translate Positive psychology course translates into support for students during pandemic By news.psu.edu Published On :: Mon, 20 Apr 2020 07:11 -0400 A Penn State Abington faculty member is teaching students enrolled to integrate the content into their daily lives to help them manage the impact of the coronavirus. Full Article
translate Reading to Babies Translates Into More Literate Preschoolers By www.medicinenet.com Published On :: Sat, 9 May 2020 00:00:00 PDT Title: Reading to Babies Translates Into More Literate PreschoolersCategory: Health NewsCreated: 5/4/2017 12:00:00 AMLast Editorial Review: 5/5/2017 12:00:00 AM Full Article
translate Heterogeneous Nuclear Ribonucleoprotein L Negatively Regulates Foot-and-Mouth Disease Virus Replication through Inhibition of Viral RNA Synthesis by Interacting with the Internal Ribosome Entry Site in the 5' Untranslated Region [Virus-Cell Interactio By jvi.asm.org Published On :: 2020-05-04T08:00:46-07:00 Upon infection, the highly structured 5' untranslated region (5' UTR) of picornavirus is involved in viral protein translation and RNA synthesis. As a critical element in the 5' UTR, the internal ribosome entry site (IRES) binds to various cellular proteins to function in the processes of picornavirus replication. Foot-and-mouth disease virus (FMDV) is an important member in the family Picornaviridae, and its 5' UTR contains a functional IRES element. In this study, the cellular heterogeneous nuclear ribonucleoprotein L (hnRNP L) was identified as an IRES-binding protein for FMDV by biotinylated RNA pulldown assays, mass spectrometry (MS) analysis, and determination of hnRNP L-IRES interaction regions. Further, we found that hnRNP L inhibited the growth of FMDV through binding to the viral IRES and that the inhibitory effect of hnRNP L on FMDV growth was not due to FMDV IRES-mediated translation, but to influence on viral RNA synthesis. Finally, hnRNP L was demonstrated to coimmunoprecipitate with RNA-dependent RNA polymerase (3Dpol) in an FMDV RNA-dependent manner in the infected cells. Thus, our results suggest that hnRNP L, as a critical IRES-binding protein, negatively regulates FMDV replication by inhibiting viral RNA synthesis, possibly by remaining in the replication complex. IMPORTANCE Picornaviruses, as a large family of human and animal pathogens, cause a bewildering array of disease syndromes. Many host factors are implicated in the pathogenesis of these viruses, and some proteins interact with the viral IRES elements to affect function. Here, we report for the first time that cellular hnRNP L specifically interacts with the IRES of the picornavirus FMDV and negatively regulates FMDV replication through inhibiting viral RNA synthesis. Further, our results showed that hnRNP L coimmunoprecipitates with FMDV 3Dpol in a viral RNA-dependent manner, suggesting that it may remain in the replication complex to function. The data presented here would facilitate further understanding of virus-host interactions and the pathogenesis of picornavirus infections. Full Article
translate Deepfake software translates videos from one language to another By www.newscientist.com Published On :: Fri, 24 Jan 2020 11:20:08 +0000 An AI based on deepfake technology can translate videos of a person speaking in one language into another. In future, it could help people who don’t speak the same language communicate Full Article
translate What can the U.S. Congress' interest in Prime Minister Modi's visit translate to? By webfeeds.brookings.edu Published On :: Tue, 07 Jun 2016 00:00:00 -0400 On his fourth trip to the U.S. as Indian Prime Minister, Narendra Modi will spend some quality time on Capitol Hill on Wednesday, where he'll address a joint meeting of the U.S. Congress. House Speaker Paul Ryan will also host the Indian premier for a lunch, which will be followed by a reception hosted jointly by the House and Senate Foreign Relations Committees and the India Caucus. What's the significance of this Congressional engagement and what might be Modi's message? Given that all the most-recent Indian leaders who've held five-year terms have addressed such joint meetings of Congress, some have asked whether Ryan's invitation to Modi is a big deal. The answer is, yes, it is an honour and not one extended all that often. Since 1934, there have been only 117 such speeches. Leaders from France, Israel and the United Kingdom have addressed joint meetings the most times (8 each), followed by Mexico (7), and Ireland, Italy and South Korea (6 each). With this speech, India will join Germany on the list with leaders having addressed 5 joint meetings of Congress: Rajiv Gandhi in 1985, P.V. Narashima Rao in 1994, Atal Bihari Vajpayee in 2000 and Manmohan Singh in 2005. India's first premier, Jawaharlal Nehru, spoke to the House and Senate in separate back-to-back sessions in 1949 as well. Congress is a key stakeholder in the U.S.-India relationship and can play a significant supportive or spoiler role. While American presidents have a lot more lee-way on foreign policy than domestic policy, Congress is not without influence on U.S. foreign relations, and shapes the context for American engagement abroad. Moreover, the breadth and depth of the U.S.-India relationship, as well as the blurring of the line between what constitutes domestic and foreign policy these days means that India's options can be affected by American legislative decisions or the political mood on a range of issues from trade to immigration, energy to defense. The Indian Foreign Secretary recently said that the U.S. legislature was at "very much at the heart" of the relationship today. He noted it has been "very supportive" and "even in some more difficult days where actually the Congress has been the part of the US polity which has been very sympathetic to India." But India's had rocky experiences on the Hill as well--which only heightens the need to engage members of Congress at the highest levels. The speech and the other interactions offer Modi an opportunity to acknowledge the role of Congress in building bilateral relations, highlight shared interests and values, outline his vision for India and the relationship, as well as tackle some Congressional concerns and note some of India's own. He'll be speaking to multiple audiences in Congress, with members there either because of the strategic imperative for the relationship, others because of the economic potential, yet others because of the values imperative--and then there are those who'll be there because it is important to their constituents, whether business or the Indian diaspora. There is also the audience outside Congress, including in India, where the speech will play in primetime. What will Modi's message be? A glimpse at previous speeches might offer some clues, though Modi is likely also to want to emphasize change. The speeches that came before The speeches of previous prime ministers have addressed some common themes. They've acknowledged shared democratic values. They've mentioned the two-way flow of inspiration and ideas with individuals like Henry David Thoreau, Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Luther King getting multiple mentions. They've noted the influence of American founding documents or fathers on the Indian constitution. They've highlighted India's achievements, while stressing that much remains to be done. They've noted their country's diversity, and the almost-unique task Indian leaders have had--to achieve development for hundreds of millions in a democratic context. Since Gandhi, each has mentioned the Indian diaspora, noting its contributions to the U.S. Each prime minister has also expressed gratitude for American support or the contribution the U.S. partnership has made to India's development and security. They've acknowledged differences, without dwelling on them. They've addressed contemporary Congressional concerns that existed about Indian policy--in some cases offering a defense of them, in others' explaining the reason behind the policy. Many of the premiers called for Congress to understand that India, while a democracy like the U.S. and sharing many common interests, would not necessarily achieve its objectives the same way as the U.S. And each subtly has asked for time and space, accommodation and support to achieve their goals--and argued it's in American interests to see a strong, stable, prosperous, democratic India. In terms of subjects, each previous speech has mentioned economic growth and development as a key government priority, highlighting what policymakers were doing to achieve them. Since Gandhi, all have mentioned nuclear weapons though with different emphases: he spoke of disarmament; Rao of de-nuclearization and concerns about proliferation; two years after India's nuclear test, Vajpayee noted India's voluntary moratorium on testing and tried to reassure Congress about Indian intentions; and speaking in the context of the U.S.-India civil nuclear talks, Singh noted the importance of civil nuclear energy and defended India's track record on nuclear non-proliferation. Since Rao, every prime minister has mentioned the challenge that terrorism posed for both the U.S. and India, with Vajpayee and Singh implicitly noting the challenge that a neighboring country poses in this regard from India's perspective. And Rao and Singh made the case for India to get a permanent seat on the U. N. Security Council. The style of the speeches has changed, as has the tone. Earlier speeches were littered with quotes from sources like Christopher Columbus, Swami Vivekananda, Abraham Lincoln, Lala Lajpat Rai and the Rig Veda. Perhaps that was reflective of the style of speechwriting in those eras, but perhaps it was also because there were fewer concrete issues in the bilateral relationship to address. The evolution in the areas of cooperation is evident in the speeches. Rao's speech about two decades ago, for instance, listed U.S.-India common interests as peacekeeping, environmental crises, and combating international terrorism and international narcotics trafficking. Compare that to Singh's address which talked of cooperation on a range of issues from counterterrorism, the economy, agriculture, energy security, healthy policy, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HADR), democracy promotion, and global governance. The speech yet to come Modi will likely strike some similar themes, acknowledging the role that the U.S. Congress has played in shaping the relationship and expressing gratitude for its support. Like Vajpayee, particularly in a U.S. election year, Modi might note the bipartisan support the relationship has enjoyed in recent years. He'll undoubtedly talk about shared democratic values in America's "temple of democracy"--a phrase he used for the Indian parliament when he first entered it after his 2014 election victory. Modi will not necessarily mention the concerns about human rights, trade and investment policies, non-proliferation or India's Iran policy that have arisen on the Hill, but he will likely address them indirectly. For example, by emphasizing India's pluralism and diversity and the protection its Constitution gives to minorities, or the constructive role the country could play regionally (he might give examples such as the recently inaugurated dam in Afghanistan). Given the issues on the bilateral agenda, he'll likely mention the strategic convergence, his economic policy plans, terrorism, India's non-proliferation record, defense and security cooperation, and perhaps--like Vajpayee--the Asia-Pacific (without directly mentioning China). And like Vajpayee, he might be more upfront about Indian concerns and the need to accommodate them. While he might strike some similar themes as his predecessors and highlight aspects of continuity, Modi will also want to emphasize that it's not business as usual. He'll likely try to outline the change that he has brought and wants to bring. In the past, he has noted the generational shift that he himself represents as the first Indian prime minister born after independence and the Modi government's latest tag line is, of course, "Transforming India." And he might emphasize that this changed India represents an opportunity for the U.S. He won't wade directly into American election issues, but might note the importance of U.S. global engagement. He might also try to address some of the angst in the U.S. about other countries taking advantage of it and being "takers." He could do this by making the case that India is not a free rider--that through its businesses, market, talent and diaspora it is contributing to American economy and society, through its economic development it will contribute to global growth, and through Indian prosperity, security and a more proactive international role--with a different approach than another Asian country has taken--it'll contribute to regional stability and order. He might also suggest ways that the U.S. can facilitate India playing such a role. Unlike previous leaders, he has not tended to appeal to others not to ask India to do more regionally and globally because it's just a developing country and needs to focus internally. The Modi government has been highlighting the contributions of India and Indians to global and regional peace and prosperity--through peacekeeping, the millions that fought in the World Wars, HADR operations in its neighborhood, evacuation operations in Yemen in which it rescued not just Indian citizens, but Americans as well. His government has been more vocal in joint contexts of expressing its views on the importance of a rules-based order in the Asia-Pacific and Indian Ocean regions--and we might hear more on this in his address. Overall, a theme will likely be that India is not just a "taker," and will be a responsible, collaborative stakeholder. It'll be interesting to see whether the Indian prime minister notes the role that his predecessors have played in getting the relationship to this point. With some exceptions--for example, he acknowledged Manmohan Singh's contribution during President Obama's visit to India last year--he has not tended to do so. But there's a case to be made for doing so--it can reassure members of Congress that the relationship transcends one person or party and is based on a strategic rationale, thus making it more sustainable. Such an acknowledgement could be in the context of noting that it's not just Delhi and Washington that have built and are building this relationship, but the two countries' states, private sectors, educational institutions and people. This wouldn't prevent Modi from highlighting the heightened intensity of the last two years, particularly the progress in defense and security cooperation. (From a more political perspective, given that there has been criticism in some quarters of India-U.S. relations becoming closer, it can also serve as a reminder that the Congress party-led government followed a similar path). Modi will be competing for media attention in the U.S. thanks to the focus in the U.S. on the Democratic primaries this week, but he'll have Congressional attention. But it's worth remembering that Indian prime ministers have been feted before, but if they don't deliver on the promise of India and India-U.S. relations that they often outline, disillusionment sets in. Modi will have to convince them that India is a strategic bet worth making--one that will pay off. This piece was originally published by Huffington Post India. Authors Tanvi Madan Publication: Huffington Post India Full Article
translate What can the U.S. Congress' interest in Prime Minister Modi's visit translate to? By webfeeds.brookings.edu Published On :: Tue, 07 Jun 2016 00:00:00 -0400 On his fourth trip to the U.S. as Indian Prime Minister, Narendra Modi will spend some quality time on Capitol Hill on Wednesday, where he'll address a joint meeting of the U.S. Congress. House Speaker Paul Ryan will also host the Indian premier for a lunch, which will be followed by a reception hosted jointly by the House and Senate Foreign Relations Committees and the India Caucus. What's the significance of this Congressional engagement and what might be Modi's message? Given that all the most-recent Indian leaders who've held five-year terms have addressed such joint meetings of Congress, some have asked whether Ryan's invitation to Modi is a big deal. The answer is, yes, it is an honour and not one extended all that often. Since 1934, there have been only 117 such speeches. Leaders from France, Israel and the United Kingdom have addressed joint meetings the most times (8 each), followed by Mexico (7), and Ireland, Italy and South Korea (6 each). With this speech, India will join Germany on the list with leaders having addressed 5 joint meetings of Congress: Rajiv Gandhi in 1985, P.V. Narashima Rao in 1994, Atal Bihari Vajpayee in 2000 and Manmohan Singh in 2005. India's first premier, Jawaharlal Nehru, spoke to the House and Senate in separate back-to-back sessions in 1949 as well. Congress is a key stakeholder in the U.S.-India relationship and can play a significant supportive or spoiler role. While American presidents have a lot more lee-way on foreign policy than domestic policy, Congress is not without influence on U.S. foreign relations, and shapes the context for American engagement abroad. Moreover, the breadth and depth of the U.S.-India relationship, as well as the blurring of the line between what constitutes domestic and foreign policy these days means that India's options can be affected by American legislative decisions or the political mood on a range of issues from trade to immigration, energy to defense. The Indian Foreign Secretary recently said that the U.S. legislature was at "very much at the heart" of the relationship today. He noted it has been "very supportive" and "even in some more difficult days where actually the Congress has been the part of the US polity which has been very sympathetic to India." But India's had rocky experiences on the Hill as well--which only heightens the need to engage members of Congress at the highest levels. The speech and the other interactions offer Modi an opportunity to acknowledge the role of Congress in building bilateral relations, highlight shared interests and values, outline his vision for India and the relationship, as well as tackle some Congressional concerns and note some of India's own. He'll be speaking to multiple audiences in Congress, with members there either because of the strategic imperative for the relationship, others because of the economic potential, yet others because of the values imperative--and then there are those who'll be there because it is important to their constituents, whether business or the Indian diaspora. There is also the audience outside Congress, including in India, where the speech will play in primetime. What will Modi's message be? A glimpse at previous speeches might offer some clues, though Modi is likely also to want to emphasize change. The speeches that came before The speeches of previous prime ministers have addressed some common themes. They've acknowledged shared democratic values. They've mentioned the two-way flow of inspiration and ideas with individuals like Henry David Thoreau, Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Luther King getting multiple mentions. They've noted the influence of American founding documents or fathers on the Indian constitution. They've highlighted India's achievements, while stressing that much remains to be done. They've noted their country's diversity, and the almost-unique task Indian leaders have had--to achieve development for hundreds of millions in a democratic context. Since Gandhi, each has mentioned the Indian diaspora, noting its contributions to the U.S. Each prime minister has also expressed gratitude for American support or the contribution the U.S. partnership has made to India's development and security. They've acknowledged differences, without dwelling on them. They've addressed contemporary Congressional concerns that existed about Indian policy--in some cases offering a defense of them, in others' explaining the reason behind the policy. Many of the premiers called for Congress to understand that India, while a democracy like the U.S. and sharing many common interests, would not necessarily achieve its objectives the same way as the U.S. And each subtly has asked for time and space, accommodation and support to achieve their goals--and argued it's in American interests to see a strong, stable, prosperous, democratic India. In terms of subjects, each previous speech has mentioned economic growth and development as a key government priority, highlighting what policymakers were doing to achieve them. Since Gandhi, all have mentioned nuclear weapons though with different emphases: he spoke of disarmament; Rao of de-nuclearization and concerns about proliferation; two years after India's nuclear test, Vajpayee noted India's voluntary moratorium on testing and tried to reassure Congress about Indian intentions; and speaking in the context of the U.S.-India civil nuclear talks, Singh noted the importance of civil nuclear energy and defended India's track record on nuclear non-proliferation. Since Rao, every prime minister has mentioned the challenge that terrorism posed for both the U.S. and India, with Vajpayee and Singh implicitly noting the challenge that a neighboring country poses in this regard from India's perspective. And Rao and Singh made the case for India to get a permanent seat on the U. N. Security Council. The style of the speeches has changed, as has the tone. Earlier speeches were littered with quotes from sources like Christopher Columbus, Swami Vivekananda, Abraham Lincoln, Lala Lajpat Rai and the Rig Veda. Perhaps that was reflective of the style of speechwriting in those eras, but perhaps it was also because there were fewer concrete issues in the bilateral relationship to address. The evolution in the areas of cooperation is evident in the speeches. Rao's speech about two decades ago, for instance, listed U.S.-India common interests as peacekeeping, environmental crises, and combating international terrorism and international narcotics trafficking. Compare that to Singh's address which talked of cooperation on a range of issues from counterterrorism, the economy, agriculture, energy security, healthy policy, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HADR), democracy promotion, and global governance. The speech yet to come Modi will likely strike some similar themes, acknowledging the role that the U.S. Congress has played in shaping the relationship and expressing gratitude for its support. Like Vajpayee, particularly in a U.S. election year, Modi might note the bipartisan support the relationship has enjoyed in recent years. He'll undoubtedly talk about shared democratic values in America's "temple of democracy"--a phrase he used for the Indian parliament when he first entered it after his 2014 election victory. Modi will not necessarily mention the concerns about human rights, trade and investment policies, non-proliferation or India's Iran policy that have arisen on the Hill, but he will likely address them indirectly. For example, by emphasizing India's pluralism and diversity and the protection its Constitution gives to minorities, or the constructive role the country could play regionally (he might give examples such as the recently inaugurated dam in Afghanistan). Given the issues on the bilateral agenda, he'll likely mention the strategic convergence, his economic policy plans, terrorism, India's non-proliferation record, defense and security cooperation, and perhaps--like Vajpayee--the Asia-Pacific (without directly mentioning China). And like Vajpayee, he might be more upfront about Indian concerns and the need to accommodate them. While he might strike some similar themes as his predecessors and highlight aspects of continuity, Modi will also want to emphasize that it's not business as usual. He'll likely try to outline the change that he has brought and wants to bring. In the past, he has noted the generational shift that he himself represents as the first Indian prime minister born after independence and the Modi government's latest tag line is, of course, "Transforming India." And he might emphasize that this changed India represents an opportunity for the U.S. He won't wade directly into American election issues, but might note the importance of U.S. global engagement. He might also try to address some of the angst in the U.S. about other countries taking advantage of it and being "takers." He could do this by making the case that India is not a free rider--that through its businesses, market, talent and diaspora it is contributing to American economy and society, through its economic development it will contribute to global growth, and through Indian prosperity, security and a more proactive international role--with a different approach than another Asian country has taken--it'll contribute to regional stability and order. He might also suggest ways that the U.S. can facilitate India playing such a role. Unlike previous leaders, he has not tended to appeal to others not to ask India to do more regionally and globally because it's just a developing country and needs to focus internally. The Modi government has been highlighting the contributions of India and Indians to global and regional peace and prosperity--through peacekeeping, the millions that fought in the World Wars, HADR operations in its neighborhood, evacuation operations in Yemen in which it rescued not just Indian citizens, but Americans as well. His government has been more vocal in joint contexts of expressing its views on the importance of a rules-based order in the Asia-Pacific and Indian Ocean regions--and we might hear more on this in his address. Overall, a theme will likely be that India is not just a "taker," and will be a responsible, collaborative stakeholder. It'll be interesting to see whether the Indian prime minister notes the role that his predecessors have played in getting the relationship to this point. With some exceptions--for example, he acknowledged Manmohan Singh's contribution during President Obama's visit to India last year--he has not tended to do so. But there's a case to be made for doing so--it can reassure members of Congress that the relationship transcends one person or party and is based on a strategic rationale, thus making it more sustainable. Such an acknowledgement could be in the context of noting that it's not just Delhi and Washington that have built and are building this relationship, but the two countries' states, private sectors, educational institutions and people. This wouldn't prevent Modi from highlighting the heightened intensity of the last two years, particularly the progress in defense and security cooperation. (From a more political perspective, given that there has been criticism in some quarters of India-U.S. relations becoming closer, it can also serve as a reminder that the Congress party-led government followed a similar path). Modi will be competing for media attention in the U.S. thanks to the focus in the U.S. on the Democratic primaries this week, but he'll have Congressional attention. But it's worth remembering that Indian prime ministers have been feted before, but if they don't deliver on the promise of India and India-U.S. relations that they often outline, disillusionment sets in. Modi will have to convince them that India is a strategic bet worth making--one that will pay off. This piece was originally published by Huffington Post India. Authors Tanvi Madan Publication: Huffington Post India Full Article
translate Billboard Houses Bats and Translates Their Speech, Tells Us What's Up By www.treehugger.com Published On :: Fri, 19 Aug 2011 13:12:16 -0400 If you've ever seen a colony of bats on the move and wondered what they're up to, this is the billboard for you. The "Bat Billboard," a collaboration of designer Chris Woebken and artist Natalie Jeremijenko, is a Full Article Technology
translate Brazil closes legal loophole on foreign bribery: OECD hopes this will now translate into stepped up enforcement By www.oecd.org Published On :: Wed, 29 Oct 2014 13:00:00 GMT Brazil must build on the positive momentum started with its new Corporate Liability Law and its first indictments in one foreign bribery case to investigate and prosecute more proactively foreign bribery. Full Article
translate Brazil closes legal loophole on foreign bribery: OECD hopes this will now translate into stepped up enforcement By www.oecd.org Published On :: Wed, 29 Oct 2014 13:00:00 GMT Brazil must build on the positive momentum started with its new Corporate Liability Law and its first indictments in one foreign bribery case to investigate and prosecute more proactively foreign bribery. Full Article
translate Sydney woman takes boyfriend to nail salon so he can translate what workers said By www.dailymail.co.uk Published On :: Wed, 17 Jul 2019 09:58:26 GMT A young woman has slammed Vietnamese workers at a nail salon for making 'derogatory' remarks about her when she was getting a manicure. Full Article
translate Treatise on awakening Mahāyāna faith [Electronic book] / edited and translated by John Jorgensen, Dan Lusthaus, John Makeham, and Mark Strange. By encore.st-andrews.ac.uk Published On :: New York, NY : Oxford University Press, 2019. Full Article
translate Thomas Aquinas's Quodlibetal questions [Electronic book] / translated and introduced by Turner Nevitt and Brian Davies. By encore.st-andrews.ac.uk Published On :: New York, NY : Oxford University Press, 2019. Full Article
translate Leibniz : discourse on metaphsics [Electronic book] / translated with introduction and commentary by Gonzalo Rodriguez-Pereyra. By encore.st-andrews.ac.uk Published On :: Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2020. Full Article
translate L. S. Vygotsky's pedological works. Volume 1, Foundations of pedology [Electronic book] / translated with notes and lecture outlines by David Kellogg and Nikolai Veresov. By encore.st-andrews.ac.uk Published On :: Singapore : Springer, c2019. Full Article
translate Gallucci's Commentary on human proportions [Electronic book] : Renaissance proportion theory / translated with an introduction by James Hutson. By encore.st-andrews.ac.uk Published On :: Cambridge : Open Book Publishers, [2020] Full Article
translate Uncomfortably happily / Yeon-sik Hong ; translated by Hellen Jo By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 3 Dec 2017 06:12:53 EST Hayden Library - PN6790.K63 H67313 2017 Full Article
translate Pretending is lying / Dominique Goblet ; translated by Sophie Yanow in collaboration with the author By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 8 Apr 2018 06:14:09 EDT Hayden Library - PN6790.B43 G627413 2017 Full Article
translate Portugal / Pedrosa ; color by Pedrosa and Ruby ; translated by Montana Kane ; lettering by Calix Ltd By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 13 May 2018 06:11:31 EDT Hayden Library - PN6747.P38 E68 2017 Full Article
translate Yellow negroes and other imaginary creatures / by Yvan Alagbe ; translated by Donald Nicholson-Smith By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 1 Jul 2018 06:11:57 EDT Hayden Library - PN6747.A53 N4413 2017 Full Article
translate Cigarette girl / Masahiko Matsumoto ; foreword by Yoshihiro Tatsumi ; translated by Spencer Fancutt, with assistance of Atsuko Saisho By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 15 Jul 2018 06:39:21 EDT Hayden Library - PN6790.J33 M386513 2016 Full Article
translate The expanding art of comics: ten modern masterpieces / Thierry Groensteen ; translated by Ann Miller By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 26 Aug 2018 06:43:45 EDT Hayden Library - PN6710.G75613 2017 Full Article
translate Poppies of Iraq / cowritten by Brigitte Findakly & Lewis Trondheim ; drawn by Lewis Trondheim ; colored by Brigitte Findakly ; translated by Helge Dascher By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 26 Aug 2018 06:43:45 EDT Hayden Library - PN6747.F554 Z46 2017 Full Article
translate The green hand and other stories / Nicole Claveloux ; with Edith Zha ; introduction by Daniel Clowes ; translated by Donald Nicholson-Smith ; English lettering by Dustin Harbin By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 26 Aug 2018 06:43:45 EDT Hayden Library - PN6747.C53 A2 2017 Full Article
translate Mob psycho 100 / ONE ; translated by Kumar Sivasubramanian ; lettering and retouch by John Clark By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 12 May 2019 06:36:05 EDT Hayden Library - PN6790.J34 M6613 2018 Full Article
translate Slum wolf / Tadao Tsuge ; edited and translated by Ryan Holmberg By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 23 Jun 2019 07:19:16 EDT Hayden Library - PN6790.J33 T75713 2018 Full Article
translate Hobbes and modern political thought / Yves Charles Zarka ; translated by James Griffith. By darius.uleth.ca Published On :: Edinburgh : Edinburgh University Press, 2018. Full Article
translate Pathological realities: essays on disease, experiments, and history / Mirko D. Grmek ; edited, translated, and with an introduction by Pierre-Olivier Méthot ; foreword by Hans-Jörg Rheinberger By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 26 Apr 2020 07:06:33 EDT Hayden Library - R133.G76 2019 Full Article
translate Traditional Chinese medicine: heritage and adaptation / Paul U. Unschuld ; translated by Bridie J. Andrews By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 26 Apr 2020 07:06:33 EDT Hayden Library - R601.U57813 2013 Full Article
translate Carlos Slim: the power, money, and morality of one of the world's richest men / Diego Enrique Osorno ; translated by Juana Adcock By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 15 Mar 2020 08:09:28 EDT Dewey Library - HC132.5.S55 O85313 2019 Full Article
translate Secrets and siblings: the vanished lives of China's one child policy / Mari Manninen ; translated by Mia Spangenberg By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 15 Mar 2020 08:09:28 EDT Dewey Library - HB3654.A3 M3613 2019 Full Article
translate Economy and society.: a new translation / Max Weber ; edited and translated by Keith Tribe By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 29 Mar 2020 07:44:51 EDT Online Resource Full Article
translate The basic income distribution system of China Changhong Pei, Zhen Wang, Jingfang Sun ; translated by Yanqing Li By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 26 Apr 2020 09:04:30 EDT Online Resource Full Article
translate Photovoltaics : system design and practice / Heinrich Häberlin ; translated by Herbert Eppel By prospero.murdoch.edu.au Published On :: Haberlin, Heinrich Full Article
translate Photovoltaics : fundamentals, technology and practice / Konrad Mertens ; translated by Gunther Roth By prospero.murdoch.edu.au Published On :: Mertens, Konrad, 1963- author Full Article
translate The practice of aromatherapy / translated from the French by Robin Campbell and Libby Houston ; edited by Robert B. Tisserand By prospero.murdoch.edu.au Published On :: Valnet, Jean Full Article
translate The birth of the idea of photography / Francois Brunet ; translated by Shane B. Lillis By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 23 Feb 2020 06:00:02 EST Rotch Library - TR15 B7813 2019 Full Article
translate Trouble with women artists: reframing the history of art / Laure Adler & Camille Viéville ; translated from the French by Kate Robinson By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 15 Mar 2020 06:00:01 EDT Rotch Library - N8354.A3513 2019 Full Article
translate On the Shoulders of Giants / Umberto Eco ; translated from the Italian by Alastair McEwen By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 29 Mar 2020 06:00:01 EDT Online Resource Full Article
translate The Gauguin atlas / Nienke Denekamp ; translated by Laura Watkinson By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 26 Apr 2020 06:00:01 EDT Rotch Library - ND553.G27 D4613 2019 Full Article
translate The child poet / Homero Aridjis ; translated from the Spanish by Chloe Aridjis By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 24 Jul 2016 06:10:30 EDT Hayden Library - PQ7297.A8365 Z46 2016 Full Article
translate The counterpunch (and other horizontal poems) = El contragolpe (y otros poemas horizontales) / Juan Carlos Flores ; translated by Kristin Dykstra By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 4 Sep 2016 06:09:45 EDT Hayden Library - PQ7390.F459 C6613 2016 Full Article
translate Nine coins: Nueve monedas / by Carlos Pintado ; translated from Spanish by Hilary Vaughn Dobel ; with an introduction by Richard Blanco By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 11 Sep 2016 06:09:55 EDT Hayden Library - PQ7392.P58 N564 2015 Full Article
translate Then come back: the lost Neruda poems / Pablo Neruda ; translated by Forrest Gander By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 11 Sep 2016 06:09:55 EDT Hayden Library - PQ8097.N4 A2 2016 Full Article
translate Bolaño: a biography in conversations / Monica Maristain ; translated by Kit Maude By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 11 Sep 2016 06:09:55 EDT Hayden Library - PQ8098.12.O38 Z74513 2014 Full Article
translate Absolute solitude: selected prose poems / Dulce María Loynaz ; translated from the Spanish by James O'Connor By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 11 Sep 2016 06:09:55 EDT Hayden Library - PQ7389.L78 A2 2016 Full Article
translate Night prayers / Santiago Gamboa ; translated from the Spanish by Howard Curtis By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 11 Sep 2016 06:09:55 EDT Hayden Library - PQ8180.17.A395 P5413 2016 Full Article
translate Air on the air / selected poems of Juan Sánchez Peláez ; selected and translated by Guillermo Parra ; introduction by Miguel Gomes. By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 11 Sep 2016 06:09:55 EDT Hayden Library - PQ8549.S327 A2 2015 Full Article
translate Jacob the mutant / by Mario Bellatin ; translated from the Spanish by Jacob Steinberg By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 11 Sep 2016 06:09:55 EDT Hayden Library - PQ7298.12.E4 J3313 2015 Full Article
translate The clouds / Juan José Saer ; translated from the Spanish by Hilary Vaughn Dobel By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 11 Sep 2016 06:09:55 EDT Hayden Library - PQ7797.S22435 N813 2016 Full Article
translate This too shall pass: a novel / Milena Busquets ; translated by Valerie Miles By library.mit.edu Published On :: Sun, 18 Sep 2016 06:08:07 EDT Hayden Library - PQ6702.U89155 T3613 2016 Full Article
