Making the circular economy work for global development: how the UN Summit of the Future can deliver 23 September 2024 — 6:15PM TO 9:00PM Anonymous (not verified) 5 September 2024 Online

This policy roundtable focusses on how to advance implementation of a global approach and collaboration to an inclusive circular economy for an updated post-2030 SDG framework.

As the world looks beyond the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) towards the post-2030 era, integrating the principles of the circular economy into the future global development agenda becomes imperative.  

A new Chatham House research paper about the role of the circular economy for the SDGs and their possible extension into the post-2030 development agenda will be launched in September 2024 during the UN Summit of the Future and the New York Climate Week. The paper outlines the rationale for the integration of circular economy goals into for the next crucial phase of international development and how to meet net-zero 2050 targets. It provides actionable recommendations on international cooperation mechanisms for policymakers and stakeholders at the UN Summit for the Future in 2024 and beyond.

The aim of the roundtable is to bring together stakeholders and leaders from intergovernmental organisations, business, governments and civil society. The focus of the roundtable meeting is: 

• Reflections on the Summit of the Future and the role of circularity for an updated post-2030 SDG framework.
• Discussion on key aspects of the institutional arrangements and international coordination that are needed for a globally coordinated approach to achieve an inclusive circular economy that supports SDG implementation. 
• Development of joint strategies on how to advance implementation of a global approach and collaboration to an inclusive circular economy as a follow-up from the Summit of the Future.

The objective is to emerge from the roundtable with a clearer roadmap for translating the recommendations for international coordination into concrete actions, with a shared commitment to driving meaningful change on the international level.

The event is co-hosted by Chatham House and partners from the Global Circular Economy Roadmap initiative including the African Circular Economy Network, the African Development Bank, Circular Change, Circular Innovation Lab, Circle Economy, EU CE Stakeholder Platform, Hanns Seidel Foundation, Institute of Global Environmental Strategies, Sitra, UNIDO, World Business Council on Sustainable Development, World Economic Forum and the Wyss Academy for Nature.

Further background information is available on the initiative website.

More speakers to be announced.

Delivering Sustainable Food and Land Use Systems: The Role of International Trade Research paper sysadmin 20 September 2019

This paper explores a set of core trade-related issues affecting the food and land use system, and proposes constructive ways forward in reconfiguring the global trading system towards delivering a more sustainable and healthy diet for all.

• Meeting future global food security requirements is not just about quantity; it is also about meeting growing needs in a way that safeguards human as well as planetary health. But national priorities and policies often remain out of sync with aspirations for more sustainable and healthy food systems.
• International trade and trade policies play an ambiguous role in the current food system. With 80 per cent of the world’s population depending on imports to meet at least part of their food and nutritional requirements, trade has a unique function in offsetting imbalances between supply and demand. However, in the absence of effective regulatory frameworks or pricing frameworks that internalize environmental, social or health costs, trade can exacerbate and globalize challenges associated with food production and land use trends such as deforestation, land degradation, greenhouse gas emissions, biodiversity loss and the shift to unhealthy diets.
• Over the last two decades, trade in agricultural products (excluding intra-EU flows) has more than tripled in value, to reach $1.33 trillion. The geography of global food trade flows has also shifted, primarily towards South–South trade, which now accounts for roughly a quarter of total agricultural trade flows. The nature of global trade has changed drastically, with traditional exports such as wheat and coffee growing slowly at around 2 per cent per year, while products such as palm oil, fruit juice, soft drinks and other processed products have grown at 8 per cent or more annually.
• This overall increase in trade in agricultural products raises questions about the growing utilization of resources, such as water or soil nutrients, that are embedded in those products through production and processing. Trade itself also causes negative environmental impacts, starting with greenhouse gas emissions associated with transport and storage. If the environmental cost associated with production and trade is not reflected in the final price of goods, trade may accelerate the depletion of resources or their unsustainable use.
• It is critical to ensure that trade policy options pursued by producing and consuming countries alike will support a transition to more sustainable and healthier food and land use systems. The first step in addressing trade-related food systems challenges must involve rebuilding trust among policy actors. There is a need for new spaces for informal dialogue among actors, and ‘soft’ governance mechanisms that can help rebuild consensus on the best ways forward. Meeting these challenges also requires an appreciation of the complex interactions between sectoral policies (e.g. on water, land, food, etc.) and their multiple interfaces with trade policies.
• Conditioning the use of subsidies on their sustainability and/or health impacts encourages the delivery of essential public goods in ways that are consistent with sustainability and health goals. A first step therefore is the removal of perverse incentives (e.g. subsidies encouraging the overuse of fertilizers or pesticides or the overproduction of certain commodities, as well as certain biofuels subsidies) and replacing them with market-correcting subsidies.
• Trade facilitation measures for fruits and vegetables that are aimed at easing transit at the border, by cutting unnecessary bureaucracy and reducing waiting times, can improve their availability, reduce costs and improve food quality and safety for consumers. Similarly, measures aimed at improving sustainable cold storage and upgrading value chains can support better diets and consumption by increasing the availability of fresh produce on markets, especially in developing countries.
• A global food stamps programme developed through the G20 and facilitated by the UN’s food agencies could address purchasing power imbalances and tackle malnutrition in developing countries. If carefully designed, such ‘safety net’ schemes can not only contribute to improving calorific intakes but also help deliver more balanced and healthier diets. Careful attention must be given to how such a scheme would work in practice, building on experience to date with similar initiatives.
• Integrating the notion of sustainable food and inputs trade in the post-2020 global biodiversity framework can help to deliver more sustainable and healthier food and land use systems. This could be achieved by likeminded countries introducing a set of goals or targets aimed at mitigating the role of trade in placing indirect pressure on biodiversity, and to encourage trade in biodiversity-based products including natural ingredients produced ethically and following sustainability principles and criteria.
• An SDG-oriented agenda for agricultural trade is needed. It could be formed by countries seeking to remove perverse incentives, guaranteeing a safe harbour for market-correcting measures, clarifying existing rules and establishing plurilateral negotiations among subsets of the WTO membership, or sectoral approaches, to address specific challenges.
• Greenhouse gas emissions resulting from trade need to be addressed. Governments could seek to achieve this through ensuring the carbon neutrality of existing and new trade deals, either by connecting carbon markets among contracting parties or by developing joint initiatives to tax international maritime and air transport emissions.

Public Service, Accountability and Delivery in Malawi 17 October 2018 — 12:00PM TO 1:00PM Anonymous (not verified) 11 October 2018 Chatham House, London

Why the UK must deliver on Nordic-Baltic security Expert comment NCapeling 16 December 2022

Hard choices are needed but it is crucial the UK provides security and leadership to its European partners given the wider context of the war in Ukraine.

The UK’s role in Nordic-Baltic security has been growing over the past decade. The region is key to core British strategic interest and engagement, and UK threat assessment closely aligns with long-held regional perspectives – the 2021 Integrated Review defines Russia as ‘the most acute threat to our security’.

Since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the UK’s strong stance towards Moscow and the concrete steps taken to assist Ukraine and strengthen defence and deterrence on NATO’s eastern flank have been widely appreciated in the Nordic-Baltic region.

The UK is seen as a reliable partner but, for it to continue to deliver in the region, difficult choices must be made with regards to UK defence spending and military capabilities, and London’s more global ambitions.

The UK is a major contributor to NATO’s deterrence posture on the eastern flank, serving as a framework nation for NATO’s Enhanced Forward Presence (EFP) battlegroup in Estonia, and contributing to another battlegroup in Poland.

UK remains crucial to regional security

Coupled with its contribution to NATO’s Baltic Air Policing mission and maritime forces in the area, the UK is a crucial security partner both in the region and in a broader arch across Europe.

Over the past decade and a half, the UK has been developing a dense network of bilateral and minilateral relations in the region which are major assets in the current security environment.

It leads the Joint Expeditionary Force (JEF) which is a military cooperation format highly valued for its flexibility in responding to the needs of the participating nations – including non-NATO Sweden and Finland – and is increasingly focused on the North Atlantic, High North and wider Baltic areas. The UK has also seen increased bilateral defence cooperation with Norway, Denmark, Estonia, and other regional allies and partners.

There are reasonable expectations that Germany or France may at some point assume a greater role in this part of Europe, building on France’s participation in the EFP in Estonia, and Germany’s lead of the EFP in Lithuania.

However, while Paris remains more focused on NATO’s southern (and south-eastern) flank and building the European Union’s defence role, Berlin often underperforms as a leading or an organizing power of collaborative efforts across Europe.

Both also have a credibility problem in the Nordic-Baltic region due to their past policies towards Russia that occasionally reappear when discussing military support to Ukraine or how to treat Russia in the post-war European security order.

By contrast, the UK offers military capability, strong political will, a long-standing tradition of engagement in the Nordic-Baltic area, and fast decision-making.

The latter is exemplified by the bilateral security guarantees provided to Sweden and Finland during their accession to NATO, and the surge of assets sent to the region in the wake of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine such as an additional battlegroup and Chinook helicopters to Estonia, as well as forward-deployed elements of the Standing Joint Force Headquarters to Latvia and Lithuania as part of the JEF.

Such pragmatic and resolute engagement help substantiate the UK’s post-Brexit claim that although it left the EU, it did not leave Europe. London also understands and facilitates the pivotal role that the US plays in European security – a shared perspective with the Nordic-Baltic partners.

Only the US – which has just recently decided to step up its military presence in the Baltics – has a greater appeal than the UK as a major ally. But Washington’s truly global responsibilities make it more difficult for it to play a regional leadership role.

With the context of the war in Ukraine, the centre of gravity of European security is moving east. The Nordic-Baltic region is likely to feature more prominently in the upcoming refresh of the UK’s Integrated Review, as the war in Ukraine and NATO’s new forward defence approach will focus UK attention and military capabilities on Europe for the foreseeable future.

But the UK still has limited resources and, despite the worsening security environment, there is currently no commitment by the Rishi Sunak government to increase defence spending beyond two per cent of GDP, as set out in the recently-published Autumn Statement.

This difficult fiscal reality contrasts UK ambition to also increase its footprint and engagement in the Indo-Pacific, a region highlighted by Rishi Sunak in his first foreign policy speech. London is already confronted with increasing expectations from its Nordic and Baltic partners, which are rattled by Russia’s aggression and seek more engagement and commitments from larger and more resourceful allies, and are insisting on prompt implementation of NATO’s new defence and deterrence plans.

This all comes on top of the resources that further assistance to Ukraine will require in the coming months and years. Balancing competing priorities and demands from partners is routine for a major power with global ambition but, in the current context, if the UK government fails to prioritize and increase resources, over-extension is in sight for its armed forces.

The war in Ukraine confirms that, beyond the rhetoric around the ‘Indo-Pacific tilt’, the Euro-Atlantic is – and will remain – the priority theatre of engagement for the UK. To keep delivering in the Nordic-Baltic region and remain a reliable partner, UK ambitions should be set clearly, and expectations managed with regional partners.

A good example is the recent UK-Estonia joint statement and defence roadmap, which is an attempt to reconcile London’s vision of modern deterrence with Tallinn’s preference for ‘more boots on the ground’.

The joint statement also clarifies initial misunderstandings regarding the upcoming withdrawal of the second UK battlegroup deployed to Estonia in the wake of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine – support Tallinn expected to continue ‘as long as necessary’ but London saw as temporary. It offsets the poor political ‘optics’ of the withdrawal while providing solid ground for deepening the common agenda in the near future.

By the 2023 NATO summit in Vilnius, progress on implementing the roadmap will be a crucial measure of success for the bilateral relationship, and for the UK’s broader regional role. It should serve as an opportunity for the UK to reflect on its force development priorities and balance, with Baltic partners arguing in favour of the UK rebuilding some mass in its armed forces and providing more resources to the land component.

Much to gain for the UK

The UK gains many benefits from deepening and widening its engagement in the Nordic-Baltic region, and not only by showcasing its regional leadership at a time of dire need or having more weight in Europe and across the Atlantic in strategic debates about future security architecture.

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JERUSALEM: Aid agencies slammed Israel for continuing to obstruct the delivery of aid to Gaza, despite Tel Aviv’s claims that it had opened an additional crossing into the besieged territory on the eve of a US deadline to boost relief deliveries.

The United States last month warned Israel to improve the humanitarian conditions in Gaza or risk a cut to its military support.

A day before the deadline, the Israeli military said it opened the Kissufim crossing “as part of the effort and commitment to increase the volume and routes of aid” to Gaza.

But the UN agency for Palestinian refugees (UNRWA) and eight humanitarian groups said Israel was still not doing enough to get aid in as the situation in the besieged north becomes especially “catastrophic”.

On eve of US deadline to restore aid supplies to Gaza, Tel Aviv claims to have opened another border crossing

The eight organisations, including Oxfam and Save The Children, said Israel “failed to comply” with US demands — “at enormous human cost for Palestinian civilians in Gaza”.

“The humanitarian situation in Gaza is now at its worst point since the war began in October 2023,” they said in a joint statement.

Asked about whether there were signs the situation had improved ahead of Wednesday’s deadline, Louise Wateridge, an UNRWA emergencies officer, highlighted that “aid entering the Gaza Strip is at its lowest level in months”.

No food was permitted to enter besieged northern Gaza for an entire month, Wateridge said, adding that UN requests to access the area have been repeatedly denied.

Wateridge said that testimonies from the north painted “an endlessly horrific” picture that was becoming “more critical” by the hour.

“Hospitals have been bombed, the doctors inform us that they have run out of blood supplies, they have run out of medicine… there are bodies in the streets.”

Separately, a spokesperson for the Norwegian Refugee Council told Al Jazeera that Israelis were obstructing aid from entering through the crossings.

“Aid is arbitrarily rejected and essential supplies are not allowed in, including timber to help people build shelters as they face winter. Sometimes the requests to access those crossings are denied for over a month,” Shaina Low, NRC’s communications adviser, told Al Jazeera.

Once the aid enters Gaza, aid workers must request safe routes through which they can safely distribute the aid.

“Israel often denies requests to move from place to place in order to reach Palestinian families that are in desperate need,” Low said.

However, the US State Department on Tuesday said that Israel was not violating US law on the level of aid entering Gaza, but called for further progress.

Asked if Israel had met the US demands, State Department spokesman Vedant Patel said of Israel, “We have not made an assessment that they are in violation of US law,” but added: “The overall humanitarian situation in Gaza continues to be unsatisfactory”.

“But in the context of the letter, it’s not about whether we find something satisfactory or not; it’s what are the actions that we’re seeing,” he said, adding that Tel Aviv was taking steps in the right direction.

Attacks on Gaza

Gaza’s civil defence agency said that at least 14 people were killed in Israeli strikes on Tuesday.

On Tuesday, residents said Israeli tanks advanced deeper in Beit Hanoun and besieged four displaced families before ordering them to leave towards Gaza City.

The health ministry in Gaza said on Tuesday that at least 43,665 people have been killed in more than 13 months.

Published in Dawn, November 13th, 2024

Title: Study: Diet Sodas May Raise Risk of Preterm Delivery
Category: Health News
Created: 8/23/2010 10:47:00 AM
Last Editorial Review: 8/23/2010 10:47:52 AM

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Title: Wildfire Smoke Could Raise Odds for Preterm Delivery
Category: Health News
Created: 8/26/2021 12:00:00 AM
Last Editorial Review: 8/26/2021 12:00:00 AM

BACKGROUND:Beneficial effects of breathing at FIO2 < 0.21 on disease outcomes have been reported in previous preclinical and clinical studies. However, the safety and intra-hospital feasibility of breathing hypoxic gas for 5 d have not been established. In this study, we examined the physiologic effects of breathing a gas mixture with FIO2 as low as 0.11 in 5 healthy volunteers.METHODS:All 5 subjects completed the study, spending 5 consecutive days in a hypoxic tent, where the ambient oxygen level was lowered in a stepwise manner over 5 d, from FIO2 of 0.16 on the first day to FIO2 of 0.11 on the fifth day of the study. All the subjects returned to an environment at room air on the sixth day. The subjects' SpO2, heart rate, and breathing frequency were continuously recorded, along with daily blood sampling, neurologic evaluations, transthoracic echocardiography, and mental status assessments.RESULTS:Breathing hypoxia concentration dependently caused profound physiologic changes, including decreased SpO2 and increased heart rate. At FIO2 of 0.14, the mean SpO2 was 92%; at FIO2 of 0.13, the mean SpO2 was 93%; at FIO2 of 0.12, the mean SpO2 was 88%; at FIO2 of 0.11, the mean SpO2 was 85%; and, finally, at an FIO2 of 0.21, the mean SpO2 was 98%. These changes were accompanied by increased erythropoietin levels and reticulocyte counts in blood. All 5 subjects concluded the study with no adverse events. No subjects exhibited signs of mental status changes or pulmonary hypertension.CONCLUSIONS:Results of the current physiologic study suggests that, within a hospital setting, delivering FIO2 as low as 0.11 is feasible and safe in healthy subjects, and provides the foundation for future studies in which therapeutic effects of hypoxia breathing are tested.

ABSTRACTIntroduction:Emergency contraceptive pills (ECPs) are effective and can be used safely at any age repeatedly within the same cycle. They are often favored by youth yet are underutilized. Private facilities can increase ECP access but present barriers including cost. Identifying effective public-sector ECP distribution models can help ensure equitable access. The Malawi Ministry of Health developed a strategy to improve ECP access in 2020. We documented ECP provision through select public, youth-serving channels recommended by the strategy: general and youth-specific outreach, paid and unpaid community health workers (CHWs), and youth clubs.Methods:We conducted this mixed methods study from November 2022–March 2023 in 2 rural districts (Mchinji and Phalombe) implementing the strategy. We conducted qualitative interviews with 10 national stakeholders, 46 providers, and 24 clients aged 15–24 years about ECP service delivery. Additionally, 25 providers collected quantitative tally data about clients seeking ECPs. We analyzed qualitative data using grounded theory and quantitative data descriptively.Results:Stakeholders and providers reported ECP uptake increased in geographies where the strategy was implemented, especially among youth. Providers documented 3,988 client visits for ECPs over 3 months. Of these visits, 26% were from male clients, 36% were from clients aged younger than 20 years, and 64% received ECPs for the first time. Across channels, youth club leaders and unpaid CHWs reported the most client visits per provider and served the youngest clients. However, no ECPs were dispensed during 29% of visits due to stock-outs. While many providers were supportive of youth accessing ECPs, most held unfavorable attitudes toward repeat use.Conclusion:ECP access should be expanded through provision in the studied channels, especially youth clubs and CHWs. However, to meet demand, the supply chain must be strengthened. We recommend addressing providers’ attitudes about repeat use to ensure informed method choice.

ABSTRACTIntroduction:Postpartum hemorrhage (PPH) remains the leading cause of maternal mortality. A new clinical intervention (E-MOTIVE) holds the potential to improve early PPH detection and management. We aimed to develop and pilot implementation strategies to support uptake of this intervention in Kenya, Nigeria, South Africa, and Tanzania.Methods:Implementation strategy development: We triangulated findings from qualitative interviews, surveys and a qualitative evidence synthesis to identify current PPH care practices and influences on future intervention implementation. We mapped influences using implementation science frameworks to identify candidate implementation strategies before presenting these at stakeholder consultation and design workshops to discuss feasibility, acceptability, and local adaptations. Piloting: The intervention and implementation strategies were piloted in 12 health facilities (3 per country) over 3 months. Interviews (n=58), case report forms (n=1,269), and direct observations (18 vaginal births, 7 PPHs) were used to assess feasibility, acceptability, and fidelity.Results:Implementation strategy development: Key influences included shortages of drugs, supplies, and staff, limited in-service training, and perceived benefits of the intervention (e.g., more accurate PPH detection and reduced PPH mortality). Proposed implementation strategies included a PPH trolley, on-site simulation-based training, champions, and audit and feedback. Country-specific adaptations included merging the E-MOTIVE intervention with national maternal health trainings, adapting local PPH protocols, and PPH trollies depending on staff needs. Piloting: Intervention and implementation strategy fidelity differed within and across countries. Calibrated drapes resulted in earlier and more accurate PPH detection but were not consistently used at the start. Implementation strategies were feasible to deliver; however, some instances of limited use were observed (e.g., PPH trolley and skills practice after training).Conclusion:Systematic intervention development, piloting, and process evaluation helped identify initial challenges related to intervention fidelity, which were addressed ahead of a larger-scale effectiveness evaluation. This has helped maximize the internal validity of the trial.

Historically, the intestinal lymphatics were considered passive conduits for fluids, immune cells, dietary lipids, lipid soluble vitamins, and lipophilic drugs. Studies of intestinal lymphatic drug delivery in the late 20th century focused primarily on the drugs’ physicochemical properties, especially high lipophilicity, that resulted in intestinal lymphatic transport. More recent discoveries have changed our traditional view by demonstrating that the lymphatics are active, plastic, and tissue-specific players in a range of biological and pathological processes, including within the intestine. These findings have, in turn, inspired exploration of lymph-specific therapies for a range of diseases, as well as the development of more sophisticated strategies to actively deliver drugs or vaccines to the intestinal lymph, including a range of nanotechnologies, lipid prodrugs, and lipid-conjugated materials that "hitchhike" onto lymphatic transport pathways. With the increasing development of novel therapeutics such as biologics, there has been interest in whether these therapeutics are absorbed and transported through intestinal lymph after oral administration. Here we review the current state of understanding of the anatomy and physiology of the gastrointestinal lymphatic system in health and disease, with a focus on aspects relevant to drug delivery. We summarize the current state-of-the-art approaches to deliver drugs and quantify their uptake into the intestinal lymphatic system. Finally, and excitingly, we discuss recent examples of significant pharmacokinetic and therapeutic benefits achieved via intestinal lymphatic drug delivery. We also propose approaches to advance the development and clinical application of intestinal lymphatic delivery strategies in the future.

PURPOSE

Currently, 40% of counties in the United States do not have an obstetrician or midwife, and in rural areas the likelihood of childbirth being attended to by a family medicine (FM) physician is increasing. We sought to characterize the effect of the FM presence on unit culture and a key perinatal quality metric in Iowa hospital intrapartum units.