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The Drag on India’s Military Growth

Policy Brief #176

Recommendations
India's remarkable economic growth and newfound access to arms from abroad have raised the prospect of a major rearmament of the country. But without several policy and organizational changes, India's efforts to modernize its armed forces will not alter the country's ability to deal with critical security threats. Our research suggests that India's military modernization needs a transparent, legitimate and efficient procurement process. Further, a chief of defense staff could reconcile the competing priorities across the three military services. Finally, India's defense research agencies need to be subjected to greater oversight.

Introduction

India’s rapid economic growth and newfound access to military technology, especially by way of its rapprochement with the United States, have raised hopes of a military revival in the country. Against this optimism about the rise of Indian military power stands the reality that India has not been able to alter its military-strategic position despite being one of the world’s largest importers of advanced conventional weapons for three decades.

We believe that civil-military relations in India have focused too heavily on one side of the problem – how to ensure civilian control over the armed forces, while neglecting the other – how to build and field an effective military force. This imbalance in civil-military relations has caused military modernization and reforms to suffer from a lack of political guidance, disunity of purpose and effort and material and intellectual corruption.


The Effects of Strategic Restraint

Sixty years after embarking on a rivalry with Pakistan, India has not been able to alter its strategic relationship with a country less than one-fifth its size. India’s many counterinsurgencies have lasted twenty years on an average, double the worldwide average. Since the 1998 nuclear tests, reports of a growing missile gap with Pakistan have called into question the quality of India’s nuclear deterrent. The high point of Indian military history – the liberation of Bangladesh in 1971– therefore, stands in sharp contrast to the persistent inability of the country to raise effective military forces.

No factor more accounts for the haphazard nature of Indian military modernization than the lack of political leadership on defense, stemming from the doctrine of strategic restraint. Key political leaders rejected the use of force as an instrument of politics in favor of a policy of strategic restraint that minimized the importance of the military.

The Government of India held to its strong anti-militarism despite the reality of conflict and war that followed independence. Much has been made of the downgrading of the service chiefs in the protocol rank, but of greater consequence was the elevation of military science and research as essential to the long-term defense of India over the armed forces themselves. Nehru invited British physicist P.M.S. Blackett to examine the relationship between science and defense. Blackett came back with a report that called for capping Indian defense spending at 2 percent of GDP and limited military modernization. He also recommended state funding and ownership of military research laboratories and established his protégé, Daulat Singh Kothari, as the head of the labs.

Indian defense spending decreased during the 1950s. Of the three services, the Indian Navy received greater attention with negotiations for the acquisition of India’s first aircraft carrier. The Indian Air Force acquired World War II surplus Canberra transport. The Indian Army, the biggest service by a wide margin, went to Congo on a UN peacekeeping mission, but was neglected overall. India had its first defense procurement scandal when buying old jeeps and experienced its first civil-military crisis when an army chief threatened to resign protesting political interference in military matters. The decade culminated in the government’s ‘forward policy’ against China, which Nehru foisted on an unprepared army, and led to the war of 1962 with China that ended in a humiliating Indian defeat.

The foremost lesson of 1962 was that India could not afford further military retrenchment. The Indian government launched a significant military expansion program that doubled the size of the army and raised a fighting air force. With the focus shifting North, the Indian Navy received less attention. A less recognized lesson of the war was that political interference in military matters ought to be limited. The military – and especially the army – asked for and received operational and institutional autonomy, a fact most visible in the wars of 1965 and 1971.

The problem, however, was that the political leadership did not suddenly become more comfortable with the military as an institution; they remained wary of the possibility of a coup d’etat and militarism more generally.

The Indian civil-military relations landscape has changed marginally since. In the eighties, there was a degree of political-military confluence in the Rajiv Gandhi government: Rajiv appointed a military buff, Arun Singh, as the minister of state for defense. At the same time, Krishnaswami Sundarji, an exceptional officer, became the army chief. Together they launched an ambitious program of military modernization in response to Pakistani rearmament and nuclearization. Pakistan’s nuclearization allowed that country to escalate the subconventional conflict in Kashmir while stemming Indian ability to escalate to a general war, where it had superiority. India is yet to emerge from this stability-instability paradox.

We do not know why Rajiv Gandhi agreed to the specific kind of military modernization that occurred in the mid-eighties, but then stepped back from using this capacity in 1987 during the Brasstacks crisis. Sundarji later wrote in a veiled work of fiction and told his many friends that Brasstacks was the last chance India had to dominate a non-nuclear Pakistan.

The puzzle of Brasstacks stands in a line of similar decisions. In 1971, India did not push the advantage of its victory in the eastern theatre to the West. Instead, New Delhi, under uberrealist Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, signed on to an equivocal agreement at Simla that committed both sides to peaceful resolution of future disputes without any enforcement measures. India’s decision to wait 24 years between its first nuclear test in 1974 and the second set of tests in 1998 is equally puzzling. Why did it not follow through after the 1974 test, and why did it test in 1998?

Underlying these puzzles is a remarkable preference for strategic restraint. Indian leaders simply have not seen the use of force as a useful instrument of politics. This foundation of ambivalence informs Indian defense policy, and consequently its military modernization and reform efforts.

To be sure, military restraint in a region as volatile as South Asia is wise and has helped persuade the great powers to accommodate India’s rise, but it does not help military planning. Together with the separation of the armed forces from the government, divisions among the services and between the services and other related agencies, and the inability of the military to seek formal support for policies it deems important, India’s strategic restraint has served to deny political guidance to the efforts of the armed forces to modernize. As wise as strategic restraint may be, Pakistan, India’s primary rival, hardly believes it to be true. Islamabad prepares as if India were an aggressive power and this has a real impact on India’s security.

Imbalance in Civil-Military Relations

What suffices for a military modernization plan is a wish list of weapon systems amounting to as much as $100 billion from the three services and hollow announcements of coming breakthroughs from the Defense Research and Development Organization (DRDO), the premier agency for military research in India.

The process is illustrative. The armed forces propose to acquire certain weapon systems. The political leadership and the civilian bureaucracy, especially the Ministry of Finance, react to these requests, agreeing on some and rejecting others. A number of dysfunctions ensue.

First, the services see things differently and their plans are essentially uncoordinated. Coming off the experience of the Kargil war and Operation Parakram, the Indian Army seems to have arrived at a Cold Start doctrine, seeking to find some fighting space between subconventional conflict and nuclear exchange in the standoff with Pakistan. The doctrine may not be official policy, but it informs the army’s wish list, where attack helicopters, tanks and long-range artillery stand out as marquee items. The Indian Air Force (IAF), meanwhile, is the primary instrument of the country’s nuclear deterrent. The IAF’s close second role is air superiority and air defense. Close air support, to which the IAF has belatedly agreed and which is essential to the army’s Cold Start doctrine, is a distant fourth.

The Indian Navy wants to secure the country’s sea-lanes of communications, protect its energy supplies and guard its trade routes. It wants further to be the vehicle of Indian naval diplomacy and sees a role in the anti-piracy efforts in the Malacca Straits and the Horn of Africa. What is less clear is how the Indian Navy might contribute in the event of a war with Pakistan. The navy would like simply to brush past the problem of Pakistan and reach for the grander projects. Accordingly, the Indian Navy’s biggest procurement order is a retrofitted aircraft carrier from Russia.

India’s three services have dramatically different views of what their role in India’s security should be, and there is no political effort to ensure this coordination. Cold Start remains an iffy proposition. India’s nuclear deterrent remains tethered to a single delivery system: fighter aircraft. Meanwhile, the Indian Army’s energies are dissipated with counterinsurgency duties, which might increase manifold if the army is told to fight the rising leftist insurgency, the Naxalites. And all this at a time when the primary security threat to the country has been terrorism. After the Mumbai attacks, the Indian government and the people of India are said to have resolved to tackle the problem headlong, but today the government’s minister in charge of internal security, Palaniappan Chidambaram, is more under siege himself than seizing the hidden enemy.

Second, despite repeated calls for and commissions into reforms in the higher defense structure, planning, intelligence, defense production and procurement, the Indian national security establishment remains fragmented and uncoordinated. The government and armed forces have succeeded in reforms primed by additions to the defense budget but failed to institute reforms that require changes in organization and priorities.

The Kargil Review Committee, and the Group of Ministers report that followed, for example, recommended a slew of reforms. The changes most readily implemented were those that created new commands, agencies and task forces, essentially linear expansion backed by new budgetary allocations. The changes least likely to occur were those required changes in the hierarchy.

The most common example of tough reform is the long-standing recommendation for a chief of defense staff. A military chief, as opposed to the service chiefs, could be a solution to the problem that causes the three services not to reconcile their priorities. However, political leaders have rejected the creation of the position of military commander-in-chief, mainly for fear of giving a military officer too much power. Instead of a chief of defense staff, the government has tried to install an integrated defense staff that is supposed to undertake reconciliation between the services, but which really is a toothless body with little influence.

Lastly, the Ministry of Defense has a finance section deputed by the Ministry of Finance. This section oversees all defense expenditures, even after they have been authorized. Once the cabinet has approved a spending item, what authority does the section have to turn down requests? However, the finance section raises questions of propriety, wisdom and policy that should under normal circumstances be under the purview of the defense minister.

No Legitimate Procurement Process

Corruption in weapons procurement has been a political issue since the mid-1980s, when allegations of a series of paybacks in the purchase of Bofors artillery, HDW submarines and other items mobilized an opposition that removed Rajiv Gandhi from power in 1989. Since then, Indian political leaders have tried hard not to appear to be corrupt, going out of their way to slow down new purchases.

However, corruption is still a problem, as shown in the 2001 Tehelka expose of political leaders accepting bribes in return for defense contracts. Recently, Uday Bhaskar, the Indian Navy officer and defense analyst, wrote bitingly that for a number of years now the armed forces, which desperately need modernization, have been returning unspent funds to the treasury.

There is widespread recognition that corruption is morally venal and detrimental to the cause of Indian security. We believe, however, that the second- and third-order problems of corruption have unacknowledged impact on military modernization and capacity. The Defense Procurement Manual and Procedures on the Ministry of Defense’s website are the first steps in the right direction, but the Indian government has generally failed to build a transparent and legitimate procurement process.

The deep roots of corruption extend to military research and development and to the heart of India’s foreign relations. Since the mid-1970s, however, the DRDO embarked on a number of ambitious and well-funded projects to build a fighter aircraft, a tank, and missiles. All three projects floundered.

While the aircraft and tank projects have largely failed, the missile program is considered successful. The reputation of the success carried the director of the missile program, A.P.J. Abdul Kalam, to the presidency. Yet in 2010, no Indian missile in the arsenal of the armed forces has managed to alter the strategic equation with Pakistan or China. The Prithvi short-range missile is not useful because of its range and liquid fuel needs. The longer-range Agni models have gone through numerous tests without entering the army’s arsenal. Other variations, such as Nag and Akash, have limited strategic purpose.

The virtual monopoly over military research in state-owned labs has meant that the abundant energies of the Indian private sector have remained outside the defense industry. Where in the United States, small and medium-sized defense contractors form the backbone of the research complex, India is far from thinking along those lines. Despite recent efforts to include the private sector through various schemes, there continues to be distrust of private industry in the Indian defense establishment. We believe it is easier for a private foreign supplier to win a contract with the Ministry of Defense than it is for a small private Indian company to do so.

For decades, the Indian government has accepted dishonest promises made by DRDO as the basis for providing billions of dollars of support because of the persisting ideology of autarky. The greatest success of military research in India comes not from the DRDO, but from the Atomic Energy Commission, which built the nuclear devices. But the government has been unwilling to subject DRDO to public accountability. Instead, the head of DRDO serves as the defense minister’s scientific adviser. The two positions – of supplier and adviser – bring inherent conflict of interest, but this has not been an issue in India at all.

The second pattern of systemic corruption comes from the inability of the Indian defense system to wean itself from the supply of Soviet/Russian equipment. The reasons why India initially went to the Soviet Union for weapons are well-known. The United States chose Pakistan, India went to the Soviet Union. But that political decision was reinforced by ideas about the corruption-free nature of the state-owned Soviet defense industry and the profit-mindedness of western, and especially American, firms.

This characterization has always been untrue. Soviet/Russian suppliers have engaged in as much corruption as western firms, but because the Soviet Union was a closed system, the corruption – which was reported first in the press in the supplier countries – was never really reported in the Soviet Union. This tradition continues, though the Russian free press has been more critical of the country’s defense deals. Indeed, those who served as Indian ‘agents’ for the Soviet firms have highlighted the better business practice of Russians, a laughable matter in light of India’s recent travails with the retrofit and sale of the Russian aircraft carrier Admiral Gorshkov.

The tendency is reiterated in Indian preferences in dealing with the West as well. Western firms have always been seen as money-grubbing, an opinion that exists across the political spectrum and is prevalent in the civilian bureaucracy. New Delhi seems to prefer government-to-government foreign military sales, which are in turn causing some degree of protest from users who want longer-term maintenance arrangements with suppliers.

The political rapprochement between India and the United States has not yet filtered into the system for attitudes to change dramatically. India’s growing military supply relationship with Israel is instructive. The most successful Israeli firm in the Indian market is Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI), a state-owned company. IAI was quick to adopt the Russian model of operation in India: offering the DRDO co-development opportunities to win contracts. In contrast, American firms are reluctant to work with, let alone transfer high-end technology to a state owned enterprise. They would prefer to set up a subsidiary in India, which could retain control of the technology.

India has been one of the biggest importers of advanced conventional weapons in the last thirty years, but this sustained rearmament has not altered India’s strategic position. The armed forces push for modernization, but do not have the authority to mount the national campaign necessary for transforming the security condition of the country. Budget increases delivered by a rapidly expanding economy and access to western technology previously denied to India have led to optimism about Indian military power, but the dysfunction in India’s civil-military relations reduces the impact of rearmament. Arming without aiming has some purpose in persuading other great powers of India’s benign rise, but it cannot be the basis of military planning.

This Policy Brief is based on an earlier paper published by Seminar, New Delhi. Stephen Cohen is a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution. Sunil Dasgupta is director of UMBC’s Political Science Program at the Universities at Shady Grove and a nonresident fellow at Brookings. They are the co-authors of Arming without Aiming: India’s Military Modernization, published in September 2010 by the Brookings Institution Press.

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To Reduce Lawyers’ Drag on Growth, How about a Law PhD?

Cliff Winston and Robert Crandall explain why, despite major declines in law school applications, new legal PhD programs can reduce the drag on economic growth that the legal industry may contribute to. Winston and Crandall argue that new doctorates in law may develop new findings that fill gaps in our understanding of the implementation of public policies, creating opportunities for streamlining and reform.

      
 
 




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May 5, 2020: Here There Be Dragons

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For your hoarding pleasure, we have the Munchkin Dragons and Munchkin Dragon's Trike mini-expansions at Warehouse 23. These two add-ons bring the might and fury of draconic foes to any Munchkin game, for a price even the most miserly wyrm would be happy to pay. Pick them up and add some fire to your next Munchkin session!

Andrew Hackard

Warehouse 23 News: Secret, Secret!

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Withdrawing from the Dragon Awards

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IPL's big money can add pressure, people try to drag you down: Yuvraj Singh

Former India all-rounder Yuvraj Singh on Monday said pressure of being a big money buy in the Indian Premier League (IPL) is felt when you don't perform and people talk about all that moolah going to waste, all the time.

Yuvraj still holds the record of being IPL's most-expensive buy. The 2011 World Cup hero went for a whopping Rs 16 crore to Delhi Daredevils (now Delhi Capitals) in the 2015 auctions. Yuvraj did not have a good IPL that year, managing 248 runs in 14 matches at 19.07.

"The pressure is felt because of the big money. I won't say it changes a player. Now when you climb the success ladder, people try to drag you down," Yuvraj said during an Instagram Live with former teammate Mohammad Kaif.

"See the point is...pressure is there because when you get out and don't perform they say he is getting so much money and not performing. Negative news sells more and those things affect you. My advice to all youngsters would be to stay away from TV and newspapers," said the 38-year old, regarded as one of the all-time best white-ball batters.

Australian quick Pat Cummins became the second most-expensive buy in the popular T20 league in the 2019 auctions where Kolkata Knight Riders shelled out Rs 15.50 crore for him. The IPL is postponed due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

Yuvraj also spoke about his fielding and how he became such a great fielder. Yuvraj and Kaif were India's two best fielders during their playing days.

"I was very athletic. I was quick. But fielding i did not have too much idea. In the first Ranji match I was playing, I was 15-16 years. I misfielded and next day article came out Yuvraj Singh 'gateway of India'.

"My father read that. He said now I will see how you don't improve your fielding. Then I started getting better and body also got stronger."

Talking about the famous 2002 NatWest Series final win against England where Yuvraj and Kaif shared a match-winning 121-run stand for the sixth wicket, Yuvraj said: "My lesson from that game was that you can't relax at any time. England had thought they had won the game. You can't give up. You have to keep trying."

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This story has been sourced from a third party syndicated feed, agencies. Mid-day accepts no responsibility or liability for its dependability, trustworthiness, reliability and data of the text. Mid-day management/mid-day.com reserves the sole right to alter, delete or remove (without notice) the content in its absolute discretion for any reason whatsoever




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How to Train Your Dragon 3 Review - The Mesmeric CGI will draw you in

How to Train Your Dragon: The Hidden World
U/A: Animation, Action, Adventure
Director: Dean DeBlois
Cast: Jay Baruchel, Gerard Butler, America Ferrera, Jonah Hill, Christopher Mintz-Plasse
Rating: 

The much-awaited Hiccup and Toothless' return to the big screen may not be as scintillating and effortless as the first two editions but it's certainly no slouch in terms of form and technique. The cutesy appeal of the ameliorating animation craft adds to the poignancy developed on the unlikely pairing of a rare Night Fury dragon with a brave young Viking. This CG animated feature that finds its inspiration in Cressida Cowell's children's books, is as vividly artistic as its predecessors and culminates in an emotionally resonant finale that apparently puts the cap on any further sequels in the offing.

The storyline finds Hiccup (Jay Baruchel), Chieftain of the tribe, having taken over the title from his late father, Stoick (Gerard Butler) - alongside the fearless Astrid (America Ferrera) and his newly found mother Vulcan (Cate Blanchett), engaged in the noble pursuit of freeing caged dragons and bringing them to the Isle of Berk. But the villainous Grimmel (F, Murray Abraham) is hell-bent on destroying their new-found tranquillity – so the tribe agree to leave in search of their Hidden kingdom, with Grimmel hot-on-their-heels, in pursuit. Amidst this hullabaloo, enters a new pure white lioness known as the Light Fury and she catches Toothless eye, and they engage in a hide-n-seek courtship that forces Hiccup to reassess his own abilities and his relationship with his favourite dragon.

Check out the trailer of How To Train Your Dragon:

Returning director-screenwriter Dean DeBlois, with able help from visual consultant Roger Deakins, presents an opulent harvest of computer-generated visuals – exquisite in details, bathed in a light and shadow so dramatic as to look almost heavenly. The eye-pleasing look of the Light Fury, the mating dance sequence between Toothless and his new love, the flickering flames, the resplendent panoramic and scenic views from the skies are all rendered with an unerring artfulness that is simply splendid to behold. Forget the ennui borne from a repetitive and familiar plotting. This one has the power to give flight to your imagination!

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Migrants continue to walk as Maharashtra government drags its feet

Zyada se zyada kya hoga? Mar hi jaunga na chalte chalte? (What's the worse that could happen? I'll die, right?) These disturbing words of a physically challenged migrant walking home to UP from Thane sum up the mood of hundreds like him trudging home. With no clarity from the government, the migrants continue to risk their lives on highways.

Hundreds of the migrant workers continue to walk to Uttar Pradesh and even Nagpur. As it is difficult to walk in the scorching heat, most rest during the day and walk at nights on highways. They poured their hearts out to mid-day.

A majority of the migrants work as labourers on at under-construction sites in MMR. They said they were leaving Mumbai as they had no access to food and essential items at their workplaces. At least 1,000 men, women and children were seen walking along the Mumbai-Agra highway between the Thane-Kalyan junctions.


Most of the migrants will walk over 1,600 km to UP. Pic/Ranjeet Jadhav

'Procedure not explained'
Some people expressed anger against the state and Central governments, alleging they were not taking the plight of migrants seriously, and this was happening because the authorities on the local level weren't cooperative. They alleged that local authorities were not explaining relevant procedures. Many have filled forms, taken medical certificates and got these and other papers stamped by the police to board the transport provided but say they are not being clearly told what is next.

Kisan Pawar who is heading back to his village near Nagpur with his wife, daughter and son, said they barely have any money left. "Staying in Thane with no job or money will be more burdening. So we started on the 800-km-long journey on foot," said Pawar. At night they rested at Kalyan phata for few hours. Most migrants have been resting or sleeping on the side of the highway.

Rajesh Pawar, 28, a resident of Gondia district in Maharashtra worked as a labourer at a construction site in Thane. Since work stopped and he has no money left, he and his wife have started walking with their two-year-old daughter. An emotional Rajesh said, "I pray that such difficult times don't befall anyone. No one really cares about the poor and that's why we have no other option but to walk. We don't even have money to buy tickets and food. We hope to reach our village because the safety of my daughter is very important."

'I would have died anyway'
A man with a deformed foot who did not wish to be named, will be walking over 1,600 km to reach his village in UP. "Aise bhi mar jaate kyon ki khaane ke liye kuch nahi hai. Us se behtar hai jahan tak chal saku wahan tak jaun, is umeed se ke ghar pohochunga. Jyada se jyada kya hoga? Mar hi jaunga na chalte chalte? (I would have died anyway because I wasn't getting any food. It's better that I walk as far as I can in the hope that I will reach home. What's the worst that could happen? I'll die, right?)," he said.

Suhel Ahmed and Irshad Khan who worked at a construction site in Thane, had approached local authorities to know about the procedure to go back home. But they claimed they weren't given clarity about when they would be allowed to go back, so they left for Uttar Pradesh on foot.

'No co-ordination'
Irshad Khan told mid-day, "We waited in Thane all this time because the government had told us it would make arrangements at the right time for migrants to go home. But there seems to be lack of coordination between the Centre and state. For the past two days, we ran from pillar to post getting medical certificates and filling forms but there was no clarity on what next. We have a few hundred rupees and before that too gets over, we want to reach home. God knows when we will reach."

The chairperson of an NGO says the government must instill confidence in migrants. Jalpesh Mehta, chairperson, Empower Foundation, said, "Walking on the highway for kilometres is a risky affair and may also see migrants die due to hunger or exertion and not because of COVID-19. We have worked with government authorities and police in Maharashtra and Gujarat to provide food to the migrants and the support on the ground from authorities has been excellent. The living conditions of the migrants and support from their employers is indeed very poor, but the need of the hour is instillation of confidence in the migrants by the government on the ground that they will be taken care of and there are planned exits — trains and buses to help them reach back home safely."

1,000
No. of people seen walking along Mumbai-Agra highway

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Coronavirus outbreak: Post rap, BMC won't drag doctors to police

In a latest controversy, the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) had decided to file a police complaint against doctors who prescribe COVID-19 tests to patients without conducting physical examinations. The officials of L ward had also come up with a complaint format that was supposed to be sent to police stations. However, when doctors slammed the move, the civic body withdrew it on Wednesday.

According to the complaint letter issued by L ward, a doctor found to have referred a patient for the COVID-19 test without a physical examination would face an FIR under Section 188 of the IPC (disobeying orders of a public servant) and the Epidemic Diseases Act of 1897. Confirming that such a decision was taken by the civic administration, a senior civic official said, "The COVID-19 task force decided that doctors have to examine the patient physically before prescribing any test. Ward officials will file the complaint with the respective police station if the regulations are not followed and the police will investigate the matter further."

However, when contacted, an L ward official said that the decision was taken after a doctor based in New Delhi referred a patient for testing in Mumbai and the complaint form was being used as a scare tactic. "We weren't planning on taking action against doctors. We just wanted to discourage the medical fraternity from referring patients without examining them. The complaint form was shared on some chat groups," added the official.

Dr Avinash Bhondwe, president of the Indian Medical Association in Maharashtra said that it is an unjustifiable move since doctors don't have access to PPE kits and they cannot examine a suspected patient without adequate protection. "We are only working with masks and gloves. It is very risky to physically examine a patient and doctors are not able to buy PPE kits either since it's not available, which is why in some cases doctors are consulting patients over phone. However, the BMC cannot take action against doctors and this will be challenged in the court of law," said Dr Bhondwe.

He added that even making physical examination mandatory doesn't make sense unless the civic body provides PPE kits to all doctors. "More and more doctors are testing positive every day. If a doctor examines a patient without PPE and if the patient tests positive, then the doctor will be placed in quarantine," he said. Dr Bhondwe added that instead of testing only the symptomatic patients, the government should make arrangements to test everyone. "Health is a constitutional right and everyone should be able to undergo tests," he added. Dr Bhondwe also pointed out that till date none of the circulars issued by the ICMR have mentioned that physical examination is mandatory. He further said that L ward officials later assured him that no FIR would be filed against doctors.

When contacted, Dr Gautam Bhansali, consulting physician with Bombay Hospital, said that taking action wasn't the correct approach in such stressful times. "Such decisions are demeaning to doctors who are working so hard. Referring a patient is not a crime and doesn't warrant a punishment. At best, circulars can be issued to create awareness among doctors," he said.

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Dragon Ball FighterZ Adding Ultra Instinct Goku on May 22

Based on the trailer, Ultra Instinct Goku can be seen dodging, teleporting, and using counterattacks to confuse his opponents and gain advantage over them.




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Dungeons & Dragons Movie Enlists Former Marvel Executive as Producer

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International Anti-Corruption Day Statement by Drago Kos, Chair of the OECD Working Group on Bribery

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Vested interests are dragging South Africa down

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2.7m properties dragged into higher stamp duty band 

Rising prices and flat tax thresholds since 2015 mean more homes in London and Southeast are in the top band





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Iggy Azalea teams up with RuPaul's Drag Race star Silky Nutmeg Ganache

Iggy Azalea made headlines last week when she released the music video for her explicit new single F**k It Up.




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Iggy Azalea thanks drag queen Silky Ganache for saving her from from a wardrobe malfunction

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MTV VMAs: John Travolta mistakes Drag Race's Jade Jolie for Taylor Swift

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MTV VMAs worst dressed: Tana Mongeau holds snake and Nikita Dragun drags men on leashes

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RFL and Super League 'appalled' by brawls between Catalans Dragons and Warrington Wolves fans

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Super League clubs could take legal action against Catalan Dragons after signing Israel Folau

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Super League clubs to confront Catalans Dragons over controversial signing of Israel Folau 

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Israel Folau named in Catalans Dragons' squad for first time

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Israel Folau delights Catalans Dragons fans with try-scoring debut

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Israel Folau given an easy ride by Catalans Dragons despite homophobic comments

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Rugby Football League threatens Leeds Rhinos as Catalans Dragons game is called off over coronavirus

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Lorraine showcases her lip sync skills with RuPaul's Drag Race winner Sasha Velour

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Justin Gatlin is dragged into a fresh doping scandal

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MIKE BROWN: Eddie Jones turned us into dragon slayers with a black A4 tactics folder

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Motorcyclist dies after being dragged for quarter of a mile under truck of illegal immigrant 'drink driver'

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Bastian Schweinsteiger dragged Germany to ultimate glory with blood, sweat and tears

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Melbourne mother who was dragged along Western Ring Road by truck opens up about terrifying ordeal

Melbourne mum Kelly Bubeck was driving to work on the Western Ring Road on Friday when the truck hit her from behind.




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RuPaul's Drag Race alum Shangela hits the SAG Awards red carpet

RuPaul's Drag Race alum Shangela brought a little of the reality show's flair for camp to the Screen Actors Guild Awards on Sunday. Shangela, ne DJ Pierce, had a small part in A Star Is Born.




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Jameela Jamil refuses to be 'dragged into celebrity feuds'

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The Block's Matt steps out in drag as he dresses up as Cher for the show's first lip sync battle

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Charlotte Crosby shares photo of large new dragon back tattoo

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