Some people love to do it, others hate it, but washing your car could add years to its life.

Viscose, a semisynthetic fiber, is the most common type of rayon fabric. It's become a staple in the textile industry due to its versatility and affordability. Derived from cellulose and wood pulp, viscose can mimic the luxurious feel of silk while offering the practicality of cotton.

[Economy] :
The number of economically inactive South Koreans increased by 245-thousand on-year in August. According to Statistics Korea on Wednesday, nearly two-point-57 million people were neither working nor looking for work. Those in their 60s made up 36-point-three percent of the total, while people in their ...

[more...]

[Economy] :
South Korea’s benchmark Korea Composite Stock Price Index(KOSPI) slipped below the two-thousand-500 threshold on Tuesday for the first time since August’s “Black Monday.” The KOSPI dipped 49-point-09 points, or one-point-94 percent, on Tuesday to close at two-thousand-482-point-57. In the ...

[more...]

[Economy] :
The minister of trade, industry and energy has met with automotive and battery industry representatives ahead of Donald Trump’s return to power in the U.S. The ministry announced on Wednesday that the meeting took place earlier in the day, with participants highlighting the importance of South Korean ...

[more...]

Delivering a sustainable urban future for Europe through geoscience  British Geological Survey

Mining sand sustainably in The Gambia  British Geological Survey

BGS to help deliver International Centre of Excellence on Sustainable Resource Management  British Geological Survey

Three-dimensional electron diffraction (3D-ED) is a powerful technique for crystallographic characterization of nanometre-sized crystals that are too small for X-ray diffraction. For accurate crystal structure refinement, however, it is important that the Bragg diffracted intensities are treated dynamically. Bloch wave simulations are often used in 3D-ED, but can be computationally expensive for large unit cell crystals due to the large number of diffracted beams. Proposed here is an alternative method, the `scattering cluster algorithm' (SCA), that replaces the eigen-decomposition operation in Bloch waves with a simpler matrix multiplication. The underlying principle of SCA is that the intensity of a given Bragg reflection is largely determined by intensity transfer (i.e. `scattering') from a cluster of neighbouring diffracted beams. However, the penalty for using matrix multiplication is that the sample must be divided into a series of thin slices and the diffracted beams calculated iteratively, similar to the multislice approach. Therefore, SCA is more suitable for thin specimens. The accuracy and speed of SCA are demonstrated on tri-iso­propyl silane (TIPS) pentacene and rubrene, two exemplar organic materials with large unit cells.

A novel automated high-throughput screening approach, ClusterFinder, is reported for finding candidate structures for atomic pair distribution function (PDF) structural refinements. Finding starting models for PDF refinements is notoriously difficult when the PDF originates from nanoclusters or small nanoparticles. The reported ClusterFinder algorithm can screen 104 to 105 candidate structures from structural databases such as the Inorganic Crystal Structure Database (ICSD) in minutes, using the crystal structures as templates in which it looks for atomic clusters that result in a PDF similar to the target measured PDF. The algorithm returns a rank-ordered list of clusters for further assessment by the user. The algorithm has performed well for simulated and measured PDFs of metal–oxido clusters such as Keggin clusters. This is therefore a powerful approach to finding structural cluster candidates in a modelling campaign for PDFs of nanoparticles and nanoclusters.

A 6D structure model for face-centred icosahedral quasicrystals consisting of so-called pseudo-Mackay and mini-Bergman-type atomic clusters is proposed based on the structure model of the Al69.1Pd22Cr2.1Fe6.8 3/2 cubic approximant crystal (with space group Pa3, a = 40.5 Å) [Fujita et al. (2013). Acta Cryst. A69, 322–340]. The cluster centres form an icosahedral close sphere packing generated by the occupation domains similar to those in the model proposed by Katz & Gratias [J. Non-Cryst. Solids (1993), 153–154, 187–195], but their size is smaller by a factor τ2 [τ = (1 + (5)1/2)/2]. The clusters cover approximately 99.46% of the atomic structure, and the cluster arrangement exhibits 15 and 19 different local configurations, respectively, for the pseudo-Mackay and mini-Bergman-type clusters. The occupation domains that generate cluster shells are modelled and discussed in terms of structural disorder and local reorganization of the cluster arrangements (phason flip).

The validation of structural models obtained by macromolecular X-ray crystallography against experimental diffraction data, whether before deposition into the PDB or after, is typically carried out exclusively against the merged data that are eventually archived along with the atomic coordinates. It is shown here that the availability of unmerged reflection data enables valuable additional analyses to be performed that yield improvements in the final models, and tools are presented to implement them, together with examples of the results to which they give access. The first example is the automatic identification and removal of image ranges affected by loss of crystal centering or by excessive decay of the diffraction pattern as a result of radiation damage. The second example is the `reflection-auditing' process, whereby individual merged data items showing especially poor agreement with model predictions during refinement are investigated thanks to the specific metadata (such as image number and detector position) that are available for the corresponding unmerged data, potentially revealing previously undiagnosed instrumental, experimental or processing problems. The third example is the calculation of so-called F(early) − F(late) maps from carefully selected subsets of unmerged amplitude data, which can not only highlight the location and extent of radiation damage but can also provide guidance towards suitable fine-grained parametrizations to model the localized effects of such damage.

During the automatic processing of crystallographic diffraction experiments, beamstop shadows are often unaccounted for or only partially masked. As a result of this, outlier reflection intensities are integrated, which is a known issue. Traditional statistical diagnostics have only limited effectiveness in identifying these outliers, here termed Not-Excluded-unMasked-Outliers (NEMOs). The diagnostic tool AUSPEX allows visual inspection of NEMOs, where they form a typical pattern: clusters at the low-resolution end of the AUSPEX plots of intensities or amplitudes versus resolution. To automate NEMO detection, a new algorithm was developed by combining data statistics with a density-based clustering method. This approach demonstrates a promising performance in detecting NEMOs in merged data sets without disrupting existing data-reduction pipelines. Re-refinement results indicate that excluding the identified NEMOs can effectively enhance the quality of subsequent structure-determination steps. This method offers a prospective automated means to assess the efficacy of a beamstop mask, as well as highlighting the potential of modern pattern-recognition techniques for automating outlier exclusion during data processing, facilitating future adaptation to evolving experimental strategies.

The mol­ecular and crystal structure of a discrete [Ni8(μ4-OH)6(μ-4-Rpz)12]2− (R = H; pz = pyrazolate anion, C3H3N2−) cluster with an unprecedented, perfectly cubic arrangement of its eight Ni centers is reported, along with its lower-symmetry alkyl-functionalized (R = methyl and n-oct­yl) derivatives. Crystals of the latter two were obtained with two identical counter-ions (Bu4N+), whereas the crystal of the complex with the parent pyrazole ligand has one Me4N+ and one Bu4N+ counter-ion. The methyl derivative incorporates 1,2-di­chloro­ethane solvent mol­ecules in its crystal structure, whereas the other two are solvent-free. The compounds are tetra­butyl­aza­nium tetra­methyl­aza­nium hexa-μ4-hydroxido-dodeca-μ2-pyrazolato-hexa­hedro-octa­nickel, (C16H36N)(C4H12N)[Ni8(C3H3N2)12(OH)6] or (Bu4N)(Me4N)[Ni8(μ4-OH)6(μ-pz)12] (1), bis­(tetra­butyl­aza­nium) hexa-μ4-hydroxido-dodeca-μ2-(4-methyl­pyrazolato)-hexa­hedro-octa­nickel 1,2-di­chloro­ethane 7.196-solvate, (C16H36N)2[Ni8(C4H5N2)12(OH)6]·7.196C2H4Cl2 or (Bu4N)2[Ni8(μ4-OH)6(μ-4-Mepz)12]·7.196(ClCH2CH2Cl) (2), and bis­(tetra­butyl­aza­nium) hexa-μ4-hydroxido-dodeca-μ2-(4-octylpyrazolato)-hexa­hedro-octa­nickel, (C16H36N)2[Ni8(C11H19N2)12(OH)6] or (Bu4N)2[Ni8(μ4-OH)6(μ-4-nOctpz)12] (3). All counter-ions are disordered (with the exception of one Bu4N+ in 3). Some of the octyl chains of 3 (the crystal is twinned by non-merohedry) are also disordered. Various structural features are discussed and contrasted with those of other known [Ni8(μ4-OH)6(μ-4-Rpz)12]2− complexes, including extended three-dimensional metal–organic frameworks. In all three structures, the Ni8 units are lined up in columns.

The title compound, tetra­ethyl­ammonium tri­azido­tri-μ3-sulfido-[μ3-(tri­methyl­sil­yl)aza­nediido][tris­(3,5-di­methyl­pyrazol-1-yl)hydro­borato]triiron(+2.33)molybdenum(IV), (C8H20N)[Fe3MoS3(C15H22BN6)(C3H9NSi)(N3)3] or (Et4N)[(Tp*)MoFe3S3(μ3-NSiMe3)(N3)3] [Tp* = tris­(3,5-di­methyl­pyrazol-1-yl)hydro­bor­ate(1−)], crystallizes as needle-like black crystals in space group Poverline{1}. In this cluster, the Mo site is in a distorted octa­hedral coordination model, coordinating three N atoms on the Tp* ligand and three μ3-bridging S atoms in the core. The Fe sites are in a distorted tetra­hedral coordination model, coordinating two μ3-bridging S atoms, one μ3-bridging N atom from Me3SiN2−, and another N atom on the terminal azide ligand. This type of heterometallic and heteroleptic single cubane cluster represents a typical example within the Mo–Fe–S cluster family, which may be a good reference for understanding the structure and function of the nitro­genase FeMo cofactor. The residual electron density of disordered solvent mol­ecules in the void space could not be reasonably modeled, thus the SQUEEZE [Spek (2015). Acta Cryst. C71, 9–18] function was applied. The solvent contribution is not included in the reported mol­ecular weight and density.

Single crystals of the mol­ecular compound, {Cu20Ir6Cl8(C21H24N2)6(C4H4N2)3]·3.18CH3OH or [({Cu10Ir3}Cl4(IMes)3(pyrazine))2(pyrazine)]·3.18CH3OH [where IMes is 1,3-bis­(2,4,6-trimethylphen­yl)imidazol-2-yl­idene], with a unique heterometallic cluster have been prepared and the structure revealed using single-crystal X-ray diffraction. The mol­ecule is centrosymmetric with two {Cu10Ir3} cores bridged by a pyrazine ligand. The polymetallic cluster contains three stabilizing N-heterocyclic carbenes, four Cl ligands, and a non-bridging pyrazine ligand. Notably, the Cu—Ir core is arranged in an unusual shape containing 13 vertices, 22 faces, and 32 sides. The atoms within the trideca­metallic cluster are arranged in four planes, with 2, 4, 4, 3 metals in each plane. Ir atoms are present in alternate planes with an Ir atom featuring in the peripheral bimetallic plane, and two Ir atoms featuring on opposite sides of the non-adjacent tetra­metallic plane. The crystal contains two disordered methanol solvent mol­ecules with an additional region of non-modelled electron density corrected for using the SQUEEZE routine in PLATON [Spek (2015). Acta Cryst. C71, 9–18]. The given chemical formula and other crystal data do not take into account the unmodelled methanol solvent mol­ecule(s).

Characterization of a material structure with pair distribution function (PDF) analysis typically involves refining a structure model against an experimental data set, but finding or constructing a suitable atomic model for PDF modelling can be an extremely labour-intensive task, requiring carefully browsing through large numbers of possible models. Presented here is POMFinder, a machine learning (ML) classifier that rapidly screens a database of structures, here polyoxometallate (POM) clusters, to identify candidate structures for PDF data modelling. The approach is shown to identify suitable POMs from experimental data, including in situ data collected with fast acquisition times. This automated approach has significant potential for identifying suitable models for structure refinement to extract quantitative structural parameters in materials chemistry research. POMFinder is open source and user friendly, making it accessible to those without prior ML knowledge. It is also demonstrated that POMFinder offers a promising modelling framework for combined modelling of multiple scattering techniques.

Serial crystallography experiments at synchrotron and X-ray free-electron laser (XFEL) sources are producing crystallographic data sets of ever-increasing volume. While these experiments have large data sets and high-frame-rate detectors (around 3520 frames per second), only a small percentage of the data are useful for downstream analysis. Thus, an efficient and real-time data classification pipeline is essential to differentiate reliably between useful and non-useful images, typically known as `hit' and `miss', respectively, and keep only hit images on disk for further analysis such as peak finding and indexing. While feature-point extraction is a key component of modern approaches to image classification, existing approaches require computationally expensive patch preprocessing to handle perspective distortion. This paper proposes a pipeline to categorize the data, consisting of a real-time feature extraction algorithm called modified and parallelized FAST (MP-FAST), an image descriptor and a machine learning classifier. For parallelizing the primary operations of the proposed pipeline, central processing units, graphics processing units and field-programmable gate arrays are implemented and their performances compared. Finally, MP-FAST-based image classification is evaluated using a multi-layer perceptron on various data sets, including both synthetic and experimental data. This approach demonstrates superior performance compared with other feature extractors and classifiers.

Slow-cooled CF8M duplex stainless steel is used for critical parts of the primary coolant pipes of nuclear reactors. This steel can endure severe service conditions, but it tends to become more brittle upon very long-term aging (tens of years). Therefore, it is essential to understand its specific microstructure and temporal evolution. As revealed by electron backscatter diffraction (EBSD) analyses, the microstructure consists of millimetre-scale ferritic grains within which austenite lath packets have grown with preferred crystallographic orientations concerning the parent ferritic phase far from the ferrite grain boundaries. In these lath packets where the austenite phase is nucleated, the lath morphology and crystal orientation accommodate the two ferrite orientations. Globally, the Pitsch orientation relationship appears to display the best agreement with the experimental data compared with other classical relationships. The austenite lath packets are parallel plate-shaped laths, characterized by their normal n. A novel methodology is introduced to elucidate the expected relationship between n and the crystallographic orientation given the coarse interfaces, even though n is only partly known from the observation surface, in contrast to the 3D crystal orientations measured by EBSD. The distribution of retrieved normals n is shown to be concentrated over a set of discrete orientations. Assuming that the ferrite and austenite obey the Pitsch orientation relationship, the determined lath normals are close to an invariant direction of the parent phase given by the same orientation relationship.

PayPoint has announced its partnership with

Digital wallet and fintech platform Careem Pay has launched...

Benedict Cumberbatch in “The Courier”; Credit: LIAM DANIEL / LIONSGATE / ROADSIDE ATTRACTIONS

This content is from Southern California Public Radio. View the original story at SCPR.org.

Still of Rita Moreno in the documentary “Rita Moreno: Just a Girl Who Decided to Go for It.”; Credit: Roadside Attractions

This content is from Southern California Public Radio. View the original story at SCPR.org.

The lineup from the "Justice League" animated series.; Credit: Warner Bros.

Bruce Timm's DC Comics animated universe, beginning with "Batman: The Animated Series" and continuing with "Superman," "Batman Beyond," "Justice League," "Justice League Unlimited" and more, remains one of the most beloved and critically acclaimed animated runs in existence. The run was so idenified with the producer that it was sometimes called the Timmverse, but the last show in that continuity ended in 2006 and Timm officially stepped down from working with DC animation in 2013.

Now Timm is back. He's providing a darker take than the optimistic world he became known for in "Justice League: Gods and Monsters," a three-part digital series launching spring 2015 that will be tied in with a full-length animated film that comes out later that year, according to a press release.

Timm's also re-teaming with Alan Burnett, who worked with Timm on "Batman: The Animated Series." It's part of DC Comics' efforts to set up their new film "Batman v Superman: Dawn of Justice," which hits in 2016, with the full Justice League film set for 2018.

DC Comics as a whole has been moving in a darker direction with Christopher Nolan's Batman trilogy, the "Man of Steel" reboot of Superman and a more serious direction in many of its comic books. The company has followed in its tradition of epic storytelling, passing on the quips Marvel has popularized in films from "Iron Man" to "Guardians of the Galaxy."

It's yet to be seen if Timm can recapture any of the magic from his classic cartoons, but there's reason to be optimistic for the creator of the series that introduced fan favorite Joker sidekick Harley Quinn, created a new origin for Mr. Freeze that cemented the character in the Batman mythos and led the team reimagining numerous characters in an iconic, broadly appealing way.

If you want to catch up on Timm's legacy, his previous two Justice League series are available on Netflix and Amazon Prime, along with "Batman Beyond," while the Batman and Superman animated series are available on Amazon Prime.

Timm also recently produced a short for the 75th anniversary of Batman called "Strange Days," setting the character in the retro world of the serialized pulp storytelling from the time Batman was originally created. You can watch that below:

Batman anniversary short

Watch the classic opening to "Batman: The Animated Series":

Batman: The Animated Series opening

And, a personal favorite joke from when Lex Luthor and the Flash trade bodies on "Justice League Unlimited":

Flash/Luthor body swap

File: Queen's Freddie Mercury has his mustache groomed.
; Credit: Steve Wood/Express/Getty Images

The new Queen compilation "Queen Forever" includes three previously unreleased tracks, but the one that has people talking is a collaboration between two legends: Freddie Mercury and Michael Jackson.

The new song, "There Must Be More to Life Than This," was an unfinished track recorded during studio sessions for the 1981 Queen album "Hot Space," according to a press release on the new compilation. Queen also looked at the song for 1984's "The Works," but still don't go with it — the song finally landed, sans Jackson, on 1985's Mercury solo album "Mr. Bad Guy."

Listen to the new version of the song here:

Michael Jackson/Queen Soundcloud

Listen to the originally recorded version of the Queen/Jackson collaboration below:

Michael Jackson/Queen collabo

The new version was produced by William Orbit, who also did a remix of the song.

"Hearing Michael Jackson's vocals was stirring. So vivid, so cool, and poignant, it was like he was in the studio singing live. With Freddie's vocal solo on the mixing desk, my appreciation for his gift was taken to an even higher level," Orbit said in a press release.

The song is a call for peace, talking human rights in a general way. It almost didn't end up on the album — Queen's Brian May said that working with the Jackson family and Jackson's estate was like "wading through glue," according to Philly.com, but the track ended up making the cut.

The album also includes unreleased song "Let Me In Your Heart Again" and a new version of a song Mercury released solo, an acoustic take on "Love Kills." "Let Me In Your Heart Again" was previously recorded and released by May's wife Anita Dobson.

"Freddie sounds as fresh as yesterday," May said at a press conference while the new compilation was in the works.

Listen to Mercury's solo version of "There Must Be More to Life Than This" below:

There Must Be More To Life Than This, solo

Listen to Anita Dobson's version of "Let Me In (Your Heart Again)" below:

Anita Dobson track

Assistant Attorney General Kristen Clarke for the Justice Department's Civil Rights Division speaks during a news conference Friday announcing a lawsuit against the state of Georgia for its new voting law. Attorney General Merrick Garland is at right.; Credit: Jim Watson/AFP via Getty Images

Attorney General Merrick Garland announced Friday that the U.S. Justice Department is suing the state of Georgia over its new voting law, saying that the controversial measure is intended to restrict ballot access to Black voters.

"Our complaint alleges that recent changes to Georgia's election laws were enacted with the purpose of denying or abridging the right of Black Georgians to vote on account of their race or color, in violation of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act," Garland said at a news conference.

The lawsuit marks the first major action from the Biden administration to combat a series of new restrictive voting measures passed by Republican-led state legislatures. And it came on the eighth anniversary of the U.S. Supreme Court decision to gut another key provision of the landmark Voting Rights Act, Section 5.

Garland noted that Georgia experienced record voter turnout and participation in the 2020 election cycle.

In March, Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp, a Republican, signed Senate Bill 202, a 98-page omnibus measure that makes sweeping changes to the state's absentee voting rules, adds new voter identification mandates and nearly cuts in half the amount of time for voters to request a mail-in ballot. It also expands early voting access for most counties and formally codifies Sunday voting hours as optional.

The legislation outlaws passing out food or drinks to voters within 150 feet of a polling place or too close to voters waiting in line, a provision that Assistant Attorney General Kristen Clarke, who heads the department's Civil Rights Division, highlighted at the press conference.

"Historically, minority voters in Georgia have been disproportionately more likely to wait in long lines to vote in person on Election Day," she said. "Given those long and protracted wait times, civic groups, including churches, have at times provided food and water to voters in line to make their wait more comfortable. As we allege in our complaint, this needless ban was passed with unlawful discriminatory intent."

Clarke also said the Georgia Legislature passed the bill through "a rushed process that departed from normal practice and procedure."

"The version of the bill that passed the state Senate ... was three pages long. Days later, the bill ballooned into over 90 pages in the House. The House held less than two hours of floor debate on the newly inflated SB 202 before Gov. Kemp signed it into law the same day," she said. "These legislative actions occurred at a time when the Black population in Georgia continues to steadily increase, and after a historic election that saw record voter turnout across the state, particularly for absentee voting, which Black voters are now more likely to use than white voters."

Garland said the lawsuit is the first of "many steps" the department is taking to protect the right to vote for all eligible voters. He said the Civil Rights Division will continue to examine voting laws that other states have passed.

"We will not hesitate to act," Garland said.

The Justice Department announced this month it would vigorously defend voting rights. Garland said that the department will double the number of voter enfranchisement lawyers and focus attention on litigation related to voting rights.

In response to the filing, Kemp said the lawsuit is "born out of the lies and misinformation the Biden administration has pushed against Georgia's Election Integrity Act from the start."

"[Biden and his allies] are weaponizing the U.S. Department of Justice to carry out their far-left agenda that undermines election integrity and empowers federal government overreach in our democracy," he said in a statement.

Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger, another Republican who notably defended the state's administration of the 2020 election, said in a statement he "looks forward to ... beating [the administration] in court."

Garland's announcement comes just days after Senate Republicans united to block Democrats' attempts to pass sweeping voting rights legislation.

Senate Judiciary Chairman Dick Durbin, D-Ill., tweeted his approval of the lawsuit shortly after the announcement Friday.

"If Republicans think the fight for voting rights ended with their filibuster of the For the People Act, they are sorely mistaken," he wrote. "Glad to see the Biden Administration is joining this effort. We must protect our democracy."

The Republican National Committee also linked the failed Senate vote to the Department of Justice's lawsuit.

"After failing to sell the partisan federal election takeover known as H.R. 1 to the American people, Joe Biden is now weaponizing the Justice Department to attack election integrity," RNC Chair Ronna McDaniel said in a statement.

This content is from Southern California Public Radio. View the original story at SCPR.org.

Progressive activists are watching the end of the Supreme Court session for a possible retirement announcement from Stephen Breyer, the court's oldest current justice. Breyer will turn 83 in August.; Credit: Erin Schaff/The New York Times via AP/Pool

For Erwin Chemerinsky, this is a familiar feeling: Seven years ago, the dean of the University of California Berkeley School of Law publicly called for Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg to retire from the Supreme Court because he reasoned too much was at stake in the 2016 elections.

Ginsburg didn't listen then, but he's hoping Justice Stephen Breyer will listen now — but Breyer has given no indication whether he plans to stay or go.

"If he wants someone with his values and views to take his place, now is the time to step down," Chemerinsky told NPR.

Progressive activists are hoping that Breyer, who will turn 83 in August, will announce he is retiring Thursday, the same day the Supreme Court delivers its final two opinions of the term. But a justice can decide to retire at any time — though both Anthony Kennedy and Sandra Day O'Connor announced their respective retirements at the end of the court's session.

Chemerinsky is part of a growing rank of progressives who are breaking with the polite, political norms of the past when it comes to questioning service on the Supreme Court. Ginsburg's death last year and the subsequent appointment of Amy Coney Barrett to deliver a conservative supermajority on the court had a lot to do with that.

"I think a lot of people who thought that silence was the best approach in 2013 came to regret that in the aftermath of [Ginsburg's] untimely passing last year," said Brian Fallon, executive director of Demand Justice. "I think it would be foolish of us to repeat this same mistake and to greet the current situation passively and not do everything we can to signal to Justice Breyer, that now is the time for him to step down"

Since Democrats took control of the Senate in January, Demand Justice has organized public demonstrations, billboard and ad campaigns, and assembled a list of scholars and activists to join their public pressure campaign for Breyer to retire.

The risk, as Fallon sees it, is twofold. The first is the perils of a 50-50 Senate.

"The Democrats are one heartbeat away from having control switch in the Senate," he said. "There's a lot of octogenarian senators, many of whom have Republican governors that might get to appoint a successor to them if the worst happened."

The second is the 2022 midterms when control of the Senate will be in play.

"If [Senate Minority Leader] Mitch McConnell reassumes the Senate majority leader post, at worst, he might block any Biden pick, and at best, Biden is going to have to calibrate who he selects in order to get them through a Republican-held Senate."

Both Chemerinsky and Fallon concede the public campaign is not without some risk.

"I've certainly heard from some that this might make him less likely to retire, perhaps to dig in his heels," Chemerinsky said.

The campaign has also not caught fire on Capitol Hill, where only a small handful of progressive senators have — tactfully — suggested they'd like to see Breyer retire of his own accord.

Sen. Jeff Merkley, D-Ore., told CNN this month he did not support any Senate-led pressure campaigns on the court, but he added: "My secret heart is that some members, particularly the 82-year-old Stephen Breyer, will maybe have that thought on his own, that he should not let his seat be subject to a potential theft."

Senate Judiciary Chairman Dick Durbin, D-Ill., also distanced himself from the public retirement push, telling NPR: "I'm not on that campaign to put pressure on Justice Breyer. He's done an exceptional job. He alone can make the decision about his future. And I trust him to make the right one."

Absent any change in the status quo, Democrats will control the Senate at least until 2023. If the court's session ends without a retirement announcement, Fallon said he expects the calls for Breyer's retirement will grow louder. It's all part of what he said is a new, more aggressive position on the Supreme Court from the left.

"In some way, we are trying to make a point that progressives for too long, have taken a hands-off approach to the court," he said. "And they've been sort of foolish for doing so because the other side doesn't operate that way."

This content is from Southern California Public Radio. View the original story at SCPR.org.

Incoming President Biden and Vice President Harris stand with their respective spouses Jill Biden and Doug Emhoff after delivering remarks in Wilmington, Del., on Nov. 7, the day the Democrats were declared the winners in the 2020 election.; Credit: Jim Watson/AFP via Getty Images

We know that President Biden won the 2020 election (regardless of what former President Donald Trump and his allies say). We just haven't had a great picture of how Biden won.

That is until Wednesday, when we got the clearest data yet on how different groups voted, and crucially, how those votes shifted from 2016. The Pew Research Center just released its validated voters' report, considered a more accurate measure of the electorate than exit polls, which have the potential for significant inaccuracies.

The new Pew data shows that shifts among suburban voters, white men and independents helped Biden win in November, even while white women and Hispanics swung toward Trump from 2016 to 2020.

To compile the data, Pew matches up survey respondents with state voter records. Those voter files do not say how a person voted, but they do allow researchers to be sure that a person voted, period. That helps with accuracy, eliminating the possibility of survey respondents overreporting their voting activity. In addition, the Pew study uses large samples of Americans — more than 11,000 people in 2020.

It's a numbers-packed report, but there are some big takeaways about what happened in 2020 (and what it might tell us about 2022 and beyond):

Suburban voters (especially white suburban voters) swung toward Biden

Suburban voters appear to have been a major factor helping Biden win. While Pew found Trump winning the suburbs by 2 points in 2016, Biden won them by 11 points in 2020, a 13-point overall swing. Considering that the suburbs accounted for just over half of all voters, it was a big demographic win for Biden.

That said, Trump gained in both rural and urban areas. He won 65% of rural voters, a 6-point jump from 2016. And while cities were still majority-Democratic, his support there jumped by 9 points, to 33%.

Men (especially white men) swung toward Biden

In 2020, men were nearly evenly split, with 48% choosing Biden to Trump's 50%. That gap shrank considerably from 2016, when Trump won men by 11 points. In addition, this group that swung away from Trump grew as a share of the electorate from 2016 — signaling that in a year with high turnout, men's turnout grew more.

White men were a big part of the swing toward Biden. In 2016, Trump won white men by 30 points. In 2020, he won them again, but by a substantially slimmer 17 points.

In addition, Biden made significant gains among married men and college-educated men. All of these groups overlap, but they help paint a more detailed portrait of the type of men who might have shifted or newly participated in 2020.

However, we can't know from this data what exactly was behind these shifts among men — for example, exactly what share of men might have sat on the sidelines in 2016, as opposed to 2020.

Women (especially white women) swung toward Trump

The idea that a majority of white women voted for Trump quickly became one of the 2016 election's most-cited statistics, as many Hillary Clinton supporters — particularly women — were outraged to see other women support Trump.

While that statistic was repeated over and over, Pew's data ultimately said this wasn't true — they found that in 2016, white women were split 47% to 45%, slightly in Trump's favor but not a majority.

This year, however, it appears that Trump did win a majority of white women. Pew found that 53% of white women chose Trump this year, up by 6 points from 2016.

This support contributed to an overall shift in women's numbers — while Clinton won women of all races by 15 points in 2016, Biden won them by 11 points in 2020. Combined with men's shifts described above, it shrank 2016's historic gender gap.

Notably, the swing in white women's margin (5 points altogether) was significantly smaller than white men's swing toward Biden (13 points altogether).

Hispanic voters swung toward Trump

Trump won 38% of Hispanic voters in 2020, according to Pew, up from 28% in 2016.

That 38% would put Trump near George W. Bush's 40% from 2004 — a recent high-water mark for Republicans with Hispanic voters. That share fell off substantially after 2004, leading some Republican pollsters and strategists to wonder how the party could regain that ground. Trump in 2016 intensified those fears, with his nativist rhetoric and hard-line immigration policies.

There are some important nuances to these Hispanic numbers. Perhaps most notably, there is a sizable education gap. Biden won college-educated Hispanic voters by 39 points, but the Democrat won those with some college education or less by 14 points.

That gap mirrors the education gap regularly seen in the broader voting population.

Unfortunately, Pew's sample sizes from 2016 weren't big enough to break down Hispanic voters by gender that year, so it's impossible to see if this group's gender gap widened.

Nonwhite voters leaned heavily toward Biden

Unlike white and Hispanic voters, Black voters didn't shift significantly from 2016. They remained Democratic stalwarts, with 92% choosing Biden — barely changed from four years earlier.

Nearly three-quarters of Asian voters also voted for Biden, along with 6 in 10 Hispanic voters and 56% of voters who chose "other" as their race. (Those groups' sample sizes also weren't big enough in 2016 to draw a comparison over time.)

2018 trends stuck around ... but diminished

In many of these cases where there were substantial shifts in how different groups voted, they weren't surprising, given how voters in the last midterms voted. For example, white men voted more for Democrats in 2018 than they did in 2016, as did suburban voters.

What it means for 2022

The data signals that Democrats' strength with Hispanic voters has eroded, but that the party succeeded in making further inroads in the suburbs, including among suburban whites.

It suggests that these groups, already major focuses for both parties, will continue to be so in 2022, with Republicans trying to cement their gains among Hispanics (and regain suburban voters), while Democrats do Hispanic outreach and try to hold onto the suburbs.

However, it's hard to project much into the future about what voters will do based on the past two elections because of their unique turnout numbers.

"It's hard to interpret here, because 2018 was such a high turnout midterm election, and then our last data point, 2014, was a historically low turnout midterm election," said Ruth Igielnik, senior researcher at Pew Research Center.

This content is from Southern California Public Radio. View the original story at SCPR.org.

Attorney General Merrick Garland ordered a pause on federal executions Thursday while the Justice Department reviews policies and procedures on capital punishment.; Credit: Win McNamee/Getty Images

Attorney General Merrick Garland has imposed a moratorium on scheduling federal executions, the Department of Justice announced on Thursday. The department will review its policies and procedures on capital punishment, following a wave of federal executions carried out under the Trump administration.

In a memo to the Justice Department, Garland justified his decision to halt the deeply controversial practice, citing factors including its capricious application and outsized impact on people of color.

"The Department of Justice must ensure that everyone in the federal criminal justice system is not only afforded the rights guaranteed by the Constitution and laws of the United States, but is also treated fairly and humanely. That obligation has special force in capital cases," Garland said in the memo.

"Serious concerns have been raised about the continued use of the death penalty across the country, including arbitrariness in its application, disparate impact on people of color, and the troubling number of exonerations in capital and other serious cases," he added. "Those weighty concerns deserve careful study and evaluation by lawmakers."

Under former President Donald Trump, the federal government carried out its first executions in a generation last year, with 13 inmates put to death in Trump's final year in office. That included an unprecedented number of federal killings carried out in the last days of his single-term presidency, bucking a nearly century-and-a-half practice of pausing capital punishments during the presidential exchange of power.

Then-Attorney General William Barr said the executions were being carried out in cases of "staggeringly brutal murders." Civil rights activists had rallied to spare the lives of those on death row. Concerns of how humanely the sentences could be carried out, as well as the recent exonerations of a number of death row inmates, were major factors in the demonstrations to cease state-sanctioned killings.

"The Department must take care to scrupulously maintain our commitment to fairness and humane treatment in the administration of existing federal laws governing capital sentences," Garland said in his memo on Thursday.

President Biden, who nominated Garland to the top law enforcement post, opposes capital punishment. During his campaign, Biden pledged to pass legislation to end the federal death penalty.

Some congressional Democrats have been working on such legislation, but no action has been taken. Some progressives and activists opposed to capital punishment had been expressing frustration that they have not seen more movement on the issue from Biden.

"A moratorium on federal executions is one step in the right direction, but it is not enough," said Ruth Friedman, director of the Federal Capital Habeas Project. "We know the federal death penalty system is marred by racial bias, arbitrariness, over-reaching, and grievous mistakes by defense lawyers and prosecutors that make it broken beyond repair."

Friedman said Biden should commute all federal death sentences, warning that a pause alone "will just leave these intractable issues unremedied and pave the way for another unconscionable bloodbath like we saw last year."

This content is from Southern California Public Radio. View the original story at SCPR.org.

Rita Moreno, as seen in the documentary “Rita Moreno: Just a Girl Who Decided to Go for It.”

Guest host John Horn and KPCC film critics Claudia Puig, Peter Rainer, Lael Loewenstein and Charles Solomon review this weekend’s new movie releases on streaming and on demand platforms.

• "Rita Moreno: Just a Girl Who Decided to Go for It," at Laemmle’s theaters (Newhall, Town Center 5, NoHo 7, Claremont 5, Playhouse 7) and other select theaters 

• "Les Nôtres," at Laemmle’s Royal and Laemmle’s Virtual Cinema 

• "Rise Again: Tulsa And The Red Summer," premieres on National Geographic June 18 at 6pm PT & on Hulu June 19

• "Luca," at the El Capitan Theater (Hollywood) & Disney+

• "The Sparks Brothers," in wide release 

• "Sisters on Track," on Netflix June 24

• "Fatherhood," on Netflix

• "Truman & Tennessee: An Intimate Conversation," at Landmark’s Nuart Theater & Virtual cinemas 

• "Sweet Thing," Laemmle’s Royal and Laemmle’s Virtual Cinema

• "Summer of 85," at Laemmle’s theaters (Playhouse 7, Royal and Town Center 5) 

• "12 Mighty Orphans" in wide release

Our FilmWeek critics have been curating personal lists of their favorite TV shows and movies to binge-watch during self-quarantine. You can see recommendations from each of the critics and where you can watch them here.

With guest host John Horn 

Guests:

Claudia Puig, film critic for KPCC and president of the Los Angeles Film Critics Association (LAFCA); she tweets @ClaudiaPuig

Lael Loewenstein, film critic for KPCC and film columnist for the Santa Monica Daily Press; she tweets @LAELLO

Peter Rainer, film critic for KPCC and the Christian Science Monitor

Charles Solomon, film critic for KPCC, Animation Scoop and Animation Magazine

This content is from Southern California Public Radio. View the original story at SCPR.org.

Centerra Gold Inc. (CG:TSX; CADGF:OTCPK) has received varied analyst ratings following updates to its Q3 2024 financial results and projections. Read more on the latest analyst insights and how Q3 projections have shaped varied ratings for this gold producer.

Silver Crown Royalties Inc. (SCRI:CBOE; SLCRF:OTCQX; QS0:FSE) announced record quarterly revenues in its financial results for the third quarter ending on September 30, 2024. Read more about the impressive growth in silver deliveries and how the company is strategically positioned for continued expansion.

Cars make their way toward downtown Los Angeles on April 22. California could regain the right to set its own vehicle emissions standards after the Environmental Protection Agency announced it was moving to curb a Trump-era policy that sought to erode the state's previously-held power.; Credit: Mario Tama/Getty Images

The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) said on Monday it is preparing to restore California's right to set its own vehicle emissions standards, in a widely anticipated reversal of Trump-era policies.

The decision, which will take several months to be finalized, reaffirms the Golden State's powerful position as an environmental regulator after the Trump administration had in 2019 sought to remove California's powers to set its own emissions standards.

It also sets the stage for negotiations over how strict federal vehicle standards will be under President Biden.

"I am a firm believer in California's long-standing statutory authority to lead," EPA administration Michael Regan said in a statement.

"The 2019 decision to revoke the state's waiver to enforce its greenhouse gas pollution standards for cars and trucks was legally dubious and an attack on the public's health and wellbeing," he added.

The EPA will be accepting public comment until July 6 as part of the process of reversing the Trump-era rule.

The populous, car-loving state has been waging a battle against smog for decades.

And in recognition of that history, the EPA has long granted a waiver giving the state the authority to set its own standards for vehicle emissions, as long as they're more stringent than the national regulations.

That's an unusual exemption — other states can't set their own policies, although they can choose to adopt California's standards as their own.

Between California and the states that follow suit, about a third of the U.S. new car market is covered by the Golden State's policies, giving California regulators a remarkable amount of sway over the auto industry.

However, when the Trump administration weakened federal clean car standards, it also sought to revoke the waiver allowing California to set a higher bar.

That triggered a legal battle and divided the auto industry, with some carmakers choosing to side with California and voluntarily accept somewhat stricter vehicle emissions standards while the rest backed the Trump administration.

After Biden won the White House, every major automaker eventually dropped their support for the now-doomed Trump position.

The EPA has now started the process of reversing Trump's decision. The Department of Transportation last week also proposed to "wipe clean the regulatory slate," indicating that the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration would no longer seek to block state emissions standards, as it had under Trump.

It's still not clear what federal regulations on vehicle emissions and fuel economy will be under the Biden administration. Some environmental groups and progressive lawmakers are pushing for the reinstatement of the Obama-era standards, with more ambitious targets to follow.

The auto industry, meanwhile, is calling for standards midway between the Obama-era and Trump-era policies.

The EPA says it will propose new fuel economy rules in July.

This content is from Southern California Public Radio. View the original story at SCPR.org.

Panelists in a discussion on ‘Mobility Megatrends 2050’, highlighted that in the next decade, with electrification, autonomous driving, smart and connected infrastructure, modal diversity, and mobility that is integrated, resilient, shared, and sustainable – powered by disruptive business models, will transform and shape up of the automotive industry. The industry is racing towards a new world, driven by sustainability and changing consumer behaviour, encompassing electric vehicles, autonomous cars, mobility fleet sharing, and always connected.

RealtyAnalytix Advisors, LLC announces the introduction of Catawba Industrial Commons, a multi-tenant industrial campus offering the most attractive, affordable and functional manufacturing, distribution and warehousing space in the Greater Catawba County region.

Furniture manufacturer Lee Industries, Inc. plans to expand their manufacturing capabilities in Catawba County by extensively redeveloping and renovating the former Conover Chair facility in Conover, N.C. and adding 75 new employees beginning in late 2011. The company will be hiring cutters, sewers, spring-up associates, inside and outside upholsterers, shipping personnel, support staff and more. The average employee wage is expected to be $41,045, nearly $7,000 more than the average pay for workers living in Catawba County.

Chinese maker of products for the textile industry has located its first US manufacturing facility in Conover, creating 78 new jobs.

The Catawba County Board of Commissioners took action at its meeting on February 4, 2013, to dedicate the entrance area of the Catawba County Justice Center in honor of retired Sheriff L. David Huffman and his 32 years of services to the county, including four as a county commissioner and 28 as Sheriff.

; Credit: /The Washington Post via Getty Images

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According to the National Institute For Early Childhood Research, nearly half of all three-year-olds and a third of all four-year-olds in the United States were not enrolled in preschool in 2019. That's in large part because many parents can't afford it. Imagine a future where we changed that. A future where every American child had access to two years of preschool during a critical period of their mental development. How would their lives change? How would society change? If President Biden gets his way, and Congress agrees to spend $200 billion on his proposal for universal preschool, then we may begin to find out.

But it turns out, we kind of already know. In fact, a new study from the National Bureau of Economic Research gives us a glimpse of what that world could look like. It adds to a burgeoning amount of high-quality research that shows just how valuable preschool is — and maybe not for the reasons you might think.

An Accidental Experiment

The story begins back in the mid-to-late 1990s. The Mayor of Boston, Thomas Menino, wanted to improve the city's schools. One of his big goals was to provide universal, full-day kindergarten for Boston's kids. But the budget was tight, and following a task force's recommendations, he and local lawmakers decided to move resources from preschool (for four-year-olds) to kindergarten (for five-year-olds) in order to achieve it.

The result was an even more limited number of slots for city-funded preschool, and the city officials had to figure out how to fairly divvy up those slots. They resorted to a lottery system, randomly selecting kids who would get in.

Fast forward two decades later, and the economists Christopher R. Walters, Guthrie Gray-Lobe, and Parag A. Pathak saw this as a golden opportunity to see how preschool can affect people's lives. The fact that Boston's school administrators randomized who got admitted meant there were two virtually identical groups of kids with only one difference: one group got an extra year of education by going to preschool. That gave the researchers the opportunity to compare and contrast the two groups of kids and credibly see how kids' lives changed as a result of getting into preschool.

Four thousand four-year-olds took part in Boston's preschool lottery between 1997 and 2003. Walters, Gray-Lobe, and Pathak acquired data on them from the Boston school system. And then they were able to get additional data from other sources that gave them insight into ways that the childrens' lives might have benefited from an additional year of preschool education. These kids are now all twentysomethings — a fact that should make you feel old.

Consistent with other studies that find preschool has a huge effect on kids, Walters, Gray-Lobe, and Pathak find that the kids lucky enough to get accepted into preschools in Boston saw meaningful changes to their lives. These kids were less likely to get suspended from school, less likely to skip class, and less likely to get in trouble and be placed in a juvenile detention facility. They were more likely to take the SATs and prepare for college.

The most eye-popping effects the researchers find are on high school graduation and college enrollment rates. The kids who got accepted into preschool ended up having a high-school graduation rate of 70% — six percentage points higher than the kids who were denied preschool, who saw a graduation rate of only 64%. And 54% of the preschoolers ended up going to college after they graduated — eight percentage points higher than their counterparts who didn't go to preschool. These effects were bigger for boys than for girls. And they're all the more remarkable because the researchers only looked at the effects of a single year of preschool, as opposed to two years of preschool (as President Biden is now proposing for the nation's youth). Moreover, in many cases, the classes were only half-day.

Intriguingly, while attending preschool at age four had clear effects on these kids' entire lives, it did not improve their performance on standardized tests. These findings fit into a large body of research that suggests the true value of preschool is helping little ones to develop "non-cognitive skills," like emotional and social intelligence, grit, and respect for the rules.

"The combination of findings — that we don't see an impact on test scores, but we do see an impact on these behavioral outcomes and the likelihood of attending college — is consistent with this idea that there's some kind of behavioral or socio-emotional, non-cognitive impact from preschool," says Christopher Walters, an economist at UC Berkeley who co-authored the study.

In other words, there's growing evidence that preschool can permanently improve kids lives — but it's not necessarily because it makes them smarter. It seems more related to making them more disciplined and motivated, which is just as important (or perhaps even more important) for their future livelihoods as how well they perform on reading or math tests.

The Bigger Picture

This latest study isn't the first to show the outsized effects of providing a preschool education. The Nobel Prize-winning economist James Heckman has spent many years studying the results of small, randomized experiments with preschool in the 1960s and 1970s. The most famous such experiment was The Perry Preschool Project, which was conducted in Ypsilanti, Michigan. The program provided two years of high-quality preschool for disadvantaged three- and four-year-olds.

Heckman and his colleagues found that the Perry Preschool had seismic effects on the kids who participated. They were much less likely to get arrested, go on welfare, or be unemployed as adults. They earned significantly more. In a recent study, Heckman and his team found that even the kids of the kids who went to the Perry preschool had significantly better outcomes in life.

All in all, Heckman and his team estimate that every dollar the Perry Preschool project invested in kids had a return on investment of 7-10 percent per year, through increased economic gains for the kids and decreased public spending on them through other social programs when they got older. That's a substantial return, equal to or greater than the average annual return from the stock market, and much greater than most other things our government spends money on.

Other preschool programs studied by Heckman and his colleagues have had even greater benefits. In the 1970s, a couple of programs in North Carolina experimented with high-quality childcare centers for kids. The centers offered kids aged zero to five education, medical checkups, and nutritious food. Heckman and his team found these centers delivered a 13 percent annual return on investment to the public for every dollar they invested. The program helped Heckman develop what's known as "the Heckman Curve," which asserts that the government gets more bang for the buck the earlier it provides resources to educate people. Educating toddlers, Heckman says, is much more powerful than educating high-schoolers, college students, or adults in, for example, job-training programs.

As astounding as Heckman's findings about preschool have been, naysayers have long questioned whether such effects could be replicated with larger scale programs, like the one President Biden is now proposing. This new study out of Boston, which looks at a large-scale program conducted across the entire city, is another brick in the growing edifice of evidence that shows preschool is a worthy investment, not just for kids, but for society overall.

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This content is from Southern California Public Radio. View the original story at SCPR.org.

While the U.S. Environmental Protection Agencys guideline for protecting the public from a toxic form of mercury is justifiable based on the latest scientific evidence, some children of women who consume large amounts of fish and seafood during pregnancy may be at special risk of neurological problems.

Legal responses to juvenile offending should be grounded in scientific knowledge about adolescent development and tailored to an individual offenders needs and social environment, says a new report from the National Research Council.

One of the nation’s largest surveys of crime victims is likely undercounting incidences of rape and sexual assault, making it difficult to ensure that adequate law enforcement resources and support services are available for victims, says a new report by the National Research Council.

As researchers’ and teachers’ understanding of how best to learn and teach science evolves and curricula are redesigned, many teachers are left without the experience needed to enhance the science and engineering courses they teach, says a new report from the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine.

Weather and environmental forecasts made several weeks to months in advance can someday be as widely used and essential as current predictions of tomorrow’s weather are, but first more research and sustained investment are needed, says a new report from the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine.

To transform the offshore oil and gas industry’s safety culture, operators, contractors, subcontractors, associations representing these groups, and federal regulators should collaborate to foster safety throughout all levels of the industry and confront challenges collectively, says a new report from the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine.

A new report from the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine offers a road map and recommendations to help U.S. cities work toward sustainability, measurably improving their residents’ economic, social, and environmental well-being.

Cognitive training, blood pressure management for people with hypertension, and increased physical activity all show modest but inconclusive evidence that they can help prevent cognitive decline and dementia, but there is insufficient evidence to support a public health campaign encouraging their adoption, says a new report from the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine.

A new report from the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine recommends substantial changes to U.S. graduate education in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) in order to meet the evolving needs of students, the scientific enterprise, and the nation.

Black lung disease cases in coal miners have been increasing since 2000 for uncertain reasons.

If the dilute and dispose approach for disposing of the surplus plutonium in the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant (WIPP) is fully implemented, the U.S. Department of Energy (DOE) should use two independent review teams to develop public trust in and improve its decisions, says a new interim report by the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine.