mar

Dispersed lipid droplets: an intermediate site for lipid transport and metabolism in primary human adipocytes.

Björn Morén
Apr 15, 2020; 0:jlr.ILR120000808v1-jlr.ILR120000808
Images in Lipid Research




mar

Episode 56 - The Internet of Yahoo! (IoY!) Viral sensations and Marissa Mayer

Host Matt Egan leads a three pronged tech attack on the week's news with David Price and Scott Carey. The gang discuss 'BBC Dad' and why the professor's hilarious children are the perfect example of viral video. David Price also examines the news cycle of such treats, and why ambulance drivers aren't on Twitter all the time. With Marissa Mayer leaving Yahoo! in tatters, renamed, but with a wad of cash reportedly in her account, Scott leads the line in exploring where it went wrong and why it has been such a public fall from grace. But at age 41, surely there's another chapter in Mayer's story?  


See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.




mar

Episode 112 - The Internet of Controversial Dildos (IoCD) CES roundup ft. sex toys and smart wood

This week our host Scott Carey catches up with Sean Bradley and Dominic Preston fresh off the back of the International Consumer Electronics Show (CES) in Las Vegas.


Dom explains why he was surprised, both in a good and bad way, by the latest foldable screen technology and Sean talks about what is going on in the gaming laptop space, as Alienware looks to soften its image.


Then Dom talks about a piece of connected wood and the gang break down the big controversy from the show floor regarding a certain innovative dildo.


We are also announcing the sad news that the UK Tech Weekly Podcast will be going on an indefinite hiatus while we reassess our podcasting output. We would like to thank anyone that has taken the time to listen to us for these one hundred and twelve (112!) episodes and rest assured we will be back in some guise soon.

 

See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.




mar

Serum non-esterified fatty acids have utility as dietary biomarkers of fat intake from fish, fish oil and dairy in women [Methods]

Nutritional studies rely on various biological specimens for fatty acid (FA) determination, yet it is unclear how levels of serum non-esterified FA (NEFAs) correlate with other circulating lipid pools. Here, we used a high throughput method (< 4 min/sample) based on multisegment injection-non-aqueous-capillary electrophoresis–mass spectrometry (MSI-NACE-MS) to investigate whether specific serum NEFAs have utility as biomarkers of dietary fat intake in women. We first  identified circulating NEFAs correlated with long-term/habitual food intake among pregnant women with contrasting dietary patterns (n=50). Acute changes in serum NEFA trajectories were also studied in non-pregnant women (n=18) following high-dose (5 g/day) fish oil (FO) supplementation or isoenergetic sunflower oil placebo over 56 days. In the cross-sectional study, serum omega-3 (-3) FA correlated with self-reported total -3 daily intake, notably eicosapentaenoic acid (EPA) as its NEFA (r=0.46; p=0.001), whereas pentadecanoic acid was associated with full-fat dairy intake (r=0.43; p=0.002), outcomes consistent with results from  total FA serum hydrolysates. In the intervention cohort, serum -3 NEFAs increased 2.5-fold from baseline within 28 days following FO supplementation, and this increase was most pronounced for EPA (p=0.0004). Unlike for docosahexaenoic acid, circulating EPA as its NEFA also strongly correlated to EPA concentrations measured from erythrocyte phospholipid hydrolysates (r=0.66; p=4.6 x 10-10), and was better suited to detect dietary non-adherence. We conclude that MSI-NACE-MS offers a rapid method to quantify serum NEFAs and objectively monitor dietary fat intake in women that is complementary to diet records or food frequency questionnaires.




mar

Dispersed lipid droplets: an intermediate site for lipid transport and metabolism in primary human adipocytes. [Images in Lipid Research]




mar

2-Chlorofatty acids are biomarkers of sepsis mortality and mediators of barrier dysfunction in rats [Research Articles]

Sepsis is defined as the systemic, dysregulated host immune response to an infection that leads to injury to host organ systems, and, often, death. Complex interactions between pathogens and their hosts elicit microcirculatory dysfunction. Neutrophil myeloperoxidase (MPO) is critical for combating pathogens, but MPO-derived hypochlorous acid (HOCl) can react with host molecular species as well. Plasmalogens are targeted by HOCl, leading to the production of 2-chlorofatty acids (2-CLFAs). 2-CLFAs are associated with human sepsis mortality, decrease in vitroendothelial barrier function, and activate human neutrophil extracellular trap formation. Here, we sought to examine 2-CLFAs in an in vivorat sepsis model. Intraperitoneal cecal slurry sepsis with clinically relevant rescue therapies led to ~73% mortality and evidence of microcirculatory dysfunction. Plasma concentrations of 2-CLFAs assessed 8h after sepsis induction were lower in rats that survived sepsis than in non-survivors. 2-CLFA levels were elevated in kidney, liver, spleen, lung, colon and ileum in septic animals. In vivo, exogenous 2-CLFA treatments increased kidney permeability, and in in vitroexperiments 2-CLFA also increased epithelial surface expression of vascular cell adhesion molecule 1 and decreased epithelial barrier function. Collectively, these studies support a role of free 2-CLFAs as biomarkers of sepsis mortality, potentially mediated, in part, by 2-CLFA-elicited endothelial and epithelial barrier dysfunction.




mar

Robust summarization and inference in proteome-wide label-free quantification [Research]

Label-Free Quantitative mass spectrometry based workflows for differential expression (DE) analysis of proteins impose important challenges on the data analysis due to peptide-specific effects and context dependent missingness of peptide intensities. Peptide-based workflows, like MSqRob, test for DE directly from peptide intensities and outperform summarization methods which first aggregate MS1 peptide intensities to protein intensities before DE analysis. However, these methods are computationally expensive, often hard to understand for the non-specialised end-user, and do not provide protein summaries, which are important for visualisation or downstream processing. In this work, we therefore evaluate state-of-the-art summarization strategies using a benchmark spike-in dataset and discuss why and when these fail compared to the state-of-the-art peptide based model, MSqRob. Based on this evaluation, we propose a novel summarization strategy, MSqRobSum, which estimates MSqRob’s model parameters in a two-stage procedure circumventing the drawbacks of peptide-based workflows. MSqRobSum maintains MSqRob’s superior performance, while providing useful protein expression summaries for plotting and downstream analysis. Summarising peptide to protein intensities considerably reduces the computational complexity, the memory footprint and the model complexity, and makes it easier to disseminate DE inferred on protein summaries. Moreover, MSqRobSum provides a highly modular analysis framework, which provides researchers with full flexibility to develop data analysis workflows tailored towards their specific applications.




mar

Anaïs Marin

Associate Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme

Biography

Anaïs Marin is an independent Belarus expert who joined the the Russia and Eurasia programme as an associate fellow in December 2019.

An IR scholar specialising on post-Soviet Eurasia, since 2014 she has been investigating the foreign policy of authoritarian regimes (“dictaplomacy”), first as a Marie Curie Fellow (Collegium Civitas, Warsaw), now with a grant from the Polish National Centre for Science (University of Warsaw).

Her current research focuses on how Russian “sharp power” impacts European democracy and regional security.

Anaïs has been involved in policy expert and advocacy networks on Belarus, and published for various think tanks, notably the Finnish Institute of International Affairs (FIIA, Helsinki) and the EU Institute for Security Studies. She regularly participates in OSCE/ODIHR election observation missions in the region.

In 2018 she was appointed UN special rapporteur on human rights in Belarus.

She received her PhD and MA from Sciences Po Paris/CERI.

Areas of expertise

  • Belarus
  • Russian foreign policy
  • Eastern Partnership
  • EU-Russia relations
  • Eurasian integration

Past experience

2019 - presentResearcher, Centre for French Culture, University of Warsaw
2015-18Marie Curie Fellow, Collegium Civitas
2011-14Researcher, Eastern neighbourhood and Russia programme, Finnish Institute of International Affairs

 




mar

ANGPTL3, PCSK9, and statin therapy drive remarkable reductions in hyperlipidemia and atherosclerosis in a mouse model [Commentary]




mar

Uniform patch to mark 150 years of pro baseball

All 30 Major League teams will wear special "MLB 150" patches on their uniforms for the entire 2019 season in honor of the 150th anniversary of the 1869 Cincinnati Red Stockings, the first openly all-salaried professional baseball team.




mar

Pharmacologic PPAR-{gamma} Activation Reprograms Bone Marrow Macrophages and Partially Rescues HSPC Mobilization in Human and Murine Diabetes

Mobilization of hematopoietic stem/progenitor cells (HSPCs) from the bone marrow (BM) is impaired in diabetes. Excess oncostatin M (OSM) produced by M1 macrophages in the diabetic BM signals through p66Shc to induce Cxcl12 in stromal cells and retain HSPCs. BM adipocytes are another source of CXCL12 that blunts mobilization. We tested a strategy of pharmacologic macrophage reprogramming to rescue HSPC mobilization. In vitro, PPAR- activation with pioglitazone switched macrophages from M1 to M2, reduced Osm expression, and prevented transcellular induction of Cxcl12. In diabetic mice, pioglitazone treatment downregulated Osm, p66Shc and Cxcl12 in the hematopoietic BM, restored the effects of granulocyte-colony stimulation factor (G-CSF), and partially rescued HSPC mobilization, but it increased BM adipocytes. Osm deletion recapitulated the effects of pioglitazone on adipogenesis, which was p66Shc-independent, and double knockout of Osm and p66Shc completely rescued HSPC mobilization. In the absence of OSM, BM adipocytes produced less CXCL12, being arguably devoid of HSPC-retaining activity, whereas pioglitazone failed to downregulate Cxcl12 in BM adipocytes. In diabetic patients under pioglitazone therapy, HSPC mobilization after G-CSF was partially rescued. In summary, pioglitazone reprogrammed BM macrophages and suppressed OSM signaling, but sustained Cxcl12 expression by BM adipocytes could limit full recovery of HSPC mobilization.




mar

Genetic Causes of Severe Childhood Obesity: A Remarkably High Prevalence (>=49%) in an Inbred Population of Pakistan

Monogenic forms of obesity have been identified in ≤10% of severely obese European patients. However, the overall spectrum of deleterious variants (point mutations and structural variants) responsible for childhood severe obesity remains elusive. In this study, we genetically screened 225 severely obese children from consanguineous Pakistani families through a combination of techniques including an in-house developed augmented whole-exome sequencing (CoDE-seq) enabling simultaneous detection of whole exome copy number variations (CNVs) and of point mutations in coding regions. We identified 110 probands (49%) carrying 55 different pathogenic point mutations and CNVs in 13 genes/loci responsible for non-syndromic and syndromic monofactorial obesity. CoDE-seq also identified 28 rare or novel CNVs associated with intellectual disability in 22 additional obese subjects (10%). Additionally, we highlight variants in candidate genes for obesity warranting further investigation. Altogether, 59% of the studied cohort are likely to have a discrete genetic cause with 13% of these due to CNVs demonstrating a remarkably higher prevalence of monofactorial obesity than hitherto reported and a plausible over lapping of obesity and intellectual disabilities in several cases. Finally, inbred populations with high prevalence of obesity, provide a unique genetically enriched material in quest of new genes/variants influencing energy balance.




mar

Correction: Rational design, synthesis, and evaluation of uncharged, &#x201C;smart&#x201D; bis-oxime antidotes of organophosphate-inhibited human acetylcholinesterase. [Additions and Corrections]

VOLUME 295 (2020) PAGES 4079–4092There was an error in the abstract. “The pyridinium cation hampers uptake of OPs into the central nervous system (CNS)” should read as “The pyridinium cation hampers uptake into the central nervous system (CNS).”




mar

Uniform patch to mark 150 years of pro baseball

All 30 Major League teams will wear special "MLB 150" patches on their uniforms for the entire 2019 season in honor of the 150th anniversary of the 1869 Cincinnati Red Stockings, the first openly all-salaried professional baseball team.




mar

The rule of law and maritime security: understanding lawfare in the South China Sea

4 September 2019 , Volume 95, Number 5

Douglas Guilfoyle

Does the rule of law matter to maritime security? One way into the question is to examine whether states show a discursive commitment that maritime security practices must comply with international law. International law thus provides tools for argument for or against the validity of certain practices. The proposition is thus not only that international law matters to maritime security, but legal argument does too. In this article, these claims will be explored in relation to the South China Sea dispute. The dispute involves Chinese claims to enjoy special rights within the ‘nine-dash line’ on official maps which appears to lay claim to much of the South China Sea. Within this area sovereignty remains disputed over numerous islands and other maritime features. Many of the claimant states have engaged in island-building activities, although none on the scale of China. Ideas matter in such contests, affecting perceptions of reality and of what is possible. International law provides one such set of ideas. Law may be a useful tool in consolidating gains or defeating a rival's claims. For China, law is a key domain in which it is seeking to consolidate control over the South China Sea. The article places the relevant Chinese legal arguments in the context of China's historic engagement with the law of the sea. It argues that the flaw in China's approach has been to underestimate the extent to which it impinges on other states' national interests in the maritime domain, interests they conceptualize in legal terms.




mar

Maritime security: the uncharted politics of the global sea

4 September 2019 , Volume 95, Number 5

A special section in the latest issue explores recent developments in maritime security and ocean governance.

Christian Bueger, Timothy Edmunds and Barry J. Ryan

In this introduction to a special section of the September 2019 issue of International Affairs, we revisit the main themes and arguments of our article ‘Beyond seablindness: a new agenda for maritime security studies’, published in this journal in November 2017. We reiterate our call for more scholarly attention to be paid to the maritime environment in international relations and security studies. We argue that the contemporary maritime security agenda should be understood as an interlinked set of challenges of growing global, regional and national significance, and comprising issues of national, environmental, economic and human security. We suggest that maritime security is characterized by four main characteristics, including its interconnected nature, its transnationality, its liminality—in the sense of implicating both land and sea—and its national and institutional cross-jurisdictionality. Each of the five articles in the special section explores aspects of the contemporary maritime security agenda, including themes of geopolitics, international law, interconnectivity, maritime security governance and the changing spatial order at sea.




mar

In Judging Prorogation, UK Supreme Court Marks Evolution, Not Revolution, in Law

3 October 2019

Ruma Mandal

Director, International Law Programme
Despite the political significance, last week’s judgment does not signal a newly activist court.

2019-10-03-UKSC.jpg

The Supreme Court building in Westminster. Photo: Getty Images.

The UK Supreme Court’s ruling last Wednesday has, at least temporarily, scuppered the prime minister’s plans to limit parliamentary debate before the looming Brexit deadline. Some of the prime minister’s allies have attacked the ruling as a ‘constitutional coup’. But a close reading reveals that the court has stayed within its remit to interpret, rather than make, the law.

In a carefully reasoned judgment, the court emphasized that the case was not about Brexit. But the judges certainly did not shy away from the extraordinary nature of the matters before it, noting that such factual situations have ‘never arisen before and are unlikely ever to arise again… But our law is used to rising to such challenges and supplies us with the legal tools to enable us to reason to a solution.’

The key question before the court was whether the prime minister’s decision to seek prorogation was ‘justiciable’ – i.e. amenable to being reviewed by a court. The English and Scottish courts earlier on in these proceedings had come, dramatically, to opposing views on this.

The Supreme Court was not dissuaded by the inherently political considerations involved in the prime minister’s decision, stating that while ‘courts cannot decide political questions, the fact that a legal dispute concerns the conduct of politicians, or arises from a matter of political controversy, has never been sufficient reason for the courts to refuse to consider it’.

The court went on to emphasize that the Crown’s remaining prerogative powers (exercised on the advice of the government or directly by ministers) have long been subject to judicial scrutiny; such oversight is essential to guarding the separation of powers underpinning the UK’s constitution.

So far, so conventional. The full bench of the Supreme Court was required to grapple, though, with a prerogative power that had never been tested before in the courts. And so they delved back to the 1611 Case of Proclamations: ‘the King hath no prerogative, but that which the law of the land allow him’. In the court’s view, the legal issue to be resolved was the scope of the power to prorogue (the existence of this particular prerogative not being in dispute).

With no case law available to provide direct guidance on this question, the court, instead, relied on two fundamental principles of the UK’s constitution – parliamentary sovereignty and parliamentary accountability. What would be the logical consequence of an unlimited power to prorogue? The ability to shut parliament permanently.

The conclusion: this particular prerogative power had limits. The court held that:

‘A decision to prorogue Parliament (or to advise the monarch to prorogue Parliament) will be unlawful if the prorogation has the effect of frustrating or preventing, without reasonable justification, the ability of Parliament to carry out its constitutional functions as a legislature and as the body responsible for the supervision of the executive. In such a situation, the court will intervene if the effect is sufficiently serious to justify such an exceptional course.’

Having come to this conclusion, the court was left to examine what justification had in fact been given, noting that the prime minister’s motives were irrelevant. It noted that no clear reason had been given – the relevant documents were all concerned with preparing for the Queen’s speech.

Noting evidence on normal practice for such preparations, including from a former prime minister, the court found it ‘impossible… to conclude…that there was any reason – let alone a good reason – to advise Her Majesty to prorogue Parliament for five weeks’.

The court’s decision was neither inevitable nor a radical departure from legal tradition. It represents the gradual evolution of the long-established legal principle that the crown’s powers are set by the law and supervised by the courts.

Courts have traditionally been reticent to rule on prerogative powers which are ‘high politics’ by nature – classic examples include declaring war and negotiating treaties. In recent years, though, the judiciary has shown a growing confidence to grapple with the contours of those prerogative powers that remain. Deference is still shown when looking at how those powers have been used as opposed to the limits of the prerogative in question.

The Supreme Court ruling won’t reassure those who worry about the emergence of an activist court willing to wade (improperly) into the political arena. Nor will it necessarily bring comfort to those anxious about an unwritten constitution in an era where political conventions are fast unravelling.

But divisive court rulings are nothing new, nor are ministerial outbursts about inconvenient judgments. In the current environment, politicians should take particular care not to send mixed messages which undermine the independence of the UK’s judiciary. Public trust in British institutions is dangerously low and the UK can ill-afford further damage to its reputation as a country steeped in democracy and the rule of law.




mar

Marking failure, making space: feminist intervention in Security Council policy

6 November 2019 , Volume 95, Number 6

Sam Cook

Feminist interventions in international politics are, more often than not, understood (and visible) as interventions in relation to policy documents. These policies—in this case the United Nations Security Council's resolutions on Women, Peace and Security—often feature as the end point of feminist advocacy efforts or as the starting point for feminist analysis and critique. In this article the author responds to the provocations throughout Marysia Zalewski's work to think (and tell) the spaces of international politics differently, in this case by working with the concept of feminist failure as it is produced in feminist policy critique. Inspired by Zalewski's Feminist International Relations: exquisite corpse, the article explores the material and imaginary spaces in which both policies and critique are produced. It picks up and reflects upon a narrative refrain recognizable in feminist critiques on Women, Peace and Security policy—that we must not make war safe for women—as a way to reflect on the inevitability of failure and the ostensible boundaries between theory and practice. The author takes permission from Zalewski's creative interventions and her recognition of the value of the ‘detritus of the everyday’—here a walk from New York's Grand Central Station to the UN Headquarters, musings on the flash of a particular shade of blue, and the contents of a footnoted acknowledgement, begin to trace an international political space that is produced through embodied and quotidian practice.




mar

What the ICJ Decision on Myanmar Means

24 January 2020

Dr Champa Patel

Director, Asia-Pacific Programme
Champa Patel on the implications of the International Court of Justice’s decision to order protection for the Rohingya.

2020-01-24-CB.jpg

Rohingya refugees watch ICJ proceedings at a restaurant in a refugee camp in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh in December. Photo: Getty Images.

The decision by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) that Myanmar should take all measures available to prevent acts of genocide against the persecuted Rohingya minority is truly ground-breaking. The case shows how small states can play an important role in upholding international law and holding other states accountable. 

The Gambia, acting with the support of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, skilfully used Article IX of the Genocide Convention, which allows for a state party to the convention to pursue cases against another state party where it is felt there has been a dispute regarding the ‘interpretation, application or fulfilment’ of the convention.

Seventeen states have entered reservations against this specific provision but Myanmar is not one of them. It was on this basis that The Gambia was able to take its case to the ICJ. This exciting development expands the possibilities of international accountability at the state-to-state level.

But it should be noted that the current ruling is focused on provisional measures – the central case could still take years to conclude. There is still a long road ahead on the court determining whether the Myanmar authorities committed acts of genocide.

And, while the decision was unanimous and binding, the ICJ cannot enforce its ruling. Myanmar has shown itself resistant to international criticism and there is a real risk they will fail to comply.

One way forward, should Myanmar not respect the ruling, is that the UN Security Council could agree a resolution to compel action. However, it seems unlikely that China would ever vote for such a resolution, given its strong stance on non-intervention and its economic interests in the country. 




mar

Hillel Furstenberg & Grigoriĭ Margulis win Abel Prize

Hillel Furstenberg and Grigoriĭ Margulis have been announced as the winners of the 2020 Abel Prize.  You can read the official announcement here.   There is a news item about the prize on the AMS website.  Needless to say, they have … Continue reading



  • Prizes and awards

mar

Diabetes Core Update – March 2019

Diabetes Core Update is a monthly podcast that presents and discusses the latest clinically relevant articles from the American Diabetes Association’s four science and medical journals – Diabetes, Diabetes Care, Clinical Diabetes, and Diabetes Spectrum. Each episode is approximately 20 minutes long and presents 5-6 recently published articles from ADA journals.

Intended for practicing physicians and health care professionals, Diabetes Core Update discusses how the latest research and information published in journals of the American Diabetes Association are relevant to clinical practice and can be applied in a treatment setting.

This month we review articles on:

  1. Association of body mass index, fitness, and mortality in patients with diabetes
  2. Cognitive deficits and traditional diabetic complications in the severely obese
  3. Late Relapse of Diabetes after Bariatric Surgery
  4. Hypoglycemia in Type 1 Diabetes and Subsequent Cognitive Deficits
  5. Nutrient Induced Beta Cell Stress
  6. Topical Oxygen Therapy in the Treatment of Diabetic Foot Ulcers

For more information about each of ADA’s science and medical journals, please visit www.diabetesjournals.org.

Presented by:

Neil Skolnik, M.D., Professor of Family and Community Medicine, Sidney Kimmel Medical College, Thomas Jefferson University; Associate Director, Family Medicine Residency Program, Abington Jefferson Health

John J. Russell, M.D., Professor of Family and Community Medicine, Sidney Kimmel Medical College, Thomas Jefferson University; Director, Family Medicine Residency Program, Abington Jefferson Health

 




mar

Diabetes Core Update – COVID-19 UPDATE: March 2019

This is a special issue focusing on Covid-19 and Diabetes:

  1. Characteristics of and Important Lessons From
    the Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) Outbreak in China
  2. Clinical course and risk factors for mortality
  3. Diabetes and Hypertension: Are ACE’s, ARBs and NSAIDs OK to Use?

Diabetes Core Update is a monthly podcast that presents and discusses the latest clinically relevant articles from the American Diabetes Association’s four science and medical journals – Diabetes, Diabetes Care, Clinical Diabetes, and Diabetes Spectrum. Each episode is approximately 20 minutes long and presents 5-6 recently published articles from ADA journals.

Intended for practicing physicians and health care professionals, Diabetes Core Update discusses how the latest research and information published in journals of the American Diabetes Association are relevant to clinical practice and can be applied in a treatment setting.

For more information about each of ADA’s science and medical journals, please visit www.diabetesjournals.org.

Presented by:

Neil Skolnik, M.D., Professor of Family and Community Medicine, Sidney Kimmel Medical College, Thomas Jefferson University; Associate Director, Family Medicine Residency Program, Abington Jefferson Health

John J. Russell, M.D., Professor of Family and Community Medicine, Sidney Kimmel Medical College, Thomas Jefferson University; Director, Family Medicine Residency Program, Abington Jefferson Health




mar

Covid-19: Lack of capacity led to halting of community testing in March, admits deputy chief medical officer




mar

Anaïs Marin

Associate Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme

Biography

Anaïs Marin is an independent Belarus expert who joined the the Russia and Eurasia programme as an associate fellow in December 2019.

An IR scholar specialising on post-Soviet Eurasia, since 2014 she has been investigating the foreign policy of authoritarian regimes (“dictaplomacy”), first as a Marie Curie Fellow (Collegium Civitas, Warsaw), now with a grant from the Polish National Centre for Science (University of Warsaw).

Her current research focuses on how Russian “sharp power” impacts European democracy and regional security.

Anaïs has been involved in policy expert and advocacy networks on Belarus, and published for various think tanks, notably the Finnish Institute of International Affairs (FIIA, Helsinki) and the EU Institute for Security Studies. She regularly participates in OSCE/ODIHR election observation missions in the region.

In 2018 she was appointed UN special rapporteur on human rights in Belarus.

She received her PhD and MA from Sciences Po Paris/CERI.

Areas of expertise

  • Belarus
  • Russian foreign policy
  • Eastern Partnership
  • EU-Russia relations
  • Eurasian integration

Past experience

2019 - presentResearcher, Centre for French Culture, University of Warsaw
2015-18Marie Curie Fellow, Collegium Civitas
2011-14Researcher, Eastern neighbourhood and Russia programme, Finnish Institute of International Affairs

 




mar

Boarding Pass to Mars

HAAA! THIS PLEASED ME! GO BOOK YOUR TICKETS NOW! http://mars.nasa.gov/participate/send-your-name/insight/




mar

China is not a free market economy or, On Welding

I would have to have eight hundred haircuts, To, Buy the ‘Professionals hair-cutter’ electric clippers I, Saw on offer, at the shop window whilst having a pee, and Trying to hit the resting mosquito on the wall, With my urine, -stream of thought- When, I noticed the incessant sound of welding, Work-shop beside the loo, […]




mar

EU Lays Down Marker for Global Climate Action

24 October 2014

Antony Froggatt

Senior Research Fellow, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme

Shane Tomlinson

Former Senior Research Fellow, Energy, Environment and Resources
The EU’s climate and energy package represents an important step ahead of a potential global deal next year in Paris. But a disappointing approach to energy efficiency and uncertainty over governance threatens to undermine delivery.

20141024MerkelSchulzClimate.jpg

German Chancellor Angela Merkel talks with European parliament president Martin Schulz during an EU climate summit on 23 October 2014. Photo by Getty Images.

The European Union has reached agreement on its 2030 climate and energy package in preparation for the next major international climate summit in Paris in December 2015. In the agreement member states have signed up to reducing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by at least 40% by 2030 – compared to 1990 levels. Currently emissions are approximately 20% below 1990 levels and so the 2030 target represents a continuation of current decarbonization trends, but it is below the rate of reductions required to meet the longer term objective of cutting emission by 80-95% by 2050.

However, the overall 40% reduction will still drive structural changes in Europe’s economy and the energy sector. This could and should be seen as an opportunity for the EU to become a world leader in the innovation of both the new technologies and systems, such as electricity storage, dynamic demand responses and the deployment of electric vehicles, all of which are experiencing a rapid increase in the size of their global markets.

But there are some concerns. The climate and energy package has put forward a collective target to double the current level of renewables so that it will provide at least 27% of energy by 2030. However, the target is binding on the EU as a whole but not on individual member states, which creates uncertainty and is further complicated by a lack of clarity on the enforcement mechanism, which remains vague. To avoid loss of investor and industrial confidence a transparent process needs to be rapidly developed that ensures compliance. 

The EU has also failed to give energy efficiency the priority it deserves, downgrading it to an indicative target (i.e. one that is aspirational only) of a 27% reduction in energy use from business as usual. However, this is equivalent to, at most, a 19% reduction from Europe's pre-recession trajectory. The weaker energy efficiency and renewable energy elements of the package reflects the resistance of a relatively small number of countries to further EU-wide legal commitments, either because they prefer market inducement or due to their reluctance to reform their energy sectors. The package also makes clear that the a reformed Emissions Trading Scheme will be the main instrument to achieve the GHG reduction target and proposes to accelerate the reduction of the cap on maximum permitted emissions. However, this would only kick in after 2021, meaning the scheme will remain relatively ineffective for at least another five years. 

The crisis in Ukraine and the potential implications for security of supply once again highlights the importance of both domestic energy production and common European approaches to energy suppliers. Every 1% of energy saved across the EU reduces gas imports by 2.6%, and a stronger target would do more to reduce dependence on Russian gas imports. The EU’s failure to adopt a more far reaching and binding target on energy efficiency is a missed opportunity given that it is one  of the only approaches that delivers on the three pillars on energy policy, namely environmental protection, competitiveness and security of supply, simultaneously.

It is important to note the progress that the EU has made in both meeting its climate targets over the last decade and the impact that this has had on its other energy policy objectives. Currently, the EU’s 2020 target for reducing GHG emissions by 20% has or is very close to being met, in part due to the economic downturn, but also due to efficiency, renewable energy and changing industrial patterns and technologies. Furthermore, the use of renewable energy is now estimated to save around €30 billion per year in imported energy, improving balance of payments and improving security of supply. Likewise improvements in energy efficiency have been shown since the turn of the century to have contributed to a 1% annual reduction in energy consumption in the EU.

But the EU is not alone in preparing national carbon reduction targets for the UNFCCC conference in Paris 2015. Both China and the US, the world’s first and second largest emitters, are preparing their own emission reduction plans. China announced in September that it would put forward a new target for the peaking of its carbon dioxide emissions as early as possible. It is suggested that this might be as early as in 2025, with the potential for peak coal use coming even earlier in 2020. The US has proposed to set limits on the emissions from new coal-fired power stations and a 30% reduction in US power sector emissions by 2030 (relative to their 2005 baseline), and President Obama is expected to go further with new climate measures next year.

In the year ahead all countries that are party to the UNFCCC are expected to put on the table their national carbon abatement plans for 2030.  Some will be conditional upon further international assistance and commitments. The package agreed by Europe has scope to respond to increased efforts by other countries. This could include increasing the EU’s own domestic target (currently framed as ‘at least 40%’) or through international offsets and climate finance. How the EU responds to other countries efforts will be a test of its global leadership on climate issues.

To comment on this article, please contact Chatham House Feedback 




mar

Trudeau Election Marks New Start for Canada

22 October 2015

Cleo Paskal

Associate Fellow, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme and Asia-Pacific Programme
Canada's partners are about to see a sea change in policy from the new Liberal government on a range of issues, especially relating to energy and the environment.

20151022Trudeau.jpg

Canadian Liberal Party leader Justin Trudeau arrives to give a press conference in Ottawa on 20 October 2015. Photo by Getty Images.

The Liberal Party likes to think of itself as ‘Canada’s natural governing party’. Though they have been out of power for 10 years, and newly elected prime minister Justin Trudeau is relatively inexperienced, the party has deep and old networks across the country. The backroom is full of experienced old hands, including former prime ministers who have known Trudeau since he was a toddler. With a number of bold shifts promised in Canadian foreign policy, and a willingness to be fiscally expansive (Trudeau has said he is willing to run deficits for three years to implement their policies), the change is likely to be dramatic, fast and unrelenting.

International engagement

The Liberals’ proposed new Canada has a hint of nostalgia for a time when Canadians thought of themselves as a force for good in the world. There is likely to be a large-scale reengagement with the international community, especially the United Nations, not only on climate policy, but also peacekeeping and disaster response. Canada’s French-speaking experts make it well placed to engage in crisis-hit French-speaking countries while carrying somewhat less colonial baggage. Meanwhile, the Liberals have promised to withdraw Canadian forces from the combat mission against ISIS in Iraq, pledging instead to reorient their focus towards aid.

Science-based policies

Trudeau has the backing of a very deep bench of experienced parliamentarians, some of whom have been waiting a long time to get back in the governing game. They include Stéphane Dion, the former environment minister who gained respect for his chairing of the 2005 UN climate change conference in Montreal, and Marc Garneau, former astronaut and president of the Canadian Space Agency. This will be a government that understands and values (and has promised to restore funding for) scientific research.

This means more investment in climate resilience, renewables and other forward planning policies, but also a reexamination of some of Canada’s long-standing strengths, including Canada’s fisheries. Under the previous government, over half-a-dozen critical fisheries research libraries were shut down, in some cases with large-scale loss of data. A more science-based fisheries policy, combined with the promised funding to the Royal Canadian Navy, may result in a reinvigorated and coordinated Canadian fisheries policy. This would become particularly important in a time of global food constraints.

‘Nation-to-nation’

Trudeau’s stated goal of establishing ‘nation-to-nation’ relations with Canada’s indigenous peoples has potentially global implications.

Through treaties, Canada’s First Nations can stake a claim to about a third of Canada’s landmass, including resource rich areas. They own or control access to land that contains oil, gas, uranium, gold, diamonds and much more. China, for one, realized the potential power of First Nations as far back as 2008, when Beijing invited over two dozen indigenous leaders to China to talk business. During that trip, Peguis Chief Glenn Hudson explained that the trip was ‘an important step for us in moving forward. Our future is not only in Canada, but partnering with other countries.’

Trudeau’s ‘nation-to-nation’ statement acknowledges the strengthening role of First Nations in Canada’s resource policy. Indigenous communities have been among the most adversely affected by oil sands development and, in other parts of Canada, have successfully blocked resources extraction or transit. For example, in May, the Lax Kw'alaams Band refused to allow a proposed multi-million dollar Petronas LNG project to be developed on their land over concerns it would affect their economically and culturally important salmon runs.

Real First Nations engagement with resource management has the potential substantially change Canada’s energy, environment and resources profile. First Nations in eastern Canada have already blocked hydro development that could power much of the northeastern United States and, in a time of pipeline expansion, First Nations might become instrumental in deciding if more pipelines will run north-to-south, towards the border with the United States, or east-to-west, towards the Pacific and the markets in Asia.

Energy sector

At the same time, while Trudeau said he was against the Northern Gateway pipeline, in large part because of how it would affect the people of the Pacific coast, he backed Keystone XL. However, he is unlikely to push for it in the face of a veto by President Obama. Also, low fossil fuel prices contributed to the election in May of a left-leaning provincial government in the badly hit oil heartland of Alberta. If prices stay low, that could very well combine with Liberal campaign promises to put a coordinated national price on carbon and to phase out fossil fuel subsidies, additionally reshaping Canada’s energy landscape..

Agriculture and the Trans-Pacific Partnership

The Liberals also have a stated goal of investing in a more innovative and safe agricultural sector, while defending the interests of Canadian farmers. This dovetails with their promise to openly examine and discuss the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) before ratification. Canadian dairy farmers in particular were concerned about some of the TPP provisions but, without access to the details of the text, it was difficult to estimate how the sector would be affected.

One proposed agricultural policy that may have widespread economic implications is the legalization, regulation and taxation of marijuana. As some states in the United States have found, this has the potential to be economically beneficial and, for Canada, a possible major boon to cross-border tourism.

In a myriad of small ways, and a few big ones, the new Liberal government plans to change Canada’s international role and domestic landscape. This is one to watch.

To comment on this article, please contact Chatham House Feedback 




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