ELs have various biological functions, act as a reservoir for second messengers (such as PUFAs), and have roles in many diseases. Some of the biological effects of ELs may be associated with their ability to regulate ion channels that control excitation-contraction/secretion/mobility coupling and therefore cell physiology. These channels are embedded in lipid membranes, and lipids can regulate their activities directly or indirectly as second messengers or by incorporating into membranes. Interestingly, ELs and EL-derived PUFAs have been reported to play a key role in several pathologies, including neurological disorders, cardiovascular diseases, and cancers. Investigations leading to a better understanding of their mechanisms of action in pathologies have opened a new field in cancer research. In summary, newly identified lipid regulators of ion channels, such as ELs and PUFAs, may represent valuable targets to improve disease diagnosis and advance the development of new therapeutic strategies for managing a range of diseases and conditions. Full Article
nc Circulating oxidized LDL increased in patients with acute myocardial infarction is accompanied by heavily modified HDL. [Research Articles] By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-04-14T05:33:23-07:00 Oxidized low-density lipoprotein (oxLDL) is a known risk factor for atherogenesis. This study aimed to reveal structural features of oxLDL present in human circulation related to atherosclerosis. When LDL was fractionated on an anion-exchange column, in vivo-oxLDL, detected by the anti-oxidized phosphatidylcholine (oxPC) monoclonal antibody, was recovered in flow-through and electronegative LDL (LDL(-)) fractions. The amount of the electronegative in vivo-oxLDL, namely oxLDL in LDL(-) fraction, present in patients with acute myocardial infarction (AMI) was three-fold higher than that observed in healthy subjects. Surprisingly, LDL(-) fraction contained apoA1 in addition to apoB, and HDL-sized particles were observed with transmission electron microscopy. In LDL(-) fractions, acrolein adducts were identified at all lysine residues in apoA1, with only a small number of acrolein-modified residues were identified in apoB. The amount of oxPC adducts of apoB was higher in LDL(-) than in L1 fraction as determined using western blotting. The electronegative in vivo-oxLDL was immunologically purified from the LDL(-) fraction with an anti-oxPC monoclonal antibody. Majority of PC species was not oxidized, whereas oxPC and lysoPC did not accumulate. Here, we propose that there are two types of in vivo-oxLDL in human circulating plasma and the electronegative in vivo-oxLDL accompanies oxidized HDL. Full Article
nc Phosphatidylinositol Metabolism, Phospholipases, Lipidomics, and Cancer:In Memoriam of Michael J. O. Wakelam (1955-2020) [Tribute] By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-04-28T14:30:27-07:00 Full Article
nc Lipid sensing tips the balance for a key cholesterol synthesis enzyme [Images in Lipid Research] By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-05-05T06:33:39-07:00 Full Article
nc 2-Chlorofatty acids are biomarkers of sepsis mortality and mediators of barrier dysfunction in rats [Research Articles] By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-05-06T11:30:34-07:00 Sepsis is defined as the systemic, dysregulated host immune response to an infection that leads to injury to host organ systems, and, often, death. Complex interactions between pathogens and their hosts elicit microcirculatory dysfunction. Neutrophil myeloperoxidase (MPO) is critical for combating pathogens, but MPO-derived hypochlorous acid (HOCl) can react with host molecular species as well. Plasmalogens are targeted by HOCl, leading to the production of 2-chlorofatty acids (2-CLFAs). 2-CLFAs are associated with human sepsis mortality, decrease in vitroendothelial barrier function, and activate human neutrophil extracellular trap formation. Here, we sought to examine 2-CLFAs in an in vivorat sepsis model. Intraperitoneal cecal slurry sepsis with clinically relevant rescue therapies led to ~73% mortality and evidence of microcirculatory dysfunction. Plasma concentrations of 2-CLFAs assessed 8h after sepsis induction were lower in rats that survived sepsis than in non-survivors. 2-CLFA levels were elevated in kidney, liver, spleen, lung, colon and ileum in septic animals. In vivo, exogenous 2-CLFA treatments increased kidney permeability, and in in vitroexperiments 2-CLFA also increased epithelial surface expression of vascular cell adhesion molecule 1 and decreased epithelial barrier function. Collectively, these studies support a role of free 2-CLFAs as biomarkers of sepsis mortality, potentially mediated, in part, by 2-CLFA-elicited endothelial and epithelial barrier dysfunction. Full Article
nc Russia’s Uncertain Regime Transformation By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 11 Mar 2020 15:47:58 +0000 11 March 2020 Professor Nikolai Petrov Senior Research Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme, Chatham House Google Scholar Dr Ben Noble Lecturer in Russian Politics, University College London; Senior Research Fellow, HSE, Moscow Despite the drama, Vladimir Putin’s announcement endorsing a constitutional change allowing him to remain president from 2024 does surprisingly little to change the status quo. 2020-03-11-Putin-Constitution.jpg Russian President Vladimir Putin addresses lawmakers debating on the second reading of the constitutional reform bill during a session of the State Duma, Russia's lower house of parliament March 10, 2020. Photo by ALEXANDER NEMENOV/AFP via Getty Images. With Putin’s current term as head of state due to run out in 2024, the question everybody has been asking is what he will do to remain in power. The Russian president’s recent speech, made in person in the State Duma during the second reading of his own constitutional reform bill, has been interpreted by many as a clear answer. Summaries such as “Putin forever” and “perpetual Putin” abound. But the reality is not so clear.Putin has not committed to standing for re-election in 2024, never mind staying in power until 2036, when two additional six-year terms from 2024 would run out. What he has done is provide the constitutional grounds to retain power as president. It creates a highly credible option without committing him to it.And the uncertainty matters. Because as long as members of the elite are unsure whether Putin will take up the option to remain president, they are kept in check.Broader constitutional reformWith the flurry of interest around Putin’s announcement, we should not lose sight of his moves to further strengthen the presidency. As part of the broader constitutional reform package, Russia’s existing “super-presidency” will gain additional powers, such as the authority to fire top-tier judges and to block legislation when the legislature has overridden a presidential veto (in other words, a “super-veto”).The proposals also put the autonomy of local self-government at risk, with Moscow and regional executives gaining the constitutional power to hire and fire officials who are not even technically part of the state. And the president now has a formalised role as “general leader” of the government. Putin is creating the “Great Presidency”.However, the majority of constitutional changes do not relate to the presidency – they have different purposes. Firstly, to revitalise support for the regime which took a hit following unpopular pension reforms in 2018. Secondly, to distract or appease those worried by Putin remaining in a strengthened presidency. And perhaps most significantly, to boost turnout in the nationwide vote on reforms.This desire to re-energise popular support becomes apparent as the changes – some of which will have to be inserted rather awkwardly into the constitution’s structure – focus on three elements aimed squarely at improving the regime’s appeal: increased material support from the state for citizens, including indexing state pensions; an emphasis on “traditional values”, including a declaration that marriage can only be a union between a man and a woman; and increased Russian sovereignty, including a “nationalisation” of the elite, with a constitutional ban on top-level officials having bank accounts abroad. Constitutional reform is, moreover, the most visible part of a broader political transformation already underway, including a major propaganda drive. Putin has promised a significant increase in resources for its “maternity capital” programme, putting more money in the pockets of young Russian families.And he has instructed Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin’s government to focus on delivering his “national projects” – goals aimed at improving Russians’ lives across a range of areas, from infrastructure to education and healthcare.Taking advantage of several imminent historical milestones is also on the cards. It has been reported Putin will sign the constitutional reform bill on March 18 – the anniversary of Russia’s annexation of Crimea. And May 9 is the 75th anniversary of the end of the Great Patriotic War (the Russian term for the Second World War), with foreign dignitaries invited to attend events in Moscow.Putin has also been filling the airwaves with a high-production-values series called “20 Questions for Vladimir Putin”, as well as holding public meetings with citizens in provinces such as Cherepovets and Ivanovo. There is a clear aim to demonstrate the president is not only still in control, but also concerned with the well-being of everyday Russians.With parliamentary elections scheduled for September 2021 the Kremlin knows that, to maintain its control of a super-majority of seats in the State Duma, its ratings-raising drive has to work – even if it does always have the option of using manifestly authoritarian methods for realising desired election results. A proposal to call early State Duma elections was made during the second reading of Putin’s reform bill, but was quickly withdrawn after Putin spoke out against the idea.Russia’s complex architecture of “power”Throughout this transformation, maintaining control of the elite – particularly of the siloviki – is key for Putin. A reshuffling and removal of senior officials in the Procuracy has seen Yury Chaika replaced as general prosecutor by Ivan Krasnov, previously a deputy chair of the Investigative Committee, which is widely seen as a rival structure in Russia’s complex architecture of “power” bodies.When considered alongside the constitutional changes giving the president broader powers in appointing regional prosecutors, this is textbook “divide and rule”. Power balancing is also on display with the Security Council, as the job description for Dmitry Medvedev’s new role as its deputy chair could provide fertile ground for clashes with the body’s secretary, Nikolai Patrushev.Pitting rival patronal networks against each other means Putin can keep rivals in check within the broader structure of the “Great Presidency”, while staying firmly in control himself.The prospect of Putin remaining president is unlikely to be popular. According to data from independent Russian polling agency the Levada Centre, only 27 per cent of Russians want Putin to stay in the post after 2024. This figure could, of course, change in either direction as the prospect becomes more real for Russians. But if Putin’s announcement galvanises mass opposition, the authorities may well use responses to the COVID-19 outbreak to keep protesters at bay – something already on display in Moscow.What this all means for Russia is that, despite the drama, considerable uncertainty remains following Putin’s announcement. What we can say for certain, however, is that it dashes hopes of serious political change any time soon. Full Article
nc Coronavirus: All Citizens Need an Income Support By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Mon, 16 Mar 2020 10:50:49 +0000 16 March 2020 Jim O'Neill Chair, Chatham House We cannot expect policies such as the dramatic monetary steps announced by the Federal Reserve Board and others like it, to end this crisis. A People's Quantitative Easing (QE) could be the answer. 2020-03-16-coronavirus-delivery.jpg Delivery bike rider wearing a face mask as a precaution against coronavirus at Madrid Rio park. Photo by Pablo Cuadra/Getty Images. Linked to the call for a global response to the Covid-19 pandemic that I, Robin Niblett and Creon Butler have outlined, the case for a specific dramatic economic policy gesture from many policymakers in large economies is prescient.It may not be warranted from all G20 nations, although given the uncertainties, and the desire to show collective initiative, I think it should be G20 driven and inclusive.We need some sort of income support for all our citizens, whether employees or employers. Perhaps one might call it a truly People’s QE (quantitative easing).Against the background of the previous economic crisis from 2008, and the apparent difficulties that more traditional forms of economic stimulus have faced in trying to help their economies and their people - especially against a background of low wage growth, and both actual, and perception of rising inequality - other ideas have emerged.Central banks printing moneyBoth modern monetary theory (MMT) and universal basic income (UBI) essentially owe their roots to the judgement that conventional economic policies have not been helping.At the core of these views is the notion of giving money to people, especially lower income people, directly paid for by our central banks printing money. Until recently, I found myself having very little sympathy with these views but, as a result of COVID-19, I have changed my mind.This crisis is extraordinary in so far as it is both a colossal demand shock and an even bigger colossal supply shock. The crisis epicentre has shifted from China - and perhaps the rest of Asia - to Europe and the United States. We cannot expect policies, however unconventional by modern times, such as the dramatic monetary steps announced by the Federal Reserve Board and others like it, to put a floor under this crisis.We are consciously asking our people to stop going out, stop travelling, not go to their offices - in essence, curtailing all forms of normal economic life. The only ones not impacted are those who entirely work through cyberspace. But even they have to buy some forms of consumer goods such as food and, even if they order online, someone has to deliver it.As a result, markets are, correctly, worrying about a collapse of economic activity and, with it, a collapse of companies, not just their earnings. Expansion of central bank balance sheets is not going to do anything to help that, unless it is just banks we are again worried about saving.What is needed in current circumstances, are steps to make each of us believe with high confidence that, if we take the advice from our medical experts, especially if we self-isolate and deliberately restrict our personal incomes, then we will have this made good by our governments. In essence, we need smart, persuasive People’s QE.Having discussed the idea with a couple of economic experts, there are considerable difficulties with moving beyond the simple concept. In the US for example, I believe the Federal Reserve is legally constrained from pursuing a direct transfer of cash to individuals or companies, and this may be true elsewhere.But this is easily surmounted by fiscal authorities issuing a special bond, the proceeds of which could be transferred to individuals and business owners. And central banks could easily finance such bonds.It is also the case that such a step would encroach on the perception and actuality of central bank independence, but I would be among those that argue central banks can only operate this independence if done wisely. Others will argue that, in the spirit of the equality debate, any income support should be targeted towards those on very low incomes, while higher earners or large businesses, shouldn’t be given any, or very little.I can sympathise with such spirit, but this also ignores the centrality of this particular economic shock. All of our cafes and restaurants, and many of our airlines, and such are at genuine risk of not being able to survive, and these organisations are considerable employers of people on income.It is also the case that time is of the essence, and we need our policymakers to act as soon as possible, otherwise the transmission mechanisms, including those about the permanent operation of our post World War 2 form of life may be challenged.We need some kind of smart People’s QE now. Full Article
nc To Advance Trade and Climate Goals, ‘Global Britain’ Must Link Them By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Thu, 19 Mar 2020 17:12:54 +0000 19 March 2020 Carolyn Deere Birkbeck Associate Fellow, Global Economy and Finance Programme, and Hoffmann Centre for Sustainable Resource Economy @carolyndeere LinkedIn Google Scholar Dr Emily Jones Associate Professor, Blavatnik School of Government Dr Thomas Hale Associate Professor, Blavatnik School of Government COVID-19 is a sharp reminder of why trade policy matters. As the UK works to forge new trade deals, it must align its trade policy agenda with its climate ambition. 2020-03-19-Boris-Johnson-COP26.jpg Boris Johnson at the launch of the UK-hosted COP26 UN Climate Summit at the Science Museum, London on February 4, 2020. Photo by Jeremy Selwyn - WPA Pool/Getty Images. COVID-19 is a sharp reminder of why trade and climate policy matters. How can governments maintain access to critical goods and services, and ensure global supply chains function in times of crisis?The timing of many trade negotiations is now increasingly uncertain, as are the UK’s plans to host COP26 in November. Policy work continues, however, and the EU has released its draft negotiating text for the new UK-EU trade deal, which includes a sub-chapter specifically devoted to climate. This is a timely reminder both of the pressing need for the UK to integrate its trade and climate policymaking and to use the current crisis-induced breathing space in international negotiations - however limited - to catch up on both strategy and priorities on this critical policy intersection.The UK government has moved fast to reset its external trade relations post-Brexit. In the past month it formally launched bilateral negotiations with the EU and took up a seat at the World Trade Organization (WTO) as an independent member. Until the COVID-19 crisis hit, negotiations were also poised to start with the US.The UK is also in the climate spotlight as host of COP26, the most important international climate negotiation since Paris in 2015, which presents a vital opportunity for the government to show leadership by aligning its trade agenda with its climate and sustainability commitments in bold new ways.Not just an empty aspirationThis would send a signal that ‘Global Britain’ is not just an empty aspiration, but a concrete commitment to lead.Not only is concerted action on the climate crisis a central priority for UK citizens, a growing and increasingly vocal group of UK businesses committed to decarbonization are calling on the government to secure a more transparent and predictable international market place that supports climate action by business.With COP26, the UK has a unique responsibility to push governments to ratchet up ambition in the national contributions to climate action – and to promote coherence between climate ambition and wider economic policymaking, including on trade. If Britain really wants to lead, here are some concrete actions it should take.At the national level, the UK can pioneer new ways to put environmental sustainability – and climate action in particular - at the heart of its trade agenda. Achieving the government’s ambitious Clean Growth Strategy - which seeks to make the UK the global leader in a range of industries including electric cars and offshore wind – should be a central objective of UK trade policy.The UK should re-orient trade policy frameworks to incentivize the shift toward a more circular and net zero global economy. And all elements of UK trade policy could be assessed against environmental objectives - for example, their contribution to phasing out fossil fuels, helping to reverse overexploitation of natural resources, and support for sustainable agriculture and biodiversity.In its bilateral and regional trade negotiations, the UK can and should advance its environment, climate and trade goals in tandem, and implementation of the Paris Agreement must be a core objective of the UK trade strategy.A core issue for the UK is how to ensure that efforts to decarbonise the economy are not undercut by imports from high-carbon producers. Here, a ‘border carbon adjustment (BCA)’ - effectively a tax on the climate pollution of imports - would support UK climate goals. The EU draft negotiating text released yesterday put the issue of BCAs front and centre, making crystal clear that the intersection of climate, environment and trade policy goals will be a central issue for UK-EU trade negotiations.Even with the United States, a trade deal can and should still be seized as a way to incentivize the shift toward a net zero and more circular economy. At the multilateral level, as a new independent WTO member, the UK has an opportunity to help build a forward-looking climate and trade agenda.The UK could help foster dialogue, research and action on a cluster of ‘climate and trade’ issues that warrant more focused attention at the WTO. These include the design of carbon pricing policies at the border that are transparent, fair and support a just transition; proposals for a climate waiver for WTO rules; and identification of ways multilateral trade cooperation could promote a zero carbon and more circular global economy. To help nudge multilateral discussion along, the UK could also ask to join a critical ‘path finder’ effort by six governments, led by New Zealand, to pursue an agreement on climate change, trade and sustainability (ACCTS). This group aims to find ways forward on three central trade and climate issues: removing fossil fuel subsidies, climate-related labelling, and promoting trade in climate-friendly goods and services.At present, the complex challenges at the intersection of climate, trade and development policy are too often used to defer or side-step issues deemed ‘too hard’ or ‘too sensitive’ to tackle. The UK could help here by working to ensure multilateral climate and trade initiatives share adjustment burdens, recognise the historical responsibility of developed countries, and do not unfairly disadvantage developing countries - especially the least developed.Many developing countries are keen to promote climate-friendly exports as part of wider export diversification strategies and want to reap greater returns from greener global value chains. Further, small island states and least-developed countries – many of which are Commonwealth members – that are especially vulnerable to the impacts of climate change and natural disasters, need support to adapt in the face of trade shocks and to build climate-resilient, trade-related infrastructure and export sectors.As an immediate next step, the UK should actively support the growing number of WTO members in favour of a WTO Ministerial Statement on environmental sustainability and trade. It should work with its key trading partners in the Commonwealth and beyond to ensure the agenda is inclusive, supports achievement of the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and helps developing countries benefit from a more environmentally sustainable global economy.As the UK prepares to host COP26, negotiates deals with the EU and US, and prepares for its first WTO Ministerial meeting as an independent member, it must show it can lead the way nationally, bilaterally, and multilaterally. And to ensure the government acts, greater engagement from the UK’s business, civil society and research sectors is critical – we need all hands on deck to forge and promote concrete proposals for aligning UK trade policy with the climate ambition our world needs. Full Article
nc In a COVID-19 World, Russia Sticks to International Distancing By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Sun, 29 Mar 2020 20:49:14 +0000 29 March 2020 Mathieu Boulègue Research Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme @matboulegue LinkedIn Google Scholar While a global response is needed against the coronavirus crisis, Russia does not see it as in its interests to contribute – and in fact the Kremlin is using the crisis to further destabilise the world. 2020-03-29-Coronavirus-Russia-Moscow Young woman wearing a face mask in front of St. Basil's Cathedral, Moscow. Photo by ALEXANDER NEMENOV/AFP via Getty Images. Persistent internet rumours claiming the coronavirus outbreak originated from a secret American pharmaceutical company with the aim of destroying China from within were quickly discredited. Pop culture fans recognised the supposed activities of the Umbrella Corporation as being from the famous Japanese video games series Resident Evil.However, although fake news, it can likely be attributed to Russian trolls conducting this and other similar activities online, especially when considered within the wider context of how the Russian regime is using this worldwide crisis to further destabilize the West and test its resolve.Russian trolls never sleepRussia’s COVID-19 related actions first and foremost take the form of a vast information warfare campaign, with media outlets simultaneously downplaying the threat of the pandemic - ‘it is less dangerous than seasonal flu’ - while stoking fear about what is happening elsewhere in Europe.For the domestic audience in Russia, some media are reporting the pandemic marks the collapse of the Western world and liberalism altogether, calling it a form of collective punishment. Other point out how fast liberal democracies have curbed individual and entrepreneurial freedoms in order to slow down the viral outbreak, and seek to diminish the credibility of the Western response to the crisis.Exploiting the coronavirus crisis in this way is a new low in Russia’s wider political warfare campaign to undermine global governance overall, as these activities are detrimental to people's very safety. For example, in Ukraine, it is thought a Russian-engineered disinformation operation may have caused the outburst of violence in the city of Novi Sanzhary following the arrival of evacuees from China.In the military realm, fake news has been targeting the US-led multinational exercise DEFENDER-Europe 2020. The Russian leadership criticized the exercise as an offensive ‘anti-Russian scenario’ but then used accompanying propaganda that it could actively facilitate the spread of COVID-19 across Europe because of the arrival and movement of large numbers of troops.The large-scale drills were planned to involve 18 participating nations and should have taken place across ten European countries from April to May 2020. But the exercise has now been scaled down – as has the Russian disinformation targeting it.And while the world is pre-occupied with managing COVID-19, Moscow is able to grow bolder in its provocations. Recent air incursions were reported into Irish controlled airspace as well as over the North Sea. Although this practice is - unfortunately - routine as part of Russian constant military sabre-rattling, it does increase the risk of tactical errors and miscalculation.Self-isolation, Kremlin styleMeanwhile, just when a global response is needed to fight the pandemic, Moscow’s response has been, at best, self-serving. On March 22, Russian military reportedly started sending medical equipment and supplies to Italy. While the nature and the scope of this assistance can be doubted, it still represents a charm offensive for Russia to be brought back in from the cold in Europe - since successive Italian leaderships have been accommodating to the Kremlin. And sending virologists to Italy might also be a useful learning curve for Russia’s regime.But within Russia itself, Vladimir Putin does have to face the problem that, on top of all the projected social and healthcare costs, the coronavirus is also having negative political consequences. On March 25, the ‘popular vote’ - a mock referendum designed to rubber-stamp Putin’s recent constitutional changes - was pushed back. And the Ministry of Communications has been forced to postpone a major exercise aimed at ensuring the ‘stable and safe operation of Runet’ - namely eliminating vulnerabilities in the Russian ‘sovereign’ internet to potential external threats.Certainly it would be naive to believe Moscow will put self-interest to one side during this pandemic. ‘International distancing’ is not new for the Kremlin, and Russia has been practising self-isolation since at least 2008 through its own actions, most notably in Georgia and Ukraine.Its self-perception as a ‘besieged fortress’ is being reinforced by this crisis and Russia will, at the very least, likely come out of the crisis feeling vindicated in its view that internationalism is dying or already dead.With the health systems of many countries under massive strain, and societal resilience being tested by social distancing, the Kremlin continues to probe for weaknesses, and is also carefully watching other countries’ responses to the crisis in terms of adaptation and mobilization of resources.COVID-19 provides a major intelligence-gathering opportunity for Moscow to learn how well others can implement wartime-like planning in peacetime. In a rapidly changing world, Russia is still Russia. Full Article
nc Why The Insurgency in Northern Mozambique Has Got Worse By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 01 Apr 2020 17:14:28 +0000 1 April 2020 Dr Alex Vines OBE Managing Director, Ethics, Risk & Resilience; Director, Africa Programme Two attacks on towns in northern Mozambique by suspected jihadists point to a rapidly deteriorating security crisis. 2020-04-01-Mozambique Macomia, Cabo Delgado, Northern Mozambique. Photo by EMIDIO JOSINE/AFP via Getty Images. On March 23 to 24, the centre of Mocimboa da Praia in Cabo Delgado province was occupied by up to 40 “jihadists”, who targeted government facilities, including a barracks, and brandished banners of affiliation to the so-called Islamic State.On March 25, suspected jihadists raided the town of Quissanga and destroyed the district police headquarters. They too carried an Islamic State flag. Twenty to 30 members of Mozambique’s security forces were killed in both attacks.Mocimboa da Praia is just south of the Afungi Peninsula, the location of gas projects worth $60- billion. Mocimboa was briefly occupied in late 2017, during attacks claimed by a group known as Ahlu Sunnah Wa-Jama (or al-Sunnah) that marked the start of a brutal low-intensity conflict, with widespread human rights abuses and attacks on civilians.Up to 1,000 people have now been killed and 100,000 displaced. More recently, The Islamic State Central Africa Province (Iscap), affiliated with the Islamic State group, has claimed responsibility for the attacks. Video and photos of these most recent events, along with the testimony of frightened residents and overstretched government officials, suggest a shift of strategy by the insurgents.There seems to have been an effort to avoid harming civilians, to win hearts and minds by redistributing stolen food, medicine and fuel to “loyal” residents, and to direct attacks on the state and its symbols, such as police stations and military barracks. It is difficult from a distance to assess if there was any genuine pleasure over these attacks among local people; while residents in both towns that did not flee seemed to welcome the attackers, this may well have been out of fear that the government is currently unable to guarantee their security.These attacks also indicate that the jihadist-linked insurgents are growing in confidence. They are confronting government security forces with little appetite for fighting. The Mozambican government has been expecting setbacks like those of Mocimboa and Quissanga — its forces are demoralised and many commanders exhausted or corrupted by an emerging war economy. Jihadists are also taking tactical advantage before a reformed and more effective government counterinsurgency effort is introduced in response.President Filipe Nyusi, inaugurated in January for his second term, has made this crisis his prime focus and has become the de-facto minister of defence.Military reform and the role of private military companiesBut there is no quick fix. Most importantly, the Mozambican military and security forces need to be restructured. They were unable to win the Mozambican civil war (1977-1992), even with international support, and have not improved in capacity or conduct since. They now face a complex, multilayered and asymmetrical conflict, mostly drawing upon local and regional grievances and networks but increasingly also attracting some limited encouragement and advice from further afield.Nyusi will need to build-up trusted relationships in the military in the way he has successfully done with parts of the intelligence community. The Mozambican government has already reached out to international expertise — though not necessarily the right kind. The founder of the Blackwater private military company, Erik Prince, supplied two helicopters and support crew for the Mozambican military in mid-2019, before being replaced by some 170 Russian privateers linked to the Wagner Group.The Wagner contingent arrived in September 2019 at Nacala airport with trucks, drones and a Mi-17 helicopter gunship, then deployed into the combat zone of northern Cabo Delgado. Setbacks, including at least two dead Russians, forced a tactical fallback to Nacala, though a new effort is reported to have been underway since late February 2020.The Mozambican government is also considering a number of proposals from other private military companies. Maputo needs to consider these carefully; Israeli or Gulf State involvement in any form might exasperate rather than alleviate this crisis.The Tanzanian connectionBut market-led security and military providers will not end this insurgency. Nor will the engagement of states such as the United States, France, the United Kingdom or Angola, all of which have made their own offers of support. What would significantly make a difference is much closer to home: serious Tanzanian engagement.This insurgency is concentrated in districts bordering Tanzania and there is clear-cut intelligence of connections into Tanzania and beyond. Swahili is also a lingua franca for the jihadists, connecting them up the East African coast, and into eastern Congo and elsewhere.It is puzzling, given the deep shared history between Tanzania and Mozambique, that the bilateral relationship is as patchy as it is today: during the liberation struggle (1965-1974) against the Portuguese, Mozambique’s ruling party Frelimo maintained rear bases in Tanzania, and Nyusi was educated there.Conspiracy theories circulate that Tanzania has encouraged the Cabo Delgado insurgency to weaken its neighbour, or at least displace radicalised individuals from Tanzanian soil into Mozambique.President John Magafuli of Tanzania did not attend the January inauguration of Nyusi. It has become urgent that Magafuli (who is also the current chair of the regional body, the Southern African Development Community) and Nyusi meet face-to-face to map out improved intelligence sharing and a joint strategy to respond to an emerging regional threat.Southern Africa is locking down because of Covid-19, which will distract the government’s ability to focus fully on this crisis and create a perfect moment for the infant insurgency in Cabo Delgado to grow. More military setbacks should be expected in coming months.But the Mozambican government can still contain and prevail if it seriously reforms its military, builds strong alliances with its regional neighbours (especially Tanzania), chooses its private security contractors and international partnerships wisely, and backs military efforts with better intelligence and developmental interventions that offer alternative pathways to potential recruits.But despite Maputo’s hope that significant progress will be made over the coming year, and the setting up of a presidential task force to evaluate progress and intelligence, it is likely that Mozambique and its partners will need to prepare themselves for a drawn-out struggle.This article originally appeared in the Mail & Guardian Full Article
nc Why an Inclusive Circular Economy is Needed to Prepare for Future Global Crises By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 15 Apr 2020 13:23:01 +0000 15 April 2020 Patrick Schröder Senior Research Fellow, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme @patricks_CH Google Scholar The risks associated with existing production and consumption systems have been harshly exposed amid the current global health crisis but an inclusive circular economy could ensure both short-term and long-term resilience for future challenges. 2020-04-15-Waste-Collection-Peru.jpg Lima city employees picking up garbage during lockdown measures in Peru amid the COVID-19 crisis. Photo: Getty Images. The world is currently witnessing how vulnerable existing production and consumption systems are, with the current global health crisis harshly exposing the magnitude of the risks associated with the global economy in its current form, grounded, as it is, in a linear system that uses a ‘take–make–throw away’ approach.These ‘linear risks’ associated with the existing global supply chain system are extremely high for national economies overly dependent on natural resource extraction and exports of commodities like minerals and metals. Equally vulnerable are countries with large manufacturing sectors of ready-made garments and non-repairable consumer goods for western markets. Furthermore, workers and communities working in these sectors are vulnerable to these changes as a result of disruptive technologies and reduced demand.In a recently published Chatham House research paper, ‘Promoting a Just Transition to an Inclusive Circular Economy’, we highlight why a circular economy approach presents the world with a solution to old and new global risks – from marine plastic pollution to climate change and resource scarcity.Taking the long viewSo far, action to transition to a circular economy has been slow compared to the current crisis which has mobilized rapid global action. For proponents of transitioning to a circular economy, this requires taking the long view. The pandemic has shown us that global emergencies can fast-forward processes that otherwise might take years, even decades, to play out or reverse achievements which have taken years to accomplish.In this vein, there are three striking points of convergence between the COVID-19 pandemic and the need to transition to an inclusive circular economy.Firstly, the current crisis is a stark reminder that the circular economy is not only necessary to ensure long-term resource security but also short-term supplies of important materials. In many cities across the US, the UK and Europe, councils have suspended recycling to focus on essential waste collection services. The UK Recycling Association, for example, has warned about carboard shortages due to disrupted recycling operations with possible shortages for food and medicine packaging on the horizon.Similarly, in China, most recycling sites were shut during the country’s lockdown presenting implications for global recycling markets with additional concerns that there will be a fibre shortage across Europe and possibly around the world.Furthermore, worldwide COVID-19 lockdowns are resulting in a resurgence in the use of single-use packaging creating a new wave of plastic waste especially from food deliveries – already seen in China – with illegal waste fly-tipping dramatically increasing in the UK since the lockdown.In this vein, concerns over the current global health crisis is reversing previous positive trends where many cities had established recycling schemes and companies and consumers had switched to reusable alternatives.Secondly, the need to improve the working conditions of the people working in the informal circular economy, such as waste pickers and recyclers, is imperative. Many waste materials and recyclables that are being handled and collected may be contaminated as a result of being mixed with medical waste.Now, more than ever, key workers in waste management, collection and recycling require personal protective equipment and social protection to ensure their safety as well as the continuation of essential waste collection so as not to increase the potential for new risks associated with additional infectious diseases.In India, almost 450 million workers including construction workers, street vendors and landless agricultural labourers, work in the informal sector. In the current climate, the poorest who are unable to work pose a great risk to the Indian economy which could find itself having to shut down.Moreover, many informal workers live in make-shift settlements areas such as Asia’s largest slum, Dharavi in Mumbai, where health authorities are now facing serious challenges to contain the spread of the disease. Lack of access to handwashing and sanitation facilities, however, further increase these risks but circular, decentralized solutions could make important contributions to sustainable sanitation, health and improved community resilience.Thirdly, it is anticipated that in the long term several global supply chains will be radically changed as a result of transformed demand patterns and the increase in circular practices such as urban mining for the recovery and recycling of metals or the reuse and recycling of textile fibres and localized additive manufacturing (e.g. 3D printing).Many of these supply chains and trade flows have now been already severely disrupted due to the COVID-19 pandemic. For example, the global garment industry has been particularly hard-hit due to the closure of outlets amid falling demand for apparel.It is important to note, workers at the bottom of these garment supply chains are among the most vulnerable and most affected by the crisis as global fashion brands, for example, have been cancelling orders – in the order of $6 billion in the case of Bangladesh alone. Only after intense negotiations are some brands assuming financial responsibility in the form of compensation wage funds to help suppliers in Myanmar, Cambodia and Bangladesh to pay workers during the ongoing crisis.In addition, the current pandemic is damaging demand for raw materials thereby affecting mining countries. Demand for Africa’s commodities in China, for example, has declined significantly, with the impact on African economies expected to be serious, with 15 per cent of the world’s copper and 20 per cent of the world’s zinc mines currently going offline. A further threat is expected to come from falling commodity prices as a result of the curtailment of manufacturing activity in China particularly for crude oil, copper, iron ore and other industrial commodities which, in these cases, will have direct impacts on the Australian and Canadian mining sectors.This is all being compounded by an associated decline in consumer demand worldwide. For example, many South African mining companies – leading producers of metals and minerals – have started closing their mining operations following the government’s announcement of a lockdown in order to prevent the transmission of the virus among miners who often work in confined spaces and in close proximity with one another. As workers are laid off due to COVID-19, there are indications that the mining industry will see fast-tracking towards automated mining operations. All of these linear risks that have been exposed through the COVID-19 pandemic reinforce the need for a just transition to a circular economy. But while the reduction in the consumption of resources is necessary to achieve sustainability, the social impacts on low- and middle- income countries and their workers requires international support mechanisms.In addition, the current situation also highlights the need to find a new approach to globalized retail chains and a balance between local and global trade based on international cooperation across global value chains rather than implementation of trade protectionist measures.In this vein, all of the recovery plans from the global COVID-19 pandemic need to be aligned with the principles of an inclusive circular economy in order to ensure both short-term and long-term resilience and preparedness for future challenges and disruptions. Full Article
nc ICC’s Influence Can Be Strengthened by Ukraine’s Case By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 22 Apr 2020 22:27:35 +0000 22 April 2020 Kateryna Busol Robert Bosch Stiftung Academy Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme @KaterynaBusol LinkedIn Second in a two-part series analysing why Ukraine’s attempts at international justice are worth taking - and outlining how the impact goes far beyond just the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Part two examines Ukraine’s appeal to the International Criminal Court (ICC) to seek individual criminal responsibility of the alleged perpetrators of the gravest crimes in occupied Crimea and eastern Ukraine. 2020-04-23-Ukraine-Anniversary-Conflict Marking the Day of The National Flag of Ukraine, a day before celebrations of the anniversary of state independence. Photo by ANATOLII STEPANOV/AFP via Getty Images. The recognition by Ukraine of the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court (ICC) to consider grave crimes allegedly perpetrated in its territory has led to the ICC Prosecutor’s preliminary examination identifying a wave of alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity.There are claims of persecution, forced conscription, deportation, sham trials, enforced disappearances, and property seizure - in Crimea. As well as killings, torture, inhuman treatment, sexual violence, and indiscriminate shelling - in Donbas. The court now needs to decide whether to open a full investigation which could lead to charges against specific individuals, as in the trial currently taking place in the Netherlands over MH-17.However, the ICC does remain a court of last resort as Ukraine retains the principal power to prosecute grave violations perpetrated in its eastern regions and Crimea, with the court only stepping in if Ukraine (or another court with jurisdiction) is either unwilling or unable to do so.As the evidence mounts up, Ukrainian investigators, prosecutors and judges are becoming more open to cooperation with foreign experts, law firms, human rights NGOs and younger domestic professionals - a significant proportion of whom are women.Transformation shows determinationThis is an unusual shift, given the rigid hierarchical nature of post-Soviet institutions, with elderly males in most of the top positions. The transformation shows the determination to see perpetrators of crimes in Crimea and Donbas tried by the ICC, with joint professional development trainings and joint communications about the alleged crimes.Ukraine has also been strengthening its institutions. The Prosecutor’s Office of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea has been improving quality control of its war crime proceedings, and has taken a strong pro-ICC stance. The Office of the Prosecutor General established a special department to monitor the armed conflict proceedings, and two specialised war crime units have been formed in Donbas.Although too early to assess progress - given recent prosecution reform and that much-needed legislation on international crimes is still pending – these are promising signs of Ukraine’s intent to take a specialised approach to armed conflict violations. And Ukrainian civil society organisations are also playing a more important role, documenting alleged crimes and sending evidence to the ICC.Any intervention by the ICC in Ukraine also has a considerable impact on the wider dynamics of addressing international crimes, further extending the court’s reach beyond a focus on Africa which has attracted widespread criticism since it began in 2002.The ICC has already opened investigations in Georgia, Bangladesh/Myanmar, and Afghanistan, with preliminary examinations in Colombia, Venezuela, Iraq/UK, Palestine, and The Philippines. But the Ukrainian case would further develop the European subtleties of the court’s jurisprudence.Although the ICC is currently investigating the 2008 Russia-Georgia war, the active phase of that armed conflict lasted for just five days whereas Russia’s military involvement in Ukraine has been ongoing for the six years. The temporal difference in no way diminishes the suffering of victims and the necessity for the proper investigation, prosecution and compensation in the Georgian context.And yet, going by even the preliminary findings of the ICC prosecutor, the spectrum of war crimes and crimes against humanity allegedly perpetrated in Ukraine is much wider. Some incidents, such as the illegal construction of the Crimean Bridge, is an amalgam of the violations against property, cultural heritage and the environment. Cumulatively, the Ukrainian and Georgian cases would substantially contribute to the development of the court’s emerging European lenses.The Russia-Ukraine armed conflict is also the first instance of armed hostilities of such magnitude and duration in Europe since World War II and the Yugoslav Wars. The ICC’s readiness to take on such geopolitically challenging cases which leave itself open to attack will be tested.But by examining new contexts - including Ukraine - the ICC would develop a more layered reading of the nature and scope of the crimes it works on. For example, alleged indoctrination and use of children by armed groups in eastern Ukraine is likely to differ from the known practices of abducting and recruiting child soldiers in Africa.Investigating evidence of Russia’s persecution of pro-Ukrainian activists - forcing them out of Crimea - coupled with the creation of favourable conditions for Russian citizens to relocate to Crimea could lead to proving the existence of a policy of mass colonisation of the peninsula - adding new layers to the court’s jurisprudence on population displacement. And previously under-prosecuted crimes may come to the fore, such as attacks on cultural property or causing the destruction of the environment.Although the ICC proceedings on Ukraine – along with those being held by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) - are unlikely to bring immediate results, Ukraine has developed an international adjudication strategy based on the available viable options and what can be practically delivered.The simple act of a reputed international court outlining Russia’s alleged violations in Crimea and Donbas and naming those individually responsible would be an impactful achievement in itself, regardless of whether Russia pays any attention or compensation.And any international judgments or those of domestic courts such as the Dutch MH-17 proceedings and Russia’s response - predicted to be non-compliance - is an important argument for continuing sanctions against Russia over its conduct in Ukraine.The mutually reinforcing effect of both the Crimea and Donbas proceedings within Ukraine and at international courts should not be underestimated. These investigations into war crimes, terrorism and human rights issues are deeply relevant - not only for the conflict itself, but also for the development of international law.Part One of this series assesses Ukraine’s efforts to hold Russia accountable as a state at the International Court of Justice (ICJ). Full Article