difference

Do Differences in School Quality Generate Heterogeneity in the Causal Returns to Education? -- by Philip DeCicca, Harry Krashinsky

Estimating the returns to education remains an active area of research amongst applied economists. Most studies that estimate the causal return to education exploit changes in schooling and/or labor laws to generate exogenous differences in education. An implicit assumption is that more time in school may translate into greater earnings potential. None of these studies, however, explicitly consider the quality of schooling to which impacted students are exposed. To extend this literature, we examine the interaction between school quality and policy-induced returns to schooling, using temporally-available school quality measures from Card and Krueger (1992). We find that additional compulsory schooling, via either schooling or labor laws, increases earnings only if educational inputs are of sufficiently high quality. In particular, we find a consistent role for teacher quality, as measured by relative teacher pay across states, in generating consistently positive returns to compulsory schooling.




difference

Lab-grown mini-brains highlight developmental differences between humans and great apes

In a new study, brain-like organoids made from human cells were slower to mature than their chimpanzee and macaque counterparts.




difference

Inspired by a photo, a reader's kindness makes a big difference

The holiday decorations have long since been packed away, but there was one more gift that had yet to be delivered.




difference

If lockdown is lifted by age, how will age difference couples cope, says VANESSA FELTZ



YOU might say the odds have always been stacked against age-gap relationships. The tut-tutters predict doom the moment they so much as sniff a union between May and December. "What does that old fool possibly think that beautiful damsel sees in him?" they ask. "How could that ancient crone believe that hunky young buck finds her attractive?"




difference

If lockdown is lifted by age, how will age difference couples cope, says VANESSA FELTZ



YOU might say the odds have always been stacked against age-gap relationships. The tut-tutters predict doom the moment they so much as sniff a union between May and December. "What does that old fool possibly think that beautiful damsel sees in him?" they ask. "How could that ancient crone believe that hunky young buck finds her attractive?"




difference

Splitting the difference

Today's decision was unusual in that it could have gone three ways - it could have conceivably been a half point cut or no cut at all. The reason there's such a wide span of options is that the economy...



  • Notes on Real Life

difference

Differences between European Canal Barge And RIver Cruise

What are the main differences between a European canal hotel barge cruise and a river cruise? I think there are 8 key things you need to know that makes a canal cruise different to a river cruise. By understanding how they differ you can better decide is a river cruise or canal hotel barge cruise is best for your next European river cruising vacation

Note: I travelled as a guest of CroisiEurope on a 6-night hotel barge cruise in France before making this video Croisieurope had no input into the opinions or content of this video.

** Buy my Cruise T-shirts: http://bit.ly/TFTStore
** USA cruisers get great cruise deals CRUISEDIRECT.COM: http://bit.ly/TFTBookCruise
** UK Cruisers get great cruise deals with CRUISE.CO.UK: http://bit.ly/BookCruiseUK

Gary Bembridge's Tips For Travellers aims to help you make more of your precious travel time and money on land and when cruising the oceans or rivers of the world. To help you, in every video I draw on my first-hand tips and advice from travelling every month for over 20 years and 60+ cruises.

Follow Tips For Travellers on:
- Instagram: http://www.instagram.com/garybembridge
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- Twitter: http://www.twitter.com/garybembridge




difference

Quantitation of atherosclerosis in murine models: correlation between lesions in the aortic origin and in the entire aorta, and differences in the extent of lesions between sexes in LDL receptor-deficient and apolipoprotein E-deficient mice

RK Tangirala
Nov 1, 1995; 36:2320-2328
Articles




difference

Latin America’s COVID-19 Moment: Differences and Solidarity

30 April 2020

Dr Christopher Sabatini

Senior Research Fellow for Latin America, US and the Americas Programme
There has been no better example of the political diversity in Latin America than the varying responses of governments to the coronavirus crisis.

2020-04-30-Chile-Covid.jpg

A municipal cleaning worker disinfects the central market in Santiago, Chile on 7 April 2020 amid the coronavirus pandemic. Photo: Getty Images.

Differing approaches across the hemisphere have had different impacts on presidential popularity and, at least in one case, on democratic institutions and human rights. Yet, even within that diversity, South America’s Southern Cone countries (Argentina, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay) have shown a sign of solidarity: protecting and facilitating trade flows, sponsoring cross-border research and ensuring citizens’ return to their home countries.    

The response from populist leaders

On the extreme have been the responses of presidents of Brazil, Nicaragua and Mexico, all of whom have ignored the science of the virus and of experts and refused to implement isolation policies.  President Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil fired his health minister, Luis Henrique Mandetta on 16 April for contradicting him and earlier had claimed that the pandemic was a hoax or little more than a ‘measly cold.' 

Meanwhile, Nicaraguan president Daniel Ortega has resisted closing businesses and schools.  After a mysterious 34-day absence, Ortega appeared on television on 15 April reinforcing his refusal to close businesses saying that Nicaraguans must work or they will die and claiming that the virus was ‘imported.’ 

Mexico’s Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO) has also resisted the call for strict stay-at-home policies, though with his Deputy Health Minister, Hugo López-Gatell, has closed schools – recently extending the closure to the 1st of June and urging non-essential businesses to close – but focusing primarily on social distancing. 

In contrast to his deputy health minister and Foreign Minister Marcelo Ebrard – who had declared the situation a health emergency on 30th March, later than many neighbouring countries – AMLO has largely attempted to avoid discussion of the pandemic, claiming that in his case he has lucky charms that prevent him from contracting the virus. 

And both Bolsonaro and AMLO have participated in large public rallies, doing all the things that politicians love, shaking hands and hugging babies, and in the case of the former even wiping his nose before embracing an elderly woman.

The Nicaraguan, Brazilian and Mexican presidents make an odd grouping since one (Bosonaro) is considered of the extreme populist right and the others (Ortega and AMLO) of the populist left. What unites them is good old-fashioned populism, a belief in a leader who represents the amorphous popular will and should be unfettered by checks and balances on his power, including something like… science.  

An eclectic group

At the other extreme have been the quick responses by governments in Peru, Argentina, Chile, El Salvador and Colombia which put quarantine measures in place in mid-March. In these cases, governments have even banned outdoor activities and in the case of Peru and Colombia (in the large cities) have imposed alternating days for when women and men can leave the house so as to better control outside movement.  

This too, though, is an eclectic group. It includes a Peronist president Alberto Fernández in Argentina, conservative presidents Sebastian Piñera in Chile and Ivan Duque in Colombia, interim president and relative political neophyte Martin Vizcarra in Peru and outsider president Nayib Bukele in El Salvador. 

El Salvador’s strict quarantine measures have led to rising concerns that Bukele is using the crisis to consolidate personal power, using the national police and the armed forces to enforce the quarantine and ignoring three rulings by the Supreme Court urging the president to end the abuses. In Argentina, Peronist Fernández has shown a surprising commitment to containment even as it hurts his party’s working-class base, not something typically expected of the populist Peronist Party.   

In all of these cases, the quick, strong responses by the presidents shored up their popularity. Peru’s Vizcarra saw his popularity shoot up 35 points in a week to 82 per cent according to surveys taken in March. In late March 2020, Fernández in Argentina saw his approval ratings swell to 79.2 per cent with 94.7 percent of citizens approving of the government’s strict shelter-at-home policies.   Even presidents Piñera and Duque who had struggled with low approval ratings throughout 2019 and saw those numbers sink even lower after the social protests that ended the year have seen their numbers rise.  

According to an 20th April poll, Piñera’s popular approval rating swelled from 13 percent in March 18th at the start of the crisis to 25 per cent by 20th April; while hardly a sweeping popular mandate, even that level was unthinkable only a few months ago when administration was battered by social protests. 

In Colombia, after a series of political missteps and the popular protests, Duque’s popular approval rating had slumped to 26 per cent; by April 2nd, 62 percent of Colombians supported the once-beleaguered president.   (No recent surveys were available for Bukele in El Salvador.)

In contrast, Bolsonaro’s in Brazil has only nudged up.  Before the crisis hit, the president’s popularity had been in steady decline from a high of 49 per cent in January 2019 to 30 per cent by early December 2019. But by the first week in April, in the midst of a crisis in which other presidents saw their approval ratings increase by double digits, after his public disagreements with the health minister, Bolsonaro’s had sunk to 33 per cent while the soon-to-be-fired Mandetta’s stood at 76 per cent.  

AMLO in Mexico has fared no better. The populist leftist scored a high 86 per cent approval rating in February 1, 2019. By March 28, 2020 with concerns over his weak and flippant COVID-19 response and a severe contraction in economic growth, AMLO’s approval rating had sunk 26 points to 60 per cent and his disapproval stood at 37 per cent.    

In the midst of disharmony, coordination

Despite these differences, many countries in the region have shown the solidarity they often speak of but rarely follow in policy or practice. Peru, Chile and other countries have collaborated in repatriating citizens back to their home countries in the midst of the crisis.  

Even the countries of the Southern Cone common market, MERCOSUR, have pulled together on a number of fronts.  The trade bloc had effectively been ruled a dead-man-walking after its failed efforts to integrate Venezuela into the bloc, lowering its standards to let in the petroleum dependent semi-authoritarian government of then President Hugo Chávez. 

Even on the basics of internal cooperation, the block was struggling, unable to coordinate monetary policies and non-tariff trade barriers between the original founding member states, Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay.

The 35-year-old customs union seemed to get a breath a new life with the announcement that it had concluded 20-year-long negotiations with the EU for a free trade deal. Ratification of that deal, however, ran aground on the political differences between the recently elected governments of Bolsonaro in Brazil and the Peronist Fernández in Argentina. 

Bolsonaro refused to attend the Fernández December 2019 inauguration, in protest of the newly elected president’s leftist leanings.  And this was well before their sharply divergent reactions to the COVID-19 virus. 

How surprising then that Mercosur has served as an effective coordination mechanism for these different and once opposed governments. The trade body is collaborating among member states to ensure the repatriation of citizens and has agreed to coordinate to ensure that trade flows, especially of medical supplies, are not interrupted by shutdown measures

Mercosur has even gone one step further than several other bodies have failed to take.  In early April the bloc’s governing body, based in Montevideo, Uruguay created a $16 million (12 million pound) fund to augment country research and assist in the purchase of supplies needed to combat the virus.  

Now if Brazil, Argentina and the others could only coordinate their domestic coronavirus responses and economic policy. In late March Fernández announced he was pulling Argentina out of a possible Mercosur-EU trade deal.




difference

Latin America’s COVID-19 Moment: Differences and Solidarity

30 April 2020

Dr Christopher Sabatini

Senior Research Fellow for Latin America, US and the Americas Programme
There has been no better example of the political diversity in Latin America than the varying responses of governments to the coronavirus crisis.

2020-04-30-Chile-Covid.jpg

A municipal cleaning worker disinfects the central market in Santiago, Chile on 7 April 2020 amid the coronavirus pandemic. Photo: Getty Images.

Differing approaches across the hemisphere have had different impacts on presidential popularity and, at least in one case, on democratic institutions and human rights. Yet, even within that diversity, South America’s Southern Cone countries (Argentina, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay) have shown a sign of solidarity: protecting and facilitating trade flows, sponsoring cross-border research and ensuring citizens’ return to their home countries.    

The response from populist leaders

On the extreme have been the responses of presidents of Brazil, Nicaragua and Mexico, all of whom have ignored the science of the virus and of experts and refused to implement isolation policies.  President Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil fired his health minister, Luis Henrique Mandetta on 16 April for contradicting him and earlier had claimed that the pandemic was a hoax or little more than a ‘measly cold.' 

Meanwhile, Nicaraguan president Daniel Ortega has resisted closing businesses and schools.  After a mysterious 34-day absence, Ortega appeared on television on 15 April reinforcing his refusal to close businesses saying that Nicaraguans must work or they will die and claiming that the virus was ‘imported.’ 

Mexico’s Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO) has also resisted the call for strict stay-at-home policies, though with his Deputy Health Minister, Hugo López-Gatell, has closed schools – recently extending the closure to the 1st of June and urging non-essential businesses to close – but focusing primarily on social distancing. 

In contrast to his deputy health minister and Foreign Minister Marcelo Ebrard – who had declared the situation a health emergency on 30th March, later than many neighbouring countries – AMLO has largely attempted to avoid discussion of the pandemic, claiming that in his case he has lucky charms that prevent him from contracting the virus. 

And both Bolsonaro and AMLO have participated in large public rallies, doing all the things that politicians love, shaking hands and hugging babies, and in the case of the former even wiping his nose before embracing an elderly woman.

The Nicaraguan, Brazilian and Mexican presidents make an odd grouping since one (Bosonaro) is considered of the extreme populist right and the others (Ortega and AMLO) of the populist left. What unites them is good old-fashioned populism, a belief in a leader who represents the amorphous popular will and should be unfettered by checks and balances on his power, including something like… science.  

An eclectic group

At the other extreme have been the quick responses by governments in Peru, Argentina, Chile, El Salvador and Colombia which put quarantine measures in place in mid-March. In these cases, governments have even banned outdoor activities and in the case of Peru and Colombia (in the large cities) have imposed alternating days for when women and men can leave the house so as to better control outside movement.  

This too, though, is an eclectic group. It includes a Peronist president Alberto Fernández in Argentina, conservative presidents Sebastian Piñera in Chile and Ivan Duque in Colombia, interim president and relative political neophyte Martin Vizcarra in Peru and outsider president Nayib Bukele in El Salvador. 

El Salvador’s strict quarantine measures have led to rising concerns that Bukele is using the crisis to consolidate personal power, using the national police and the armed forces to enforce the quarantine and ignoring three rulings by the Supreme Court urging the president to end the abuses. In Argentina, Peronist Fernández has shown a surprising commitment to containment even as it hurts his party’s working-class base, not something typically expected of the populist Peronist Party.   

In all of these cases, the quick, strong responses by the presidents shored up their popularity. Peru’s Vizcarra saw his popularity shoot up 35 points in a week to 82 per cent according to surveys taken in March. In late March 2020, Fernández in Argentina saw his approval ratings swell to 79.2 per cent with 94.7 percent of citizens approving of the government’s strict shelter-at-home policies.   Even presidents Piñera and Duque who had struggled with low approval ratings throughout 2019 and saw those numbers sink even lower after the social protests that ended the year have seen their numbers rise.  

According to an 20th April poll, Piñera’s popular approval rating swelled from 13 percent in March 18th at the start of the crisis to 25 per cent by 20th April; while hardly a sweeping popular mandate, even that level was unthinkable only a few months ago when administration was battered by social protests. 

In Colombia, after a series of political missteps and the popular protests, Duque’s popular approval rating had slumped to 26 per cent; by April 2nd, 62 percent of Colombians supported the once-beleaguered president.   (No recent surveys were available for Bukele in El Salvador.)

In contrast, Bolsonaro’s in Brazil has only nudged up.  Before the crisis hit, the president’s popularity had been in steady decline from a high of 49 per cent in January 2019 to 30 per cent by early December 2019. But by the first week in April, in the midst of a crisis in which other presidents saw their approval ratings increase by double digits, after his public disagreements with the health minister, Bolsonaro’s had sunk to 33 per cent while the soon-to-be-fired Mandetta’s stood at 76 per cent.  

AMLO in Mexico has fared no better. The populist leftist scored a high 86 per cent approval rating in February 1, 2019. By March 28, 2020 with concerns over his weak and flippant COVID-19 response and a severe contraction in economic growth, AMLO’s approval rating had sunk 26 points to 60 per cent and his disapproval stood at 37 per cent.    

In the midst of disharmony, coordination

Despite these differences, many countries in the region have shown the solidarity they often speak of but rarely follow in policy or practice. Peru, Chile and other countries have collaborated in repatriating citizens back to their home countries in the midst of the crisis.  

Even the countries of the Southern Cone common market, MERCOSUR, have pulled together on a number of fronts.  The trade bloc had effectively been ruled a dead-man-walking after its failed efforts to integrate Venezuela into the bloc, lowering its standards to let in the petroleum dependent semi-authoritarian government of then President Hugo Chávez. 

Even on the basics of internal cooperation, the block was struggling, unable to coordinate monetary policies and non-tariff trade barriers between the original founding member states, Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay.

The 35-year-old customs union seemed to get a breath a new life with the announcement that it had concluded 20-year-long negotiations with the EU for a free trade deal. Ratification of that deal, however, ran aground on the political differences between the recently elected governments of Bolsonaro in Brazil and the Peronist Fernández in Argentina. 

Bolsonaro refused to attend the Fernández December 2019 inauguration, in protest of the newly elected president’s leftist leanings.  And this was well before their sharply divergent reactions to the COVID-19 virus. 

How surprising then that Mercosur has served as an effective coordination mechanism for these different and once opposed governments. The trade body is collaborating among member states to ensure the repatriation of citizens and has agreed to coordinate to ensure that trade flows, especially of medical supplies, are not interrupted by shutdown measures

Mercosur has even gone one step further than several other bodies have failed to take.  In early April the bloc’s governing body, based in Montevideo, Uruguay created a $16 million (12 million pound) fund to augment country research and assist in the purchase of supplies needed to combat the virus.  

Now if Brazil, Argentina and the others could only coordinate their domestic coronavirus responses and economic policy. In late March Fernández announced he was pulling Argentina out of a possible Mercosur-EU trade deal.




difference

CBD News: Message from the Executive Secretary: "The shift of ambition towards 1.5 degrees will make a big difference, particularly for the most vulnerable ecosystems such as coral reefs and polar ecosystems."




difference

Making a Difference With Interactive Technology: Considerations in Using and Evaluating Computerized Aids for Diabetes Self-Management Education

Russell E. Glasgow
Apr 1, 2001; 14:
Feature Articles




difference

Biokinetics of Radiolabeled Monoclonal Antibody BC8: Differences in Biodistribution and Dosimetry among Hematologic Malignancies.

We reviewed 111In-DOTA-anti-CD45 antibody (BC8) imaging and bone marrow biopsy measurements to ascertain biodistribution and biokinetics of the radiolabeled antibody and to investigate differences based on type of hematologic malignancy. Methods: Serial whole-body scintigraphic images (4 time-points) were obtained after infusion of the 111In-DOTA-BC8 (176-406 MBq) in 52 adult patients with hematologic malignancies (lymphoma, multiple myeloma, acute myeloid leukemia and myelodysplastic syndrome). Counts were obtained for the regions of interest for spleen, liver, kidneys, testicles (in males), and two marrow sites (acetabulum and sacrum) and correction for attenuation and background was made. Bone marrow biopsies were obtained 14-24 hours post-infusion and percent of administered activity was determined. Radiation absorbed doses were calculated. Results: Initial uptake in liver averaged 32% ± 8.4% (S.D.) of administered activity (52 patients), which cleared monoexponentially with biological half-time of 293 ± 157 hours (33 patients) or did not clear (19 patients). Initial uptake in spleen averaged 22% ± 12% and cleared with a biological half-time 271 ± 185 hours (36 patients) or longer (6 patients). Initial uptake in kidney averaged 2.4% ± 2.0% and cleared with a biological half-time of 243 ± 144 hours (27 patients) or longer (9 patients). Initial uptake in red marrow averaged 23% ± 11% and cleared with half-times of 215 ± 107 hours (43 patients) or longer (5 patients). Whole-body retention half-times averaged 198 ± 75 hours. Splenic uptake was higher in the AML/MDS group when compared to the lymphoma group (p ≤ 0.05) and to the multiple myeloma group (p ≤ 0.10). Liver represented the dose-limiting organ. For liver uptake, no significant differences were observed between the three malignancy groups. Average calculated radiation absorbed doses per unit administered activity for a therapy infusions of 90Y-DOTA-BC8 were for red marrow: 470 ± 260 cGy/MBq, liver 1100 ± 330 cGy/MBq, spleen 4120 ± 1950 cGy/MBq, total body 7520 ± 20 cGy/MBq, osteogenic cells 290 ± 200 cGy/MBq, and kidneys 240 ± 200 cGy/MBqR. Conclusion: 111In-DOTA-BC8 had long retention time in liver, spleen, kidneys, and red marrow, and the highest absorbed doses were calculated for spleen and liver. Few differences were observed by malignancy type. The exception was greater splenic uptake among leukemia/MDS group when compared to lymphoma and multiple myeloma groups.




difference

Reported differences between Digital and Analog PET/CT studies




difference

N-glycosylation Site Analysis Reveals Sex-related Differences in Protein N-glycosylation in the Rice Brown Planthopper (Nilaparvata lugens) [Research]

Glycosylation is a common modification of proteins and critical for a wide range of biological processes. Differences in protein glycosylation between sexes have already been observed in humans, nematodes and trematodes, and have recently also been reported in the rice pest insect Nilaparvata lugens. Although protein N-glycosylation in insects is nowadays of high interest because of its potential for exploitation in pest control strategies, the functionality of differential N-glycosylation between sexes is yet unknown. In this study, therefore, the occurrence and role of sex-related protein N-glycosylation in insects were examined. A comprehensive investigation of the N-glycosylation sites from the adult stages of N. lugens was conducted, allowing a qualitative and quantitative comparison between sexes at the glycopeptide level. N-glycopeptide enrichment via lectin capturing using the high mannose/paucimannose-binding lectin Concanavalin A, or the Rhizoctonia solani agglutinin which interacts with complex N-glycans, resulted in the identification of over 1300 N-glycosylation sites derived from over 600 glycoproteins. Comparison of these N-glycopeptides revealed striking differences in protein N-glycosylation between sexes. Male- and female-specific N-glycosylation sites were identified, and some of these sex-specific N-glycosylation sites were shown to be derived from proteins with a putative role in insect reproduction. In addition, differential glycan composition between males and females was observed for proteins shared across sexes. Both lectin blotting experiments as well as transcript expression analyses with complete insects and insect tissues confirmed the observed differences in N-glycosylation of proteins between sexes. In conclusion, this study provides further evidence for protein N-glycosylation to be sex-related in insects. Furthermore, original data on N-glycosylation sites of N. lugens adults are presented, providing novel insights into planthopper's biology and information for future biological pest control strategies.




difference

Of mice and men: murine bile acids explain species differences in the regulation of bile acid and cholesterol metabolism

Sara Straniero
Apr 1, 2020; 61:480-491
Research Articles




difference

Latin America’s COVID-19 Moment: Differences and Solidarity

30 April 2020

Dr Christopher Sabatini

Senior Research Fellow for Latin America, US and the Americas Programme
There has been no better example of the political diversity in Latin America than the varying responses of governments to the coronavirus crisis.

2020-04-30-Chile-Covid.jpg

A municipal cleaning worker disinfects the central market in Santiago, Chile on 7 April 2020 amid the coronavirus pandemic. Photo: Getty Images.

Differing approaches across the hemisphere have had different impacts on presidential popularity and, at least in one case, on democratic institutions and human rights. Yet, even within that diversity, South America’s Southern Cone countries (Argentina, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay) have shown a sign of solidarity: protecting and facilitating trade flows, sponsoring cross-border research and ensuring citizens’ return to their home countries.    

The response from populist leaders

On the extreme have been the responses of presidents of Brazil, Nicaragua and Mexico, all of whom have ignored the science of the virus and of experts and refused to implement isolation policies.  President Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil fired his health minister, Luis Henrique Mandetta on 16 April for contradicting him and earlier had claimed that the pandemic was a hoax or little more than a ‘measly cold.' 

Meanwhile, Nicaraguan president Daniel Ortega has resisted closing businesses and schools.  After a mysterious 34-day absence, Ortega appeared on television on 15 April reinforcing his refusal to close businesses saying that Nicaraguans must work or they will die and claiming that the virus was ‘imported.’ 

Mexico’s Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO) has also resisted the call for strict stay-at-home policies, though with his Deputy Health Minister, Hugo López-Gatell, has closed schools – recently extending the closure to the 1st of June and urging non-essential businesses to close – but focusing primarily on social distancing. 

In contrast to his deputy health minister and Foreign Minister Marcelo Ebrard – who had declared the situation a health emergency on 30th March, later than many neighbouring countries – AMLO has largely attempted to avoid discussion of the pandemic, claiming that in his case he has lucky charms that prevent him from contracting the virus. 

And both Bolsonaro and AMLO have participated in large public rallies, doing all the things that politicians love, shaking hands and hugging babies, and in the case of the former even wiping his nose before embracing an elderly woman.

The Nicaraguan, Brazilian and Mexican presidents make an odd grouping since one (Bosonaro) is considered of the extreme populist right and the others (Ortega and AMLO) of the populist left. What unites them is good old-fashioned populism, a belief in a leader who represents the amorphous popular will and should be unfettered by checks and balances on his power, including something like… science.  

An eclectic group

At the other extreme have been the quick responses by governments in Peru, Argentina, Chile, El Salvador and Colombia which put quarantine measures in place in mid-March. In these cases, governments have even banned outdoor activities and in the case of Peru and Colombia (in the large cities) have imposed alternating days for when women and men can leave the house so as to better control outside movement.  

This too, though, is an eclectic group. It includes a Peronist president Alberto Fernández in Argentina, conservative presidents Sebastian Piñera in Chile and Ivan Duque in Colombia, interim president and relative political neophyte Martin Vizcarra in Peru and outsider president Nayib Bukele in El Salvador. 

El Salvador’s strict quarantine measures have led to rising concerns that Bukele is using the crisis to consolidate personal power, using the national police and the armed forces to enforce the quarantine and ignoring three rulings by the Supreme Court urging the president to end the abuses. In Argentina, Peronist Fernández has shown a surprising commitment to containment even as it hurts his party’s working-class base, not something typically expected of the populist Peronist Party.   

In all of these cases, the quick, strong responses by the presidents shored up their popularity. Peru’s Vizcarra saw his popularity shoot up 35 points in a week to 82 per cent according to surveys taken in March. In late March 2020, Fernández in Argentina saw his approval ratings swell to 79.2 per cent with 94.7 percent of citizens approving of the government’s strict shelter-at-home policies.   Even presidents Piñera and Duque who had struggled with low approval ratings throughout 2019 and saw those numbers sink even lower after the social protests that ended the year have seen their numbers rise.  

According to an 20th April poll, Piñera’s popular approval rating swelled from 13 percent in March 18th at the start of the crisis to 25 per cent by 20th April; while hardly a sweeping popular mandate, even that level was unthinkable only a few months ago when administration was battered by social protests. 

In Colombia, after a series of political missteps and the popular protests, Duque’s popular approval rating had slumped to 26 per cent; by April 2nd, 62 percent of Colombians supported the once-beleaguered president.   (No recent surveys were available for Bukele in El Salvador.)

In contrast, Bolsonaro’s in Brazil has only nudged up.  Before the crisis hit, the president’s popularity had been in steady decline from a high of 49 per cent in January 2019 to 30 per cent by early December 2019. But by the first week in April, in the midst of a crisis in which other presidents saw their approval ratings increase by double digits, after his public disagreements with the health minister, Bolsonaro’s had sunk to 33 per cent while the soon-to-be-fired Mandetta’s stood at 76 per cent.  

AMLO in Mexico has fared no better. The populist leftist scored a high 86 per cent approval rating in February 1, 2019. By March 28, 2020 with concerns over his weak and flippant COVID-19 response and a severe contraction in economic growth, AMLO’s approval rating had sunk 26 points to 60 per cent and his disapproval stood at 37 per cent.    

In the midst of disharmony, coordination

Despite these differences, many countries in the region have shown the solidarity they often speak of but rarely follow in policy or practice. Peru, Chile and other countries have collaborated in repatriating citizens back to their home countries in the midst of the crisis.  

Even the countries of the Southern Cone common market, MERCOSUR, have pulled together on a number of fronts.  The trade bloc had effectively been ruled a dead-man-walking after its failed efforts to integrate Venezuela into the bloc, lowering its standards to let in the petroleum dependent semi-authoritarian government of then President Hugo Chávez. 

Even on the basics of internal cooperation, the block was struggling, unable to coordinate monetary policies and non-tariff trade barriers between the original founding member states, Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay.

The 35-year-old customs union seemed to get a breath a new life with the announcement that it had concluded 20-year-long negotiations with the EU for a free trade deal. Ratification of that deal, however, ran aground on the political differences between the recently elected governments of Bolsonaro in Brazil and the Peronist Fernández in Argentina. 

Bolsonaro refused to attend the Fernández December 2019 inauguration, in protest of the newly elected president’s leftist leanings.  And this was well before their sharply divergent reactions to the COVID-19 virus. 

How surprising then that Mercosur has served as an effective coordination mechanism for these different and once opposed governments. The trade body is collaborating among member states to ensure the repatriation of citizens and has agreed to coordinate to ensure that trade flows, especially of medical supplies, are not interrupted by shutdown measures

Mercosur has even gone one step further than several other bodies have failed to take.  In early April the bloc’s governing body, based in Montevideo, Uruguay created a $16 million (12 million pound) fund to augment country research and assist in the purchase of supplies needed to combat the virus.  

Now if Brazil, Argentina and the others could only coordinate their domestic coronavirus responses and economic policy. In late March Fernández announced he was pulling Argentina out of a possible Mercosur-EU trade deal.




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Of mice and men: murine bile acids explain species differences in the regulation of bile acid and cholesterol metabolism [Research Articles]

Compared with humans, rodents have higher synthesis of cholesterol and bile acids (BAs) and faster clearance and lower levels of serum LDL-cholesterol. Paradoxically, they increase BA synthesis in response to bile duct ligation (BDL). Another difference is the production of hydrophilic 6-hydroxylated muricholic acids (MCAs), which may antagonize the activation of FXRs, in rodents versus humans. We hypothesized that the presence of MCAs is key for many of these metabolic differences between mice and humans. We thus studied the effects of genetic deletion of the Cyp2c70 gene, previously proposed to control MCA formation. Compared with WT animals, KO mice created using the CRISPR/Cas9 system completely lacked MCAs, and displayed >50% reductions in BA and cholesterol synthesis and hepatic LDL receptors, leading to a marked increase in serum LDL-cholesterol. The doubling of BA synthesis following BDL in WT animals was abolished in KO mice, despite extinguished intestinal fibroblast growth factor (Fgf)15 expression in both groups. Accumulation of cholesterol-enriched particles ("Lp-X") in serum was almost eliminated in KO mice. Livers of KO mice were increased 18% in weight, and serum markers of liver function indicated liver damage. The human-like phenotype of BA metabolism in KO mice could not be fully explained by the activation of FXR-mediated changes. In conclusion, the presence of MCAs is critical for many of the known metabolic differences between mice and humans. The Cyp2c70-KO mouse should be useful in studies exploring potential therapeutic targets for human disease.




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Mechanisms of Pancreatic {beta}-Cell Death in Type 1 and Type 2 Diabetes: Many Differences, Few Similarities

Miriam Cnop
Dec 1, 2005; 54:S97-S107
Section III: Inflammation and beta-Cell Death




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1 player (Bryce?) makes difference, Baer says

Twenty-seven years after signing Barry Bonds to a then-record free-agent contract, the Giants are in the market for yet another superstar outfielder. San Francisco's interest in Bryce Harper remained a prominent topic of conversation during Saturday's FanFest at Oracle Park, with CEO Larry Baer weighing in on the potential franchise-altering benefits of landing a marquee player.




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Latin America’s COVID-19 Moment: Differences and Solidarity

30 April 2020

Dr Christopher Sabatini

Senior Research Fellow for Latin America, US and the Americas Programme
There has been no better example of the political diversity in Latin America than the varying responses of governments to the coronavirus crisis.

2020-04-30-Chile-Covid.jpg

A municipal cleaning worker disinfects the central market in Santiago, Chile on 7 April 2020 amid the coronavirus pandemic. Photo: Getty Images.

Differing approaches across the hemisphere have had different impacts on presidential popularity and, at least in one case, on democratic institutions and human rights. Yet, even within that diversity, South America’s Southern Cone countries (Argentina, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay) have shown a sign of solidarity: protecting and facilitating trade flows, sponsoring cross-border research and ensuring citizens’ return to their home countries.    

The response from populist leaders

On the extreme have been the responses of presidents of Brazil, Nicaragua and Mexico, all of whom have ignored the science of the virus and of experts and refused to implement isolation policies.  President Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil fired his health minister, Luis Henrique Mandetta on 16 April for contradicting him and earlier had claimed that the pandemic was a hoax or little more than a ‘measly cold.' 

Meanwhile, Nicaraguan president Daniel Ortega has resisted closing businesses and schools.  After a mysterious 34-day absence, Ortega appeared on television on 15 April reinforcing his refusal to close businesses saying that Nicaraguans must work or they will die and claiming that the virus was ‘imported.’ 

Mexico’s Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO) has also resisted the call for strict stay-at-home policies, though with his Deputy Health Minister, Hugo López-Gatell, has closed schools – recently extending the closure to the 1st of June and urging non-essential businesses to close – but focusing primarily on social distancing. 

In contrast to his deputy health minister and Foreign Minister Marcelo Ebrard – who had declared the situation a health emergency on 30th March, later than many neighbouring countries – AMLO has largely attempted to avoid discussion of the pandemic, claiming that in his case he has lucky charms that prevent him from contracting the virus. 

And both Bolsonaro and AMLO have participated in large public rallies, doing all the things that politicians love, shaking hands and hugging babies, and in the case of the former even wiping his nose before embracing an elderly woman.

The Nicaraguan, Brazilian and Mexican presidents make an odd grouping since one (Bosonaro) is considered of the extreme populist right and the others (Ortega and AMLO) of the populist left. What unites them is good old-fashioned populism, a belief in a leader who represents the amorphous popular will and should be unfettered by checks and balances on his power, including something like… science.  

An eclectic group

At the other extreme have been the quick responses by governments in Peru, Argentina, Chile, El Salvador and Colombia which put quarantine measures in place in mid-March. In these cases, governments have even banned outdoor activities and in the case of Peru and Colombia (in the large cities) have imposed alternating days for when women and men can leave the house so as to better control outside movement.  

This too, though, is an eclectic group. It includes a Peronist president Alberto Fernández in Argentina, conservative presidents Sebastian Piñera in Chile and Ivan Duque in Colombia, interim president and relative political neophyte Martin Vizcarra in Peru and outsider president Nayib Bukele in El Salvador. 

El Salvador’s strict quarantine measures have led to rising concerns that Bukele is using the crisis to consolidate personal power, using the national police and the armed forces to enforce the quarantine and ignoring three rulings by the Supreme Court urging the president to end the abuses. In Argentina, Peronist Fernández has shown a surprising commitment to containment even as it hurts his party’s working-class base, not something typically expected of the populist Peronist Party.   

In all of these cases, the quick, strong responses by the presidents shored up their popularity. Peru’s Vizcarra saw his popularity shoot up 35 points in a week to 82 per cent according to surveys taken in March. In late March 2020, Fernández in Argentina saw his approval ratings swell to 79.2 per cent with 94.7 percent of citizens approving of the government’s strict shelter-at-home policies.   Even presidents Piñera and Duque who had struggled with low approval ratings throughout 2019 and saw those numbers sink even lower after the social protests that ended the year have seen their numbers rise.  

According to an 20th April poll, Piñera’s popular approval rating swelled from 13 percent in March 18th at the start of the crisis to 25 per cent by 20th April; while hardly a sweeping popular mandate, even that level was unthinkable only a few months ago when administration was battered by social protests. 

In Colombia, after a series of political missteps and the popular protests, Duque’s popular approval rating had slumped to 26 per cent; by April 2nd, 62 percent of Colombians supported the once-beleaguered president.   (No recent surveys were available for Bukele in El Salvador.)

In contrast, Bolsonaro’s in Brazil has only nudged up.  Before the crisis hit, the president’s popularity had been in steady decline from a high of 49 per cent in January 2019 to 30 per cent by early December 2019. But by the first week in April, in the midst of a crisis in which other presidents saw their approval ratings increase by double digits, after his public disagreements with the health minister, Bolsonaro’s had sunk to 33 per cent while the soon-to-be-fired Mandetta’s stood at 76 per cent.  

AMLO in Mexico has fared no better. The populist leftist scored a high 86 per cent approval rating in February 1, 2019. By March 28, 2020 with concerns over his weak and flippant COVID-19 response and a severe contraction in economic growth, AMLO’s approval rating had sunk 26 points to 60 per cent and his disapproval stood at 37 per cent.    

In the midst of disharmony, coordination

Despite these differences, many countries in the region have shown the solidarity they often speak of but rarely follow in policy or practice. Peru, Chile and other countries have collaborated in repatriating citizens back to their home countries in the midst of the crisis.  

Even the countries of the Southern Cone common market, MERCOSUR, have pulled together on a number of fronts.  The trade bloc had effectively been ruled a dead-man-walking after its failed efforts to integrate Venezuela into the bloc, lowering its standards to let in the petroleum dependent semi-authoritarian government of then President Hugo Chávez. 

Even on the basics of internal cooperation, the block was struggling, unable to coordinate monetary policies and non-tariff trade barriers between the original founding member states, Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay.

The 35-year-old customs union seemed to get a breath a new life with the announcement that it had concluded 20-year-long negotiations with the EU for a free trade deal. Ratification of that deal, however, ran aground on the political differences between the recently elected governments of Bolsonaro in Brazil and the Peronist Fernández in Argentina. 

Bolsonaro refused to attend the Fernández December 2019 inauguration, in protest of the newly elected president’s leftist leanings.  And this was well before their sharply divergent reactions to the COVID-19 virus. 

How surprising then that Mercosur has served as an effective coordination mechanism for these different and once opposed governments. The trade body is collaborating among member states to ensure the repatriation of citizens and has agreed to coordinate to ensure that trade flows, especially of medical supplies, are not interrupted by shutdown measures

Mercosur has even gone one step further than several other bodies have failed to take.  In early April the bloc’s governing body, based in Montevideo, Uruguay created a $16 million (12 million pound) fund to augment country research and assist in the purchase of supplies needed to combat the virus.  

Now if Brazil, Argentina and the others could only coordinate their domestic coronavirus responses and economic policy. In late March Fernández announced he was pulling Argentina out of a possible Mercosur-EU trade deal.




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Talking up your research - Sex makes a difference

As editors, we feel like we’re spending a lot of time taking the superlatives out from articles - amazing, novel, important… But new research on BMJ.com suggests that we might not be doing that great a job, and that for some reason, papers authored by men tend to have more of them - because men put more in, or maybe a bias against woman writing in...




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Mechanisms of Pancreatic {beta}-Cell Death in Type 1 and Type 2 Diabetes: Many Differences, Few Similarities

Miriam Cnop
Dec 1, 2005; 54:S97-S107
Section III: Inflammation and beta-Cell Death




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Sex Difference in Effects of Low-Dose Aspirin on Prevention of Dementia in Patients With Type 2 Diabetes: A Long-term Follow-up Study of a Randomized Clinical Trial

OBJECTIVE

To evaluate and compare the efficacy of long-term use of low-dose aspirin for the prevention of dementia in men and women.

RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS

This study is a follow-up cohort study of the Japanese Primary Prevention of Atherosclerosis With Aspirin for Diabetes (JPAD) trial, which was a randomized, open-label, standard care–controlled trial examining the effects of low-dose aspirin on cardiovascular events. We followed up 2,536 Japanese patients with type 2 diabetes (T2D) enrolled in the JPAD trial from 2002 to 2017. The primary outcome of this post hoc analysis was the incidence of dementia, which was defined by the prescription of antidementia drugs or admission due to dementia.

RESULTS

Among the originally enrolled patients, 2,121 (84%) retained their original allocation. During a median follow-up of 11.4 years, 128 patients developed dementia. The overall effect of low-dose aspirin on the prevention of dementia adjusted for age, sex, and other established risk factors was not significant (hazard ratio [HR] 0.82, 95% CI 0.58–1.16). However, a significant reduction was seen in the risk of dementia in women (HR 0.58, 95% CI 0.36–0.95), but not in men (HR 1.27, 95% CI 0.75–2.13) (Pinteraction = 0.03).

CONCLUSIONS

Long-term use of low-dose aspirin may reduce the risk for dementia in women with T2D.




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Case Study: New-Onset Diabetes: How to Tell the Difference Between Type 1 and Type 2 Diabetes

Joseph Largay
Jan 1, 2012; 30:25-26
Case Studies




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Democrats Under Pressure: Political Calendar Exposes Ideological Differences on Immigration

Ideological differences in the Democratic Party over immigration that were once masked by unity against President Trump’s border wall and immigration agenda are now being exposed as Democratic presidential candidates seek to stand out in a crowded field and amid controversy over an emergency border spending bill. As the 2020 electoral calendar accelerates, how the party navigates the gulf between its most liberal and conservative wings will become a greater challenge for its leaders.




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In Boardrooms and in Courtrooms, Diversity Makes a Difference

When the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. called on America to open the doors of opportunity to people of color, the civil rights leader was making a moral argument.




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Myocardial Ischemic Burden and Differences in Prognosis Among Patients With and Without Diabetes: Results From the Multicenter International REFINE SPECT Registry

OBJECTIVE

Prevalence and prognostic impact of cardiovascular disease differ between patients with or without diabetes. We aimed to explore differences in the prevalence and prognosis of myocardial ischemia by automated quantification of total perfusion deficit (TPD) among patients with and without diabetes.

RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS

Of 20,418 individuals who underwent single-photon emission computed tomography myocardial perfusion imaging, 2,951 patients with diabetes were matched to 2,951 patients without diabetes based on risk factors using propensity score. TPD was categorized as TPD = 0%, 0% < TPD < 1%, 1% ≤ TPD < 5%, 5% ≤ TPD ≤ 10%, and TPD >10%. Major adverse cardiovascular events (MACE) were defined as a composite of all-cause mortality, myocardial infarction, unstable angina, or late revascularization.

RESULTS

MACE risk was increased in patients with diabetes compared with patients without diabetes at each level of TPD above 0 (P < 0.001 for interaction). In patients with TPD >10%, patients with diabetes had greater than twice the MACE risk compared with patients without diabetes (annualized MACE rate 9.4 [95% CI 6.7–11.6] and 3.9 [95% CI 2.8–5.6], respectively, P < 0.001). Patients with diabetes with even very minimal TPD (0% < TPD < 1%) experienced a higher risk for MACE than those with 0% TPD (hazard ratio 2.05 [95% CI 1.21–3.47], P = 0.007). Patients with diabetes with a TPD of 0.5% had a similar MACE risk as patients without diabetes with a TPD of 8%.

CONCLUSIONS

For every level of TPD >0%, even a very minimal deficit of 0% < TPD < 1%, the MACE risk was higher in the patients with diabetes compared with patients without diabetes. Patients with diabetes with minimal ischemia had comparable MACE risk as patients without diabetes with significant ischemia.




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On the Snowy Tundra, Alaska Students Bridge Differences and Eat Moose Snout

An Alaskan high school exchange program works to promote understanding between the state's urban centers and its remote Native Villages and communities.




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Smoothed Nonparametric Derivative Estimation using Weighted Difference Quotients

Derivatives play an important role in bandwidth selection methods (e.g., plug-ins), data analysis and bias-corrected confidence intervals. Therefore, obtaining accurate derivative information is crucial. Although many derivative estimation methods exist, the majority require a fixed design assumption. In this paper, we propose an effective and fully data-driven framework to estimate the first and second order derivative in random design. We establish the asymptotic properties of the proposed derivative estimator, and also propose a fast selection method for the tuning parameters. The performance and flexibility of the method is illustrated via an extensive simulation study.




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Grey Matter Volume Differences Associated with Extremely Low Levels of Cannabis Use in Adolescence

Catherine Orr
Mar 6, 2019; 39:1817-1827
BehavioralSystemsCognitive




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Despite Their Differences, Dogs and Horses Find Common Ground in Play

Canine-equid pairs can mimic each other’s facial expressions during play, which has never been seen between animals of different species




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Together we make a difference - Hungary

OM Hungary works alongside partner organisations to bring comfort and Jesus’ love to refugees in Budapest.




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Together we make a difference

OM Hungary works alongside partner organisations to bring comfort and Jesus’ love to refugees in Budapest.




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Local volunteers on board Logos Hope make a difference

Logos Hope's Visitor Experience deck creatively engages people with the gospel as local volunteers make the language and cultural barriers obsolete.




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Making a difference during war

As war continues in the east of Ukraine, refugees flood Odessa. OM cannot turn a blind eye to its new neighbours.




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Gender Differences in Food Insecurity and Morbidity Among Adolescents in Southwest Ethiopia

The associations between food insecurity and child well-being have been well studied on the basis of household levels of food insecurity, as reported by heads of households.

Household measures, however, may not capture gender biases in food insecurity and morbidity. This study assessed adolescents' own experience with food insecurity and how it was associated with morbidity and the effect of gender in this process. (Read the full article)




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Chlamydia Screening Among Young Women: Individual- and Provider-Level Differences in Testing

Chlamydia testing among adolescents and young women without symptoms is recommended by the US Preventive Services Task Force, but only approximately one-half of eligible young women presenting for health care are screened appropriately.

Our work indicates that providers screen young women for chlamydia differentially according to patient age, race/ethnicity, insurance status, and sexual health history. Biases in chlamydia screening may contribute to higher reported rates of chlamydia among minority and poor young women. (Read the full article)




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Racial/Ethnic Differences in Infant Mortality Attributable to Birth Defects by Gestational Age

Birth defects are associated with preterm birth and are a major contributor to infant mortality. There are persistent black-white differences in overall infant mortality and infant mortality attributable to birth defects.

Among infants delivered at 37 to 44 weeks, blacks and Hispanics had significantly higher neonatal and postneonatal mortality attributable to birth defects than whites. Among infants delivered at 20 to 33 or 34 to 36 weeks, neonatal mortality attributable to birth defects was significantly lower among blacks. (Read the full article)




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Long-term Differences in Language and Cognitive Function After Childhood Exposure to Anesthesia

Immature animals exposed to anesthetics display apoptotic neurodegeneration and long-term cognitive deficiencies. In children, studies of cognitive deficits associated with anesthesia exposure have yielded mixed results. No studies to date have used directly administered neuropsychological assessments as outcome measures.

This study examines the association between exposure to anesthesia in children under age 3 and deficits at age 10 by using a battery of directly administered neuropsychological assessments, with deficits found in language and abstract reasoning associated with exposure. (Read the full article)




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Differences in Quality of Care Among Non-Safety-Net, Safety-Net, and Children's Hospitals

Previous studies suggest that hospitals under the greatest financial strain may be more prone to adverse events because they have limited resources to invest in quality and safety.

The patient population served, rather than hospital category, best predicts measured quality, underscoring the need for robust risk adjustment when incentivizing quality or comparing hospitals. Thus, problems of quality may not be systemic across hospital categories. (Read the full article)




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Racial Differences in Antibiotic Prescribing by Primary Care Pediatricians

Racial disparities in health care have been reported in multiple settings, but not thoroughly examined at the clinician level. The frequent occurrence of respiratory tract infections allows the evaluation of differences in the management of children seen by the same clinician.

Racial differences in the management of common pediatric infections occur among children treated by the same clinician. Given persistent concerns about nonjudicious antibiotic use, examining racial differences may inform our understanding of prescribing practices and identify opportunities for intervention. (Read the full article)




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Differences in Health Care Access and Utilization Between Adolescents and Young Adults With Asthma

Studies suggest that young adults have worse access to health care, use less primary care, and visit emergency departments more frequently than adolescents. Whether these differences are present between adolescents and young adults with asthma is unknown.

Young adults with asthma were less likely to have a usual source of care and use primary care. In contrast, they were more likely to use the emergency department. Adjusting for insurance coverage reduced these differences partially but not completely. (Read the full article)




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Etiology of Ethnic Differences in Childhood Spirometry

There are ethnic differences in lung function, with white people generally having higher values of FVC and FEV1 than people of South Asian origin, whereas differences in forced expiratory flows are absent or less marked. The underlying reasons are unknown.

Lung function differences were not explained by cultural, socioeconomic, or perinatal factors, nor by environmental exposures or wheezing illness. This suggests that genetic factors are responsible, and supports the use of ethnicity-specific prediction equations for children of South Asian origin. (Read the full article)




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Differences in Characteristics of Dying Children Who Receive and Do Not Receive Palliative Care

Pediatric palliative care (PC) can be beneficial to children with life-threatening conditions and their families by providing symptom management and control, sibling support, bereavement services, spiritual guidance, support in decision-making about limiting burdensome medical interventions, and advance directives.

Little is known about actual receipt of PC by dying children. This study compares characteristics of dying children by receipt of PC and highlights underserved patient groups who could be targeted to improve access. (Read the full article)




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Racial and Ethnic Differences in Subspecialty Service Use by Children With Autism

Racial and ethnic differences exist in age at diagnosis and early access to mental and behavioral health services among children with autism spectrum disorders (ASDs). ASDs are also associated with increased rates of other medical comorbidities that may require specialty care.

Significant racial and ethnic differences in use of specialty care and specialty procedures exist among children with documented ASD. (Read the full article)




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Gender Differences in Physiologic Markers and Health Behaviors Associated With Childhood Obesity

The number of overweight and obese children has dramatically increased in recent decades. To combat this trend, information on possible gender-related differences in risk factors of overweight and obesity is critical.

This study examines associations of gender and physiologic and behavior measurements with potential cardiovascular risk. Lunch consumption and screen time were associated with weight; however, other associations with weight differ by gender. This information can be used to tailor future interventions. (Read the full article)




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Ethnic Differences in the Link Between Insulin Resistance and Elevated ALT

Evaluating for elevations in alanine aminotransferase (ALT) is a common screening test for the presence of nonalcoholic fatty liver disease (NAFLD). NAFLD is less common among non-Hispanic blacks. Better predictors of NAFLD are needed to identify individuals in most need of screening.

Relative to other ethnicities, metabolic syndrome and insulin resistance performed poorly at identifying non-Hispanic black adolescents with ALT elevations. The presence of metabolic syndrome may therefore not be an adequate trigger for NAFLD screening. Triglyceride elevations performed similarly between groups in identifying ALT elevations. (Read the full article)




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Racial and Ethnic Differences Associated With Feeding- and Activity-Related Behaviors in Infants

Although expert consensus and previous literature document the importance of early feeding and activity behaviors and practices in preventing obesity and the risks of early rapid weight gain, few studies have rigorously assessed obesity-related behaviors by caregivers of infants.

This study demonstrates the high prevalence of behaviors thought to increase risk for obesity in a diverse, large sample of parent/2-month-old dyads and finds that many behaviors vary by race and ethnicity, suggesting the potential for culturally tailored interventions. (Read the full article)