diversity

Deep Sequencing Uncovers Caste-Associated Diversity of Symbionts in the Social Ant Camponotus japonicus

ABSTRACT

Symbiotic microorganisms can have a profound impact on the host physiology and behavior, and novel relationships between symbionts and their hosts are continually discovered. A colony of social ants consists of various castes that exhibit distinct lifestyles and is, thus, a unique model for investigating how symbionts may be involved in host eusociality. Yet our knowledge of social ant-symbiont dynamics has remained rudimentary. Through 16S rRNA gene deep sequencing of the carpenter ant Camponotus japonicus symbiont community across various castes, we here report caste-dependent diversity of commensal gut microbiota and lineage divergence of "Candidatus Blochmannia," an obligate endosymbiont. While most prevalent gut-associated bacterial populations are found across all castes (Alphaproteobacteria, Gammaproteobacteria, Bacteroidetes, and Cyanobacteria), we also discovered uncultured populations that are found only in males (belonging to Corynebacteriales, Alkanindiges, and Burkholderia). Most of those populations are not detected in laboratory-maintained queens and workers, suggesting that they are facultative gut symbionts introduced via environmental acquisition. Further inspection of "Ca. Blochmannia" endosymbionts reveals that two populations are dominant in all individuals across all castes but that males preferentially contain two different sublineages that are diversified from others. Clearly, each caste has distinct symbiont communities, suggesting an overlooked biological aspect of host-symbiont interaction in social insects.

IMPORTANCE Social animals, such as primates and some insects, have been shown to exchange symbiotic microbes among individuals through sharing diet or habitats, resulting in increased consistency of microbiota among social partners. The ant is a representative of social insects exhibiting various castes within a colony; queens, males, and nonreproductive females (so-called workers) show distinct morphologies, physiologies, and behaviors but tightly interact with each other in the nest. However, how this social context affects their gut microbiota has remained unclear. In this study, we deeply sequenced the gut symbiont community across various castes of the carpenter ant Camponotus japonicus. We report caste-dependent diversity of commensal gut microbial community and lineage divergence of the mutualistic endosymbiont "Candidatus Blochmannia." This report sheds light on the hidden diversity in microbial populations and community structure associated with guts of males in social ants.




diversity

Bottleneck Size-Dependent Changes in the Genetic Diversity and Specific Growth Rate of a Rotavirus A Strain [Genetic Diversity and Evolution]

RNA viruses form a dynamic distribution of mutant swarms (termed "quasispecies") due to the accumulation of mutations in the viral genome. The genetic diversity of a viral population is affected by several factors, including a bottleneck effect. Human-to-human transmission exemplifies a bottleneck effect, in that only part of a viral population can reach the next susceptible hosts. In the present study, two lineages of the rhesus rotavirus (RRV) strain of rotavirus A were serially passaged five times at a multiplicity of infection (MOI) of 0.1 or 0.001, and three phenotypes (infectious titer, cell binding ability, and specific growth rate) were used to evaluate the impact of a bottleneck effect on the RRV population. The specific growth rate values of lineages passaged under the stronger bottleneck (MOI of 0.001) were higher after five passages. The nucleotide diversity also increased, which indicated that the mutant swarms of the lineages under the stronger bottleneck effect were expanded through the serial passages. The random distribution of synonymous and nonsynonymous substitutions on rotavirus genome segments indicated that almost all mutations were selectively neutral. Simple simulations revealed that the presence of minor mutants could influence the specific growth rate of a population in a mutant frequency-dependent manner. These results indicate a stronger bottleneck effect can create more sequence spaces for minor sequences.

IMPORTANCE In this study, we investigated a bottleneck effect on an RRV population that may drastically affect the viral population structure. RRV populations were serially passaged under two levels of a bottleneck effect, which exemplified human-to-human transmission. As a result, the genetic diversity and specific growth rate of RRV populations increased under the stronger bottleneck effect, which implied that a bottleneck created a new space in a population for minor mutants originally existing in a hidden layer, which includes minor mutations that cannot be distinguished from a sequencing error. The results of this study suggest that the genetic drift caused by a bottleneck in human-to-human transmission explains the random appearance of new genetic lineages causing viral outbreaks, which can be expected according to molecular epidemiology using next-generation sequencing in which the viral genetic diversity within a viral population is investigated.




diversity

Characterization and Genomic Analysis of ValSw3-3, a New Siphoviridae Bacteriophage Infecting Vibrio alginolyticus [Genetic Diversity and Evolution]

A novel lytic bacteriophage, ValSw3-3, which efficiently infects pathogenic strains of Vibrio alginolyticus, was isolated from sewage water and characterized by microbiological and in silico genomic analyses. Transmission electron microscopy indicated that ValSw3-3 has the morphology of siphoviruses. This phage can infect four species in the Vibrio genus and has a latent period of 15 min and a burst size of 95 ± 2 PFU/infected bacterium. Genome sequencing results show that ValSw3-3 has a 39,846-bp double-stranded DNA genome with a GC content of 43.1%. The similarity between the genome sequences of ValSw3-3 and those of other phages recorded in the GenBank database was below 50% (42%), suggesting that ValSw3-3 significantly differs from previously reported phages at the DNA level. Multiple genome comparisons and phylogenetic analysis based on the major capsid protein revealed that phage ValSw3-3 is grouped in a clade with five other phages, including Listonella phage phiHSIC (GenBank accession no. NC_006953.1), Vibrio phage P23 (MK097141.1), Vibrio phage pYD8-B (NC_021561.1), Vibrio phage 2E1 (KX507045.1), and Vibrio phage 12G5 (HQ632860.1), and is distinct from all known genera within the Siphoviridae family that have been ratified by the International Committee on Taxonomy of Viruses (ICTV). An in silico proteomic comparison of diverse phages from the Siphoviridae family supported this clustering result and suggested that ValSw3-3, phiHSIC, P23, pYD8-B, 2E1, and 12G5 should be classified as a novel genus cluster of Siphoviridae. A subsequent analysis of core genes also revealed the common genes shared within this new cluster. Overall, these results provide a characterization of Vibrio phage ValSw3-3 and support our proposal of a new viral genus within the family Siphoviridae.

IMPORTANCE Phage therapy has been considered a potential alternative to antibiotic therapy in treating bacterial infections. For controlling the vibriosis-causing pathogen Vibrio alginolyticus, well-documented phage candidates are still lacking. Here, we characterize a novel lytic Vibrio phage, ValSw3-3, based on its morphology, host range and infectivity, growth characteristics, stability under various conditions, and genomic features. Our results show that ValSw3-3 could be a potent candidate for phage therapy to treat V. alginolyticus infections due to its stronger infectivity and better pH and thermal stability than those of previously reported Vibrio phages. Moreover, genome sequence alignments, phylogenetic analysis, in silico proteomic comparison, and core gene analysis all support that this novel phage, ValSw3-3, and five unclassified phages form a clade distant from those of other known genera ratified by the ICTV. Thus, we propose a new viral genus within the Siphoviridae family to accommodate this clade, with ValSw3-3 as a representative member.




diversity

Reconciling global priorities for conserving biodiversity habitat [Ecology]

Degradation and loss of natural habitat is the major driver of the current global biodiversity crisis. Most habitat conservation efforts to date have targeted small areas of highly threatened habitat, but emerging debate suggests that retaining large intact natural systems may be just as important. We reconcile these perspectives by...




diversity

Spectral and photochemical diversity of tandem cysteine cyanobacterial phytochromes [Plant Biology]

The atypical trichromatic cyanobacterial phytochrome NpTP1 from Nostoc punctiforme ATCC 29133 is a linear tetrapyrrole (bilin)-binding photoreceptor protein that possesses tandem-cysteine residues responsible for shifting its light-sensing maximum to the violet spectral region. Using bioinformatics and phylogenetic analyses, here we established that tandem-cysteine cyanobacterial phytochromes (TCCPs) compose a well-supported monophyletic phytochrome lineage distinct from prototypical red/far-red cyanobacterial phytochromes. To investigate the light-sensing diversity of this family, we compared the spectroscopic properties of NpTP1 (here renamed NpTCCP) with those of three phylogenetically diverged TCCPs identified in the draft genomes of Tolypothrix sp. PCC7910, Scytonema sp. PCC10023, and Gloeocapsa sp. PCC7513. Recombinant photosensory core modules of ToTCCP, ScTCCP, and GlTCCP exhibited violet-blue–absorbing dark-states consistent with dual thioether-linked phycocyanobilin (PCB) chromophores. Photoexcitation generated singly-linked photoproduct mixtures with variable ratios of yellow-orange and red-absorbing species. The photoproduct ratio was strongly influenced by pH and by mutagenesis of TCCP- and phytochrome-specific signature residues. Our experiments support the conclusion that both photoproduct species possess protonated 15E bilin chromophores, but differ in the ionization state of the noncanonical “second” cysteine sulfhydryl group. We found that the ionization state of this and other residues influences subsequent conformational change and downstream signal transmission. We also show that tandem-cysteine phytochromes present in eukaryotes possess similar amino acid substitutions within their chromophore-binding pocket, which tune their spectral properties in an analogous fashion. Taken together, our findings provide a roadmap for tailoring the wavelength specificity of plant phytochromes to optimize plant performance in diverse natural and artificial light environments.




diversity

Diversity and Genetic Basis for Carbapenem Resistance in a Coastal Marine Environment [Public and Environmental Health Microbiology]

Resistance to the "last-resort" antibiotics, such as carbapenems, has led to very few antibiotics being left to treat infections by multidrug-resistant bacteria. Spread of carbapenem resistance (CR) has been well characterized for the clinical environment. However, there is a lack of information about its environmental distribution. Our study reveals that CR is present in a wide range of Gram-negative bacteria in the coastal seawater environment, including four phyla, eight classes, and 30 genera. These bacteria were likely introduced into seawater via stormwater flows. Some CR isolates found here, such as Acinetobacter junii, Acinetobacter johnsonii, Brevundimonas vesicularis, Enterococcus durans, Pseudomonas monteilii, Pseudomonas fulva, and Stenotrophomonas maltophilia, are further relevant to human health. We also describe a novel metallo-β-lactamase (MBL) for marine Rheinheimera isolates with CR, which has likely been horizontally transferred to Citrobacter freundii or Enterobacter cloacae. In contrast, another MBL of the New Delhi type was likely acquired by environmental Variovorax isolates from Escherichia coli, Klebsiella pneumoniae, or Acinetobacter baumannii utilizing a plasmid. Our findings add to the growing body of evidence that the aquatic environment is both a reservoir and a vector for novel CR genes.

IMPORTANCE Resistance against the "last-resort" antibiotics of the carbapenem family is often based on the production of carbapenemases, and this has been frequently observed in clinical samples. However, the dissemination of carbapenem resistance (CR) in the environment has been less well explored. Our study shows that CR is commonly found in a range of bacterial taxa in the coastal aquatic environment and can involve the exchange of novel metallo-β-lactamases from typical environmental bacteria to potential human pathogens or vice versa. The outcomes of this study contribute to a better understanding of how aquatic and marine bacteria can act as reservoirs and vectors for CR outside the clinical setting.




diversity

Comparative Whole-Genome Phylogeny of Animal, Environmental, and Human Strains Confirms the Genogroup Organization and Diversity of the Stenotrophomonas maltophilia Complex [Public and Environmental Health Microbiology]

The Stenotrophomonas maltophilia complex (Smc) comprises opportunistic environmental Gram-negative bacilli responsible for a variety of infections in both humans and animals. Beyond its large genetic diversity, its genetic organization in genogroups was recently confirmed through the whole-genome sequencing of human and environmental strains. As they are poorly represented in these analyses, we sequenced the whole genomes of 93 animal strains to determine their genetic background and characteristics. Combining these data with 81 newly sequenced human strains and the genomes available from RefSeq, we performed a genomic analysis that included 375 nonduplicated genomes with various origins (animal, 104; human, 226; environment, 30; unknown, 15). Phylogenetic analysis and clustering based on genome-wide average nucleotide identity confirmed and specified the genetic organization of Smc in at least 20 genogroups. Two new genogroups were identified, and two previously described groups were further divided into two subgroups each. Comparing the strains isolated from different host types and their genogroup affiliation, we observed a clear disequilibrium in certain groups. Surprisingly, some antimicrobial resistance genes, integrons, and/or clusters of attC sites lacking integron-integrase (CALIN) sequences targeting antimicrobial compounds extensively used in animals were mainly identified in animal strains. We also identified genes commonly found in animal strains coding for efflux systems. The result of a large whole-genome analysis performed by us supports the hypothesis of the putative contribution of animals as a reservoir of Stenotrophomonas maltophilia complex strains and/or resistance genes for strains in humans.

IMPORTANCE Given its naturally large antimicrobial resistance profile, the Stenotrophomonas maltophilia complex (Smc) is a set of emerging pathogens of immunosuppressed and cystic fibrosis patients. As it is group of environmental microorganisms, this adaptation to humans is an opportunity to understand the genetic and metabolic selective mechanisms involved in this process. The previously reported genomic organization was incomplete, as data from animal strains were underrepresented. We added the missing piece of the puzzle with whole-genome sequencing of 93 strains of animal origin. Beyond describing the phylogenetic organization, we confirmed the genetic diversity of the Smc, which could not be estimated through routine phenotype- or matrix-assisted laser desorption ionization–time of flight mass spectrometry (MALDI-TOF)-based laboratory tests. Animals strains seem to play a key role in the diversity of Smc and could act as a reservoir for mobile resistance genes. Some genogroups seem to be associated with particular hosts; the genetic support of this association and the role of the determinants/corresponding genes need to be explored.




diversity

Microbial Diversity in Deep-Subsurface Hot Brines of Northwest Poland: from Community Structure to Isolate Characteristics [Geomicrobiology]

Deep-subsurface hot brines in northwest Poland, extracted through boreholes reaching 1.6 and 2.6 km below the ground surface, were microbiologically investigated using culture-independent and culture-dependent methods. The high-throughput sequencing of 16S rRNA gene amplicons showed a very low diversity of bacterial communities, which were dominated by phyla Proteobacteria and Firmicutes. Bacterial genera potentially involved in sulfur oxidation and nitrate reduction (Halothiobacillus and Methylobacterium) prevailed in both waters over the sulfate reducers ("Candidatus Desulforudis" and Desulfotomaculum). Only one archaeal taxon, affiliated with the order Thermoplasmatales, was detected in analyzed samples. Bacterial isolates obtained from these deep hot brines were closely related to Bacillus paralicheniformis based on the 16S rRNA sequence similarity. However, genomic and physiological analyses made for one of the isolates, Bacillus paralicheniformis strain TS6, revealed the existence of more diverse metabolic pathways than those of its moderate-temperature counterpart. These specific traits may be associated with the ecological adaptations to the extreme habitat, which suggest that some lineages of B. paralicheniformis are halothermophilic.

IMPORTANCE Deep-subsurface aquifers, buried thousands of meters down the Earth’s crust, belong to the most underexplored microbial habitats. Although a few studies revealed the existence of microbial life at the depths, the knowledge about the microbial life in the deep hydrosphere is still scarce due to the limited access to such environments. Studying the subsurface microbiome provides unique information on microbial diversity, community structure, and geomicrobiological processes occurring under extreme conditions of the deep subsurface. Our study shows that low-diversity microbial assemblages in subsurface hot brines were dominated by the bacteria involved in biogeochemical cycles of sulfur and nitrogen. Based on genomic and physiological analyses, we found that the Bacillus paralicheniformis isolate obtained from the brine under study differed from the mesophilic species in the presence of specific adaptations to harsh environmental conditions. We indicate that some lineages of B. paralicheniformis are halothermophilic, which was not previously reported.




diversity

Unexpected Abundance and Diversity of Phototrophs in Mats from Morphologically Variable Microbialites in Great Salt Lake, Utah [Microbial Ecology]

Microbial mat communities are associated with extensive (~700 km2) and morphologically variable carbonate structures, termed microbialites, in the hypersaline Great Salt Lake (GSL), Utah. However, whether the composition of GSL mat communities covaries with microbialite morphology and lake environment is unknown. Moreover, the potential adaptations that allow the establishment of these extensive mat communities at high salinity (14% to 17% total salts) are poorly understood. To address these questions, microbial mats were sampled from seven locations in the south arm of GSL representing different lake environments and microbialite morphologies. Despite the morphological differences, microbialite-associated mats were taxonomically similar and were dominated by the cyanobacterium Euhalothece and several heterotrophic bacteria. Metagenomic sequencing of a representative mat revealed Euhalothece and subdominant Thiohalocapsa populations that harbor the Calvin cycle and nitrogenase, suggesting they supply fixed carbon and nitrogen to heterotrophic bacteria. Fifteen of the next sixteen most abundant taxa are inferred to be aerobic heterotrophs and, surprisingly, harbor reaction center, rhodopsin, and/or bacteriochlorophyll biosynthesis proteins, suggesting aerobic photoheterotrophic (APH) capabilities. Importantly, proteins involved in APH are enriched in the GSL community relative to that in microbialite mat communities from lower salinity environments. These findings indicate that the ability to integrate light into energy metabolism is a key adaptation allowing for robust mat development in the hypersaline GSL.

IMPORTANCE The earliest evidence of life on Earth is from organosedimentary structures, termed microbialites, preserved in 3.481-billion-year-old (Ga) rocks. Phototrophic microbial mats form in association with an ~700-km2 expanse of morphologically diverse microbialites in the hypersaline Great Salt Lake (GSL), Utah. Here, we show taxonomically similar microbial mat communities are associated with morphologically diverse microbialites across the lake. Metagenomic sequencing reveals an abundance and diversity of autotrophic and heterotrophic taxa capable of harvesting light energy to drive metabolism. The unexpected abundance of and diversity in the mechanisms of harvesting light energy observed in GSL mat populations likely function to minimize niche overlap among coinhabiting taxa, provide a mechanism(s) to increase energy yield and osmotic balance during salt stress, and enhance fitness. Together, these physiological benefits promote the formation of robust mats that, in turn, influence the formation of morphologically diverse microbialite structures that can be imprinted in the rock record.




diversity

Predominance of Central Memory T Cells with High T-Cell Receptor Repertoire Diversity is Associated with Response to PD-1/PD-L1 Inhibition in Merkel Cell Carcinoma

Purpose:

Merkel cell carcinoma (MCC) is an aggressive neuroendocrine skin cancer, which can be effectively controlled by immunotherapy with PD-1/PD-L1 checkpoint inhibitors. However, a significant proportion of patients are characterized by primary therapy resistance. Predictive biomarkers for response to immunotherapy are lacking.

Experimental Design:

We applied Bayesian inference analyses on 41 patients with MCC testing various clinical and biomolecular characteristics to predict treatment response. Further, we performed a comprehensive analysis of tumor tissue–based immunologic parameters including multiplexed immunofluorescence for T-cell activation and differentiation markers, expression of immune-related genes and T-cell receptor (TCR) repertoire analyses in 18 patients, seven objective responders, and 11 nonresponders.

Results:

Bayesian inference analyses demonstrated that among currently discussed biomarkers only unimpaired overall performance status and absence of immunosuppression were associated with response to therapy. However, in responders, a predominance of central memory T cells and expression of genes associated with lymphocyte attraction and activation was evident. In addition, TCR repertoire usage of tumor-infiltrating lymphocytes (TILs) demonstrated low T-cell clonality, but high TCR diversity in responding patients. In nonresponders, terminally differentiated effector T cells with a constrained TCR repertoire prevailed. Sequential analyses of tumor tissue obtained during immunotherapy revealed a more pronounced and diverse clonal expansion of TILs in responders indicating an impaired proliferative capacity among TILs of nonresponders upon checkpoint blockade.

Conclusions:

Our explorative study identified new tumor tissue–based molecular characteristics associated with response to anti–PD-1/PD-L1 therapy in MCC. These observations warrant further investigations in larger patient cohorts to confirm their potential value as predictive markers.




diversity

Comparison of Commensal and Clinical Isolates for Diversity of Plasmids in Escherichia coli and Klebsiella pneumoniae [Epidemiology and Surveillance]

In this study, the plasmid content of clinical and commensal strains was analyzed and compared. The replicon profile was similar in both populations, except for L, M, A/C, and N (detected only in clinical strains) and HI1 (only in commensal strains). Although I1 and F were the most frequent replicons, only IncI1, sequence type 12 (ST12) was associated with blaCMY-2 in both populations. In contrast, the widespread resistant IncF plasmids were not linked to a single epidemic plasmid.




diversity

Businesses must promote diversity – not just because it's good for the bottom line | Tim Ryan

Too many of America’s workplaces are not representative of our communities. In a divided country, we have a duty to advance diversity and inclusion

We’re living in a country of growing division and tension, and it’s having an impact at work. But it’s often the case that when we walk into the office – where we spend the majority of our time – we don’t address these issues.

And yet there’s so much to talk about – from growing societal inequality and America’s racial divide to single-digit minority representation in corporate America. (Just 1% of the nation’s Fortune 500 CEOs are black, only 4% are women, and even fewer are openly gay).

Continue reading...




diversity

Seahorse and pipefish study opens window to marine genetic diversity

The direction of ocean currents can determine the direction of gene flow in rafting species, but this depends on species traits that allow for rafting propensity. This is according to a study focusing on seahorse and pipefish species. And it could explain how high genetic diversity can contribute to extinction in small populations.




diversity

You Clap For Me Now: Poem celebrating diversity of coronavirus frontline workers prompts outpouring of support

Coronavirus: the symptoms Read our LIVE updates on the coronavirus here




diversity

Prince Charles says humans are 'rapidly destroying' biodiversity as he urges care on Earth Day

Prince Charles has warned we are "rapidly destroying" biodiversity across the planet.




diversity

Microplastic pollution crisis threatens biodiversity 'more than is currently recognised', research shows

Microplastics pollution is causing disruption and behavioural changes among hermit crab populations, researchers have claimed.




diversity

Seahorse and pipefish study by CCNY opens window to marine genetic diversity May 08, 2020

The direction of ocean currents can determine the direction of gene flow in rafting species, but this depends on species traits that allow for rafting propensity. This is according to a City College of New York study focusing on seahorse and pipefish species. And it could explain how high genetic diversity can contribute to extinction in small populations.




diversity

New Guidance Supports Voluntary Efforts to Promote Diversity and Reduce Racial Isolation in Education

Today, the Departments of Justice and Education released two new guidance documents ¨C one for school districts and one for colleges and universities ¨C detailing the flexibility that the Supreme Court has provided to educational institutions to promote diversity and, in the case of elementary and secondary schools, reduce racial isolation among students within the confines of the law.



  • OPA Press Releases

diversity

Assistant Attorney General Thomas E. Perez Speaks at the UT Diversity and Civility Conference

"Too many of our neighbors are still victims of discrimination, bigotry, and violence. Too many are denied opportunities to participate fully in their communities and build valued lives for their families. But at the Division, we are in the opportunity business. And we are committed to working together with all of you to expand access to the promise of American life and the fundamental civil rights protected by our federal laws," said Assistant Attorney General Perez.




diversity

New Guidance Supports Voluntary Use of Race to Achieve Diversity in Higher Education

Today, the U.S. Departments of Justice and Education released new guidance that provides colleges and universities with information about the ruling in Fisher v. University of Texas-Austin, and reiterates the Departments’ position on the voluntary use of race to achieve diversity in higher education.



  • OPA Press Releases

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Associate Attorney General Tony West at the at the Department of Justice Diversity and Inclusion Speaker Series

And then there came this moment during the ceremony, after everyone had taken the citizenship oath in unison, when everyone proudly pulled out miniature American flags and started waving them furiously. All of a sudden this auditorium of people distinguished by their differences became awash in red, white and blue -- everyone bound together by a shared identity; bound together by an idea, this bold experiment in self-government we call the United States of America.




diversity

Biodiversity Essential to APEC Economies

2020 APEC Science Prize Open for Nominations




diversity

Climate or biodiversity?




diversity

Climate or biodiversity?




diversity

Determination of RNA structural diversity and its role in HIV-1 RNA splicing




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Monkeypox virus emergence in wild chimpanzees reveals distinct clinical outcomes and viral diversity




diversity

Diversity, ecology and evolution of Archaea




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Mapping spatial diversity




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Author Correction: Proteomic and interactomic insights into the molecular basis of cell functional diversity




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<i>Xanthomonas</i> diversity, virulence and plant–pathogen interactions




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The Impact of Density and Diversity on Reapportionment and Redistricting in the Mountain West


Executive Summary

During the first decade of the 21st century the six states of the Mountain West — Arizona, Colorado, Idaho, Nevada, New Mexico, and Utah — experienced unprecedented political and demographic changes. Population growth in all six states exceeded the national average and the region is home to the four states that underwent the largest population gains between 2000 and 2010. As a consequence, the region is now home to some of the most demographically diverse and geographically concentrated states in the country— factors that helped to transform the Mountain West from a Republican stronghold into America’s new swing region. This paper examines the impact that increased diversity and density are exerting on reapportionment and redistricting in each Mountain West state and assesses the implications that redistricting outcomes will exert both nationally and within each state in the coming decade.  Nationally, the region’s clout will increase due to the addition of three seats in the House of Representatives (one each in Arizona, Nevada, and Utah) and electoral contexts in Arizona, Colorado, Nevada, and New Mexico that will result in competitive presidential and senate elections throughout the decade. At the state level, the combination of term limits, demographic change, and the reapportionment of state legislative seats from rural to urban areas will alter the composition of these states’ legislatures and should facilitate the realignment of policy outcomes that traditionally benefitted rural interests at the expense of urban needs.

Introduction

As reapportionment and redistricting plans across the 50 states are finalized and candidate recruitment begins in earnest, the contours of the 2012 election are coming into focus. One region of the country where reapportionment (redistributing seats to account for population shifts) and redistricting (drawing boundaries for state legislative and congressional districts) are likely to have significant consequences in 2012 and beyond is in the six states of the Mountain West: Arizona, Colorado, Idaho, Nevada, New Mexico, and Utah. Driven by explosive growth during the past decade, the Mountain West is now home to some of the most demographically diverse and geographically concentrated states in the country. As a consequence, the region has increasingly become more hospitable to Democrats, particularly Colorado, Nevada, and New Mexico and to a lesser extent Arizona. In this paper, I examine how these changes are affecting reapportionment and redistricting across the region. Specifically, after summarizing some of the key regional demographic and political changes, I offer a brief overview of the institutional contexts in which the maps are being drawn. This is followed by an assessment of outcomes in each state. I conclude with a discussion of the national and state level implications that reapportionment and redistricting are likely to engender across the Mountain West.

A Region in Transition

Between 2000 and 2010 population growth in all six Mountain West states outpaced the national average of 9.7 percent and the region contains the four states that experienced the largest percent population increase in the country (Nevada = 35.1 percent; Arizona = 24.6 percent; Utah = 23.8 percent, and Idaho = 21.1 percent).[i] As a consequence, Nevada and Utah each gained their fourth seats in the House of Representative and Arizona was awarded its ninth. Beginning with the 2012 election, the Mountain West will have 29 U.S. House seats (Idaho has two House seats, New Mexico has three, and Colorado has seven) and 41 Electoral College votes.

Across the Mountain West, population growth was concentrated in the region’s largest metropolitan statistical area (MSA).[ii] Most notably, the Las Vegas metro area is now home to nearly three out of four Nevadans — the mostly highly concentrated space in the region. In Arizona, roughly two-thirds of the population now resides in the Phoenix MSA, which grew by nearly 30 percent. The Albuquerque MSA experienced the largest overall increase as a share of total population (nearly 25 percent) and now contains 44 percent of New Mexico’s population. And while Idaho remains the state in the region with the least dense population, growth in the Boise MSA significantly outpaced that state’s overall population gain and nearly 40 percent of all Idahoans reside in and around Boise. On the other end of the spectrum are the Salt Lake City and Denver MSAs, which as shares of the Colorado and Utah populations decreased slightly from 2000. Still, better than half (50.57 percent) of all Coloradoans live in Denver and its suburbs and around 41 percent of Utah’s population is concentrated in the Salt Lake City MSA.

In addition to further urbanizing the region, the prior decade’s growth continued to transform the region’s demographics as all six Mountain West states are now more ethnically diverse as compared to a decade ago.[iii] The largest changes occurred in Nevada where the minority population increased by over 11 percent and now better than 45 percent of Nevadans are classified as non-white. While the bulk of this growth was among Hispanics, whose share of the population increased by 7 percent and are now 26.5 percent of all Nevadans, the Silver State also recorded large increases among Asian and Pacific Islanders. Arizona experienced similar increases as that state’s minority population mushroomed from 36.2 percent to 42.2 percent with Hispanics now constituting 30 percent of the population. In Colorado, the minority population increased by 3.5 percent to 30 percent. Nearly all of this change was caused by an increase in Hispanics, who now constitute 20.7 percent of the state’s population. New Mexico continues to be the Mountain West’s most diverse state as nearly three out of five New Mexicans are minorities and the state contains the region’s largest Hispanic population (46 percent). And while Idaho and Utah remain overwhelmingly white, both states’ non-white populations grew at levels similar to Colorado. Idaho is now 16 percent non-white (including a Hispanic population of 11.2 percent) and nearly one in five Utahans is a minority. Between 2000 and 2010, Hispanics increased by 4 percent to constitute 13 percent of Utah’s population.

Politically, these changes helped to create competitive electoral contexts across the region. Indeed, with the obvious exceptions of Idaho and Utah, the Mountain West is now more hospitable to the Democratic Party than it was in 2000. In particular, Democrats were able to make significant gains in Colorado, Nevada, and New Mexico and effectively flipped those states from Republican leaning in 2000 to Democratic leaning in 2010. In Arizona, the Democratic performance was highly variable and moved in near perfect tandem with the broader national political environment. At the same time, the downturn in Democratic support in 2010 indicates that the party has not yet consolidated its gains. Riding a favorable 2010 macro-environment, Mountain West Republicans gained one governorship (New Mexico), seats in ten of the region’s 12 state legislative chambers, and seven House seats (out of a total of 26 in the region).[iv] Thus, heading into the 2011 redistricting cycle, Republicans control the executive and legislative branches in Arizona, Idaho, and Utah and there are no Mpuntain West states where the Democrats have unified control as the partisan composition of the Colorado legislature is divided and Nevada and New Mexico have Republican governors and Democratic legislatures.

The Institutional Context

Because of variation in the institutional arrangements governing how each state approaches reapportionment and redistricting, the impact that the demographic and political changes outlined above are exerting on map drawing differs across the region. To be sure, there are a number of commonalities across the states such as requirements of equally populated U.S. House districts, minimum population variation for state legislative districts, and boundary lines that are compact, contiguous, and maintain communities of interests. 

Beyond these constraints, mapmakers across the region are afforded different degrees of latitude in how they go about doing their work. For instance, in Nevada and New Mexico, the residency of incumbents can be considered, while Idaho forbids it. Idaho allows for twice as much inter-district population variation for state legislative districts as Colorado and New Mexico, and Idaho only allows state legislative districts to cross county lines if the counties are linked by a highway. Arizona and Idaho mandate that two lower chamber districts be nested within the boundaries of a state senate seat, while Colorado, Nevada, New Mexico, and Utah do not. Nevada also allows for multi-member member state legislative districts. Lastly, Arizona’s redistricting plans must be pre-cleared by the U.S. Department of Justice. While Arizona is the only state in the region subject to preclearance, protection of minority voting rights also has been a point of contention in prior redistricting cycles in New Mexico.

The Mountain West states also vary in terms of who oversees the redistricting process. State legislators control the process in Nevada, New Mexico, and Utah, while Arizona and Idaho use commissions. In Colorado, the General Assembly draws the map for the state’s seven U.S. House seats, while a commission oversees the drawing of state legislative maps. For the three states that use commissions for either all or part of their processes, commission size and composition differs significantly and only the Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission (AIRC) is charged with drawing maps that are competitive.[v] 

However, the most significant constraint on reapportionment and redistricting in the Mountain West is the small size of the region’s state legislatures.[vi] The mix of small chambers, increased urbanization, and large geographic spaces means very large and increasingly, fewer and fewer stand- alone rural districts. This dynamic also helps to explain the region’s history of malapportionment that often allocated seats by county regardless of population.[vii] 

State Summaries

Based upon the overview presented above, expectations about the general contours of reapportionment and redistricting in the Mountain West are fairly straightforward: the clout of urban and minority interests will increase and to the degree that those factors benefit the Democrats, the Democrats should gain some partisan advantage. Realizing these outcomes, however, has proven to be less than amicable. With the exception of Utah, all other states in the region have had various aspects of their processes litigated, and map drawing for Colorado’s U.S. House seats and all of Nevada and New Mexico’s redistricting is being completed in state courts. Below, I summarize the status of reapportionment and redistricting in each state.

Arizona

Beginning its work amid criticism of its composition, calls for its abolishment, and an investigation by the Arizona attorney general, the voter-initiated Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission (AIRC) has struggled to balance the conflicting demands of drawing competitive districts with the protection of minority voting rights. The commission’s work has been further hindered by Republican Governor Jan Brewer’s unsuccessful attempt to impeach the commission’s nonpartisan chair. In addition, Arizona has filed a lawsuit in federal court challenging the state’s preclearance requirement.

Republican attempts to undermine the AIRC stem from the fact that given unified Republican control of the Arizona governorship and legislature, Republicans would otherwise be in a position to implement a partisan gerrymander. At the same time, the GOP’s present dominance is partially an artifact of the 2001 redistricting. To gain preclearance in 2001, the AIRC’s maps created a large number of majority-minority state legislative districts and minority-friendly U.S House seats by packing Democratic voters into these districts. In so doing, Democratic support in the surrounding districts was weakened; allowing Republicans to more efficiently translate their votes into seats.[viii] Thus, despite a slight partisan voter registration advantage (4.35 percent as of July 2011), Republicans presently hold more than two-thirds of the state legislative seats and five of eight U.S. House seats.

Given Arizona’s growth patterns between 2000 and 2010 coupled with the AIRC’s charge of creating competitive district, drawing a map as favorable to the GOP in 2011 is virtually impossible unless the size of the Arizona legislature is increased. Still, in order to protect minority voting rights, Arizona’s final maps are likely to tilt in favor of the GOP — just not to the degree that they have in the past. In particular, the elimination and consolidation of rural state legislative districts and a more urban orientation for Arizona’s nine U.S. House districts should provide the Democrats with electoral opportunities that will only increase as Arizona’s population continues to diversity and urbanize.

Colorado

As noted above, Colorado uses a commission (the Colorado Redistricting Commission) for redistricting state legislative seats and the Colorado General Assembly draws the maps for the state’s seven U.S. House seats. Neither process has gone smoothly. For the state’s seven U.S. House seats, the Democratic-dominated state senate and the Republican-controlled lower chamber failed to find common ground after exchanging two rounds of maps. Because Democratic governor John Hickenlooper refused to call a special session, redistricting of Colorado U.S. House seats was completed in state court. After a good deal of legal wrangling, the Colorado Supreme Court upheld a map favored by Colorado Democrats that creates two safe Republican districts, one safe Democratic district, and four districts where neither party’s registration advantage exceeds 4 percent. As a consequence, Colorado will feature a number of competitive U.S. House elections throughout the coming decade.

Map drawing for state legislative seats by the CRC has also been hindered by partisanship. Hoping to break a partisan stalemate, in late summer the nonpartisan chair of the CRC offered maps that combined parts of prior Democratic and Republican proposals to create thirty-three competitive seats (out of a total of 100) and twenty-four seats with Hispanic populations of 30 percent or more. After being approved by the CRC with some Republican dissents, the plan was rejected by the Colorado Supreme Court, which must sign-off on the CRC’s plans before they can be implemented. By attempting to draw more competitive maps — a criterion that the CRC is not obligated to consider – the CRC’s maps undermined its charge of producing districts that keep communities of interest intact. The CRC’s second set maps, which were widely viewed as favoring the Democrats, were upheld by the Colorado Supreme Court.

Idaho

While partisan considerations have loomed large in the reapportionment and redistricting processes in Arizona and Colorado, in Republican-dominated Idaho the main points of contention have been spatial. Indeed, because of the difficulty of satisfying a constitutional requirement limiting county splits and a state law constraining how geographic areas can be combined, the Idaho’s Citizen Commission for Reapportionment (ICCR) failed to reach an agreement before its constitutionally imposed deadline. After sorting through a number of legal and constitutional questions, a second set of commissioners were impaneled and completed their work in less than three weeks. Given Idaho’s partisan composition, the final maps are a regional anomaly as they benefit the GOP while being somewhat more urban oriented. This was accomplished by moving rural Republican voters into urban Democratic state legislative districts and adjusting the lines of Idaho’s 1st House district to shed roughly 50,000 citizens. At the same time, because of Idaho’s strict constraints on how cities and counties can be divided, the map for the state legislature paired a number of incumbents in the same district and one district contains the residences of five incumbents, setting up a number of competitive primary elections.

While growth patterns and demographic and partisan change in Nevada between 2000 and 2010 insured a redistricting process that would favor Democrats, Nevada Republicans sought to delay this inevitability as long as possible. The state’s Republican governor, Brian Sandoval, vetoed two sets of maps passed by the Democratic controlled legislature and Sandoval refused to call a special session to complete redistricting. Instead, he and his party hoped for a better outcome in state court. Despite drawing a supervising judge who was the son of a former Republican Governor, Nevada Republicans fared no better in state court. Ultimately, the process was turned over to three special masters who rejected Nevada Republicans’ claim that section 2 of the Voting Rights Act required a majority Hispanic U.S. House district.[ix] As a consequence, two of Nevada’s U.S. House seats favor Democrats, one is safely Republican, and the fourth is a swing district. In the Nevada legislature the representation of urban interests will increase as parts of or all of forty-seven of the sixty-three seats in the Nevada legislature are now located in the Democratic stronghold of Clark County. 

New Mexico

The 2011 process in New Mexico has essentially been a rerun of the gridlock that engulfed the state’s 2001 redistricting debate. Once again, the Democrats sought to use their control over both chambers of the New Mexico legislature to preserve their majorities and draw the boundaries for the state’s three U.S. House seats in manner favorable to the party. However, because of bickering among Democrats the legislature failed to approve its map for the state’s three U.S. House seats prior to the end of the special session and the plans for the state legislature that were passed on party line votes were vetoed by Republican governor Susana Martinez. Thus, once again, New Mexico’s divided state government coupled with the state’s history of litigating redistricting plans (in 2001 map drawing and court battles cost the state roughly $3.5 million) means that redistricting will be completed in state court. While the Republicans may be able to gain some concessions through the courts, New Mexico is the most Democratic state in the Mountain West and, as noted above, the state’s growth during the prior decade was concentrated in heavily Democratic Albuquerque and its suburbs. Thus, as in 2001, the likely outcome in New Mexico is a redistricting plan that will be favorable to the Democrats and weaken the influence of rural interests.

Utah

Utah is the only state in the region where conditions exist (e.g., unified partisan control in a non-commission state) for the implementation of a partisan gerrymander. However, to accomplish this end required the slicing and dicing of communities and municipalities particularly those in and around the state’s urban center. Most notably, in drawing the state’s four U.S. House seats, Republicans divided the Utah’s population center (Salt Lake City County) into four districts by combining parts of the urban core with rural counties - a plan that, not coincidentally, cracks the only part of the state where Democrats are able to compete. Similarly, maps for state legislative districts increase the number of seats that favor the GOP and, in many instances, protect incumbents from potential primary challengers by dividing communities into multiple districts. Democrats in Utah are so depleted that they were unable to get the Republicans to even agree to include recognition and protection of minority communities of interest to in Utah’s redistricting guidelines. Thus, despite constituting nearly 20 percent of the state’s population, minorities received no consideration in Utah’s 2011 redistricting.

Implications and Conclusions

Reapportionment and redistricting are often regarded as the most political activities in the United States; an expectation that is certainly being realized across the Mountain West. In the swing states where legislators draw the maps (for example, Colorado, Nevada, and New Mexico) but where state government is divided, partisan considerations loomed large, causing all of these states to conclude all or parts of their redistricting processes in the courts. The conflicts between Arizona’s preclearance requirement and the AIRC’s commitment to drawing competitive districts have partisan consequences as well. In one-party Idaho and Utah, the politics of space were at issue.  Geographic constraints on district boundaries imposed through statute and the Idaho constitution ensured that more rural seats were preserved and that the growing influence of urban interests will be checked. In Utah, Republicans moved in the opposite direction by carving up the very communities from which they are elected in order to implement a partisan gerrymander. 

Another school of thought, however, argues that the most typical redistricting outcome is not partisan gain or loss, but an uncertainty that shakes up the state political environment and facilitates political renewal. In the case of the Mountain West, there is evidence to support that claim as well. The biggest source of uncertainty will continue to be growth. While the economic downturn has slowed migration to the region, the Mountain West states remain poised to keep expanding in a manner that will further concentrate and diversify their populations. A second source of uncertainty is the region’s large number of nonpartisans. While redistricting is often framed as a zero-sum game played between Democrats and Republicans, the electoral hopes for either party hinges on its ability to attract the support of the region’s expanding nonpartisan demographic.[x] 

At the state level, with the exception of Idaho, the most significant consequence will be a reduction in rural influence. The combination of term limits in Arizona, Nevada, and Colorado, small legislative chambers, and fast growing urban populations will continue to decrease the number of entrenched rural legislators and the number of stand-alone rural districts. Consequently, urban interests should be positioned to align state policy with demographic reality. The void created by the demise of rural legislators will be filled by minorities, particularly Hispanics. To date, the increased political activism of Hispanic communities across the region has primarily benefited Democrats; helped in no small part by the hard-line rhetoric and policies championed by some Mountain West Republicans.[xi] More generally, depending on growth patterns, by 2020 Nevada and perhaps Arizona may join New Mexico as states with majority-minority populations. Thus, with or without Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, minority legislators, primarily Hispanics, will increase their ranks significantly. The only question is whether all of these politicians will be taking office with a “D” next to their names or whether some will be elected as Republicans.  

Nationally, the impact of reapportionment and redistricting is mixed. Certainly, the addition of three U.S. House seats after the 2010 census will give more voice to regional issues in Washington D.C. At the same time, because the Mountain West’s House delegation will continue to be split along partisan lines and many of the region’s competitive House seats will rotate between the parties throughout the decade, it may be difficult for any but the safest Mountain West representatives to accrue the requisite seniority to become players in the House. Also, because of pending retirements in Arizona and New Mexico, a successful 2010 primary challenge in Utah, and a resignation in Nevada, the region’s influence in the U.S. Senate is likely to decline in the near term. Indeed, after the 2012 election the only senators from the region who will have served more than one term will be Nevada’s Harry Reid, Arizona’s John McCain, Idaho’s Mike Crapo, and Utah’s Orrin Hatch (presuming a successful 2012 reelection).

Thus, the arena where the region is likely to garner the most attention is in the coming decade’s three presidential elections. Colorado, Nevada, and New Mexico were all battleground states in 2004 and 2008, with Republican George W. Bush narrowly winning all three in 2004 and Democrat Barack Obama flipping them blue in 2008 by wider margins. Obviously, Idaho and Utah will remain out of reach for the Democrats in statewide contests for some time.  However, Arizona is likely to become the region’s fourth swing state in the near future. Thus, continued investment in Arizona and throughout the region will allow the Democrats to further expand the number of Mountain West states in play while forcing the GOP to spend resources to defend turf that it once could safely call its own.

Endnotes
[i] U.S. Census Bureau, “State and County Quick Facts,” August 2011 (http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/index.html ).

[ii] U.S. Census, “American Fact Finder,” August 2011 (http://factfinder2.census.gov/faces/nav/jsf/pages/index.xhtml ).

[iii] U.S. Census Bureau, “State and County Quick Facts,” August 2011 (http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/index.html ).

[iv] Despite close elections in Colorado and Nevada, none of the region’s U.S. Senate seats changed parties in 2010.

[v] The Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission (AIRC) consists of five appointed members: four partisans chosen by the party leaders of each legislative chamber and a nonpartisan who is chosen by the other four members and serves as chair. The Colorado Redistricting Commission (CRC), which oversees redistricting for state legislative districts, consists of 11 members: four of whom are picked by the party leaders of the General Assembly; three who are selected by the governor; and four who are chosen by the Chief Justice of the Colorado Supreme Court. The Idaho Citizen Commission for Reapportionment (ICCR) consists of six members, four of whom are chosen by party leaders of the Idaho Legislature and one member chosen by each of the state chairs for the Democratic and Republican parties.  

[vi] Excluding Nebraska (because of its unicameral structure), the average size of the lower and upper houses of the other 49 state legislatures are 110 and 39.22 respectively. Only the 42-member New Mexico Senate exceeds the national average chamber size. The largest lower house in the region, Utah’s 75-seat House of Representatives, is 35 seats below the national average. 

[vii] Legislative size, however, is not immutable. To increase the size of the legislatures in Colorado, Idaho, and New Mexico would require amending those states’ constitutions. The lower chamber of the Utah legislature could be expanded as it is presently below its constitutional cap. Arizona and Nevada set the sizes of their legislatures by statute.

[viii] In this regard, redistricting outcomes in Arizona are similar to those in another Section 2 region, the South. In both instances, the provisions of the Voting Rights Act have the perverse effect of increasing symbolic representation for minority groups while decreasing the number of legislators who may be receptive to minority interests. See, Kevin A. Hill, “Congressional Redistricting: Does the Creation of Majority Black Districts Aid Republicans?” Journal of Politics (May 1995): 384–401, and David Lublin, The Paradox of Representation: Racial Gerrymandering and Minority Interests in Congress (Princeton University Press, 1999).

[ix] Governor Sandoval and Republicans in the legislature claimed that Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act requires the use of race as the basis for drawing a Hispanic U.S. House seat — a position clearly at odds with the holding in Shaw v. Reno (509 U.S. 630, 1993), which allows race to be taken into consideration but does not allow it to be the predominant factor. Democrats and many Hispanic activists countered that packing Hispanics into a single House district would marginalize their influence in Nevada’s other three U.S. House districts and because white voters in Nevada do not vote as a block as evidenced by the fact that Hispanic candidates won eight state legislative seats, the attorney generalship, and the governorship in 2010 without such accommodations, race-based redistricting in Nevada is unnecessary

[x] At the time of the 2010 election, nonpartisan registrants constituted over 30 percent of Arizona voters, 26 percent of the Colorado electorate, and around 15 percent of voters in Nevada and New Mexico (Idaho and Utah do not report partisan registration figures)

[xi] For example, Arizona’s 2010 Support Our Law Enforcement and Safe Neighborhoods Act (SB 1070) and Utah’s 2011 Utah Illegal Immigration Enforcement Act (HB497). 

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Image Source: © Adam Hunger / Reuters
      
 
 




diversity

Memo to the boss: Follow the BBC’s lead and measure class diversity, too


The BBC is doing something I think is awesome but many of my American friends think is awful: gathering information of the social class background of their recruits. The move is part of an aggressive strategy to promote more diversity both on the airwaves and behind the scenes at the public service broadcaster. The civil service has been moving in the same direction.

Some questions arise:

1. Can you measure social class?

Race and gender are relatively straightforward characteristics, notwithstanding the recent nonsense over restrooms for transgender people. Defining social class is a much more complex business. Many variables could be included, including occupational status, income or wealth, as well as education or cultural capital.

But the goal here is simply to find a measure that is good enough for the purposes at hand. The BBC asks whether either of your parents has a college degree. This is not a bad approach. Education is an important dimension of social class in itself, and strongly related to others. The BBC is also going to ask whether at any point in childhood the person in question was eligible for free school meals. (The questions are voluntary.)

Such proxy measures are narrow measures of class. But they are better than the current ones, since there are none.

2. Why does it matter?

Diversity can benefit organizations by widening the range of viewpoints and perspectives. A mixed team is a better team. Class background may be as important here as other factors.

Take two people of a different race or gender, each raised by wealthy East Coast parents, attending a top-drawer private high school, and graduating from an Ivy League college. They may not be as different from each other as they are from a white man raised by a poor single mother in a small Appalachian town.

The BBC is historically an upper middle class institution: “BBC English” meant a posh accent. The British professions in general have in fact tended to draw from a narrow talent pool. Around 7 percent of students attend private high schools (or “public schools”, in British). But they are strongly over-represented in the top professions, including journalism:

From a broader societal perspective, the persistence of class inequality is of course bad news for upward social mobility.

3. What can be done about class diversity by organizations anyway?

Simply raising awareness of a potential class bias in hiring and promotions could be valuable. Reforming institutional practices—for example the allocation of internship opportunities—may also help. Broadening the search for talent beyond the marquee brands of higher education is likely to diversify the class background of recruits; the BBC is also moving to both name-blind and institution-blind applications. At the same time, greater support for less traditional hires may help them to succeed.

Time to get class conscious

The U.S. sees itself as a classless society, one reason Americans recoil against monitoring social class. It is an understandable instinct. But the perpetuation of class status is now at least as big a problem in the U.S. as in the UK. Even as white privilege and male privilege have diminished, class privilege has survived. A little more class-consciousness might not hurt.

Image Source: © Peter Nicholls / Reuters
      
 
 




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Shimpi and his team acquired works of renowned artists in various languages. When asked why he chose to go with a multilingual play, he says, "Thanks to its cosmopolitan nature, Mumbai, over the years, has developed its own language. In fact, it has its own dialect, and there's also Hindi, which is spoken across the country. Using multiple languages was one way to reflect the true spirit of the city."


Shimpi and Dhanashree Khandkar who have written and performed the play

The cast will be performing songs by yesteryear folk artists such as Vasant Bapat, Anna Bhau Sathe, Patthe Bapu Rao to name a few. Their songs talk about various historical movements in the city such as the shutting down of mills, for instance. These verses have been woven into the script that touches upon the culinary and architectural heritage, festivals and even the city's underbelly.

Shimpi believes that Mumbai is so vast and varied, everyone has a different interpretation of what the city means to them. As for him, he says, "Whenever I'm asked to describe the city, I take reference from the folktale where seven blind men were asked to describe an elephant. For someone, it was a long tube (trunk) while for someone else it was a curtain like a flap (ear). For me, Mumbai is that elephant's stomach. It is so big that it can always accommodate everyone."

When: January 27, 7 pm
Where: Mumbai Marathi Sahitya Sangh, Charni Road, Kele Wadi, Girgaon
Entry: Rs 150
Call: 9619336336

Catch up on all the latest Mumbai news, current affairs from Mumbai, local news, crime news and breaking headlines here

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