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CBD News: After several years of international negotiations, the final operational design of the Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) has been agreed.




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CBD News: Chairperson, Distinguished Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen, It is a pleasure to address you at the 51st International Tropical Timber Council with good news late on a day you have spent in difficult negotiations.




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CBD News: I would like to start by acknowledging and welcoming the good results of a successful 2016 United Nations Biodiversity Conference here in Cancun, Mexico, where, after arduous negotiations




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CBD News: Government officials, experts and activists from around the world gather in Nairobi this week to open talks on a global agreement to safeguard life on Earth, in all its forms. The 27-30 August meeting marks the official start of negotiations tow




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CBD News: Over the next five days, the Convention on Biological Diversity's (CBD) body on science will meet to lay the groundwork for negotiations to prepare the next year's UN Biodiversity Conference in Kunming, China and achieve an ambitious and




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CBD News: Over 1000 delegates from more than 140 countries started negotiations today at FAO headquarters, Rome on the zero draft of a landmark post-2020 global biodiversity framework and targets for nature to 2030.




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CBD News: Governments advance in the preparation of a New UN Biodiversity Framework; Negotiations in Rome demonstrate engagement across government and society




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Negotiating the Barrier of Hypoglycemia in Diabetes

Philip E. Cryer
Jan 1, 2002; 15:
Articles




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Kaay Jones: The Jamaican who joins region in singing ‘We Got This’

Up-and-coming recording artiste Kaay Jones says she did not know she was becoming part of a transformational music project that would connect her to a wide cross section of talent in the Caribbean. Jones carries Jamaica's flag in a unified...





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Why The Insurgency in Northern Mozambique Has Got Worse

1 April 2020

Dr Alex Vines OBE

Managing Director, Ethics, Risk & Resilience; Director, Africa Programme
Two attacks on towns in northern Mozambique by suspected jihadists point to a rapidly deteriorating security crisis.

2020-04-01-Mozambique

Macomia, Cabo Delgado, Northern Mozambique. Photo by EMIDIO JOSINE/AFP via Getty Images.

On March 23 to 24, the centre of Mocimboa da Praia in Cabo Delgado province was occupied by up to 40 “jihadists”, who targeted government facilities, including a barracks, and brandished banners of affiliation to the so-called Islamic State.

On March 25, suspected jihadists raided the town of Quissanga and destroyed the district police headquarters. They too carried an Islamic State flag. Twenty to 30 members of Mozambique’s security forces were killed in both attacks.

Mocimboa da Praia is just south of the Afungi Peninsula, the location of gas projects worth $60- billion. Mocimboa was briefly occupied in late 2017, during attacks claimed by a group known as Ahlu Sunnah Wa-Jama (or al-Sunnah) that marked the start of a brutal low-intensity conflict, with widespread human rights abuses and attacks on civilians.

Up to 1,000 people have now been killed and 100,000 displaced. More recently, The Islamic State Central Africa Province (Iscap), affiliated with the Islamic State group, has claimed responsibility for the attacks. Video and photos of these most recent events, along with the testimony of frightened residents and overstretched government officials, suggest a shift of strategy by the insurgents.

There seems to have been an effort to avoid harming civilians, to win hearts and minds by redistributing stolen food, medicine and fuel to “loyal” residents, and to direct attacks on the state and its symbols, such as police stations and military barracks. It is difficult from a distance to assess if there was any genuine pleasure over these attacks among local people; while residents in both towns that did not flee seemed to welcome the attackers, this may well have been out of fear that the government is currently unable to guarantee their security.

These attacks also indicate that the jihadist-linked insurgents are growing in confidence. They are confronting government security forces with little appetite for fighting. The Mozambican government has been expecting setbacks like those of Mocimboa and Quissanga — its forces are demoralised and many commanders exhausted or corrupted by an emerging war economy. Jihadists are also taking tactical advantage before a reformed and more effective government counterinsurgency effort is introduced in response.

President Filipe Nyusi, inaugurated in January for his second term, has made this crisis his prime focus and has become the de-facto minister of defence.

Military reform and the role of private military companies

But there is no quick fix. Most importantly, the Mozambican military and security forces need to be restructured. They were unable to win the Mozambican civil war (1977-1992), even with international support, and have not improved in capacity or conduct since. They now face a complex, multilayered and asymmetrical conflict, mostly drawing upon local and regional grievances and networks but increasingly also attracting some limited encouragement and advice from further afield.

Nyusi will need to build-up trusted relationships in the military in the way he has successfully done with parts of the intelligence community. The Mozambican government has already reached out to international expertise — though not necessarily the right kind. The founder of the Blackwater private military company, Erik Prince, supplied two helicopters and support crew for the Mozambican military in mid-2019, before being replaced by some 170 Russian privateers linked to the Wagner Group.

The Wagner contingent arrived in September 2019 at Nacala airport with trucks, drones and a Mi-17 helicopter gunship, then deployed into the combat zone of northern Cabo Delgado. Setbacks, including at least two dead Russians, forced a tactical fallback to Nacala, though a new effort is reported to have been underway since late February 2020.

The Mozambican government is also considering a number of proposals from other private military companies. Maputo needs to consider these carefully; Israeli or Gulf State involvement in any form might exasperate rather than alleviate this crisis.

The Tanzanian connection

But market-led security and military providers will not end this insurgency. Nor will the engagement of states such as the United States, France, the United Kingdom or Angola, all of which have made their own offers of support. What would significantly make a difference is much closer to home: serious Tanzanian engagement.

This insurgency is concentrated in districts bordering Tanzania and there is clear-cut intelligence of connections into Tanzania and beyond. Swahili is also a lingua franca for the jihadists, connecting them up the East African coast, and into eastern Congo and elsewhere.

It is puzzling, given the deep shared history between Tanzania and Mozambique, that the bilateral relationship is as patchy as it is today: during the liberation struggle (1965-1974) against the Portuguese, Mozambique’s ruling party Frelimo maintained rear bases in Tanzania, and Nyusi was educated there.

Conspiracy theories circulate that Tanzania has encouraged the Cabo Delgado insurgency to weaken its neighbour, or at least displace radicalised individuals from Tanzanian soil into Mozambique.

President John Magafuli of Tanzania did not attend the January inauguration of Nyusi. It has become urgent that Magafuli (who is also the current chair of the regional body, the Southern African Development Community) and Nyusi meet face-to-face to map out improved intelligence sharing and a joint strategy to respond to an emerging regional threat.

Southern Africa is locking down because of Covid-19, which will distract the government’s ability to focus fully on this crisis and create a perfect moment for the infant insurgency in Cabo Delgado to grow. More military setbacks should be expected in coming months.

But the Mozambican government can still contain and prevail if it seriously reforms its military, builds strong alliances with its regional neighbours (especially Tanzania), chooses its private security contractors and international partnerships wisely, and backs military efforts with better intelligence and developmental interventions that offer alternative pathways to potential recruits.

But despite Maputo’s hope that significant progress will be made over the coming year, and the setting up of a presidential task force to evaluate progress and intelligence, it is likely that Mozambique and its partners will need to prepare themselves for a drawn-out struggle.

This article originally appeared in the Mail & Guardian




got

Why The Insurgency in Northern Mozambique Has Got Worse

1 April 2020

Dr Alex Vines OBE

Managing Director, Ethics, Risk & Resilience; Director, Africa Programme
Two attacks on towns in northern Mozambique by suspected jihadists point to a rapidly deteriorating security crisis.

2020-04-01-Mozambique

Macomia, Cabo Delgado, Northern Mozambique. Photo by EMIDIO JOSINE/AFP via Getty Images.

On March 23 to 24, the centre of Mocimboa da Praia in Cabo Delgado province was occupied by up to 40 “jihadists”, who targeted government facilities, including a barracks, and brandished banners of affiliation to the so-called Islamic State.

On March 25, suspected jihadists raided the town of Quissanga and destroyed the district police headquarters. They too carried an Islamic State flag. Twenty to 30 members of Mozambique’s security forces were killed in both attacks.

Mocimboa da Praia is just south of the Afungi Peninsula, the location of gas projects worth $60- billion. Mocimboa was briefly occupied in late 2017, during attacks claimed by a group known as Ahlu Sunnah Wa-Jama (or al-Sunnah) that marked the start of a brutal low-intensity conflict, with widespread human rights abuses and attacks on civilians.

Up to 1,000 people have now been killed and 100,000 displaced. More recently, The Islamic State Central Africa Province (Iscap), affiliated with the Islamic State group, has claimed responsibility for the attacks. Video and photos of these most recent events, along with the testimony of frightened residents and overstretched government officials, suggest a shift of strategy by the insurgents.

There seems to have been an effort to avoid harming civilians, to win hearts and minds by redistributing stolen food, medicine and fuel to “loyal” residents, and to direct attacks on the state and its symbols, such as police stations and military barracks. It is difficult from a distance to assess if there was any genuine pleasure over these attacks among local people; while residents in both towns that did not flee seemed to welcome the attackers, this may well have been out of fear that the government is currently unable to guarantee their security.

These attacks also indicate that the jihadist-linked insurgents are growing in confidence. They are confronting government security forces with little appetite for fighting. The Mozambican government has been expecting setbacks like those of Mocimboa and Quissanga — its forces are demoralised and many commanders exhausted or corrupted by an emerging war economy. Jihadists are also taking tactical advantage before a reformed and more effective government counterinsurgency effort is introduced in response.

President Filipe Nyusi, inaugurated in January for his second term, has made this crisis his prime focus and has become the de-facto minister of defence.

Military reform and the role of private military companies

But there is no quick fix. Most importantly, the Mozambican military and security forces need to be restructured. They were unable to win the Mozambican civil war (1977-1992), even with international support, and have not improved in capacity or conduct since. They now face a complex, multilayered and asymmetrical conflict, mostly drawing upon local and regional grievances and networks but increasingly also attracting some limited encouragement and advice from further afield.

Nyusi will need to build-up trusted relationships in the military in the way he has successfully done with parts of the intelligence community. The Mozambican government has already reached out to international expertise — though not necessarily the right kind. The founder of the Blackwater private military company, Erik Prince, supplied two helicopters and support crew for the Mozambican military in mid-2019, before being replaced by some 170 Russian privateers linked to the Wagner Group.

The Wagner contingent arrived in September 2019 at Nacala airport with trucks, drones and a Mi-17 helicopter gunship, then deployed into the combat zone of northern Cabo Delgado. Setbacks, including at least two dead Russians, forced a tactical fallback to Nacala, though a new effort is reported to have been underway since late February 2020.

The Mozambican government is also considering a number of proposals from other private military companies. Maputo needs to consider these carefully; Israeli or Gulf State involvement in any form might exasperate rather than alleviate this crisis.

The Tanzanian connection

But market-led security and military providers will not end this insurgency. Nor will the engagement of states such as the United States, France, the United Kingdom or Angola, all of which have made their own offers of support. What would significantly make a difference is much closer to home: serious Tanzanian engagement.

This insurgency is concentrated in districts bordering Tanzania and there is clear-cut intelligence of connections into Tanzania and beyond. Swahili is also a lingua franca for the jihadists, connecting them up the East African coast, and into eastern Congo and elsewhere.

It is puzzling, given the deep shared history between Tanzania and Mozambique, that the bilateral relationship is as patchy as it is today: during the liberation struggle (1965-1974) against the Portuguese, Mozambique’s ruling party Frelimo maintained rear bases in Tanzania, and Nyusi was educated there.

Conspiracy theories circulate that Tanzania has encouraged the Cabo Delgado insurgency to weaken its neighbour, or at least displace radicalised individuals from Tanzanian soil into Mozambique.

President John Magafuli of Tanzania did not attend the January inauguration of Nyusi. It has become urgent that Magafuli (who is also the current chair of the regional body, the Southern African Development Community) and Nyusi meet face-to-face to map out improved intelligence sharing and a joint strategy to respond to an emerging regional threat.

Southern Africa is locking down because of Covid-19, which will distract the government’s ability to focus fully on this crisis and create a perfect moment for the infant insurgency in Cabo Delgado to grow. More military setbacks should be expected in coming months.

But the Mozambican government can still contain and prevail if it seriously reforms its military, builds strong alliances with its regional neighbours (especially Tanzania), chooses its private security contractors and international partnerships wisely, and backs military efforts with better intelligence and developmental interventions that offer alternative pathways to potential recruits.

But despite Maputo’s hope that significant progress will be made over the coming year, and the setting up of a presidential task force to evaluate progress and intelligence, it is likely that Mozambique and its partners will need to prepare themselves for a drawn-out struggle.

This article originally appeared in the Mail & Guardian




got

Giants acquire righty reliever Gott from Nats

The Giants added another arm into their bullpen mix Wednesday, acquiring right-hander Trevor Gott from the Nationals for cash considerations.




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I have forgotten who I am.

  My shoes are not where I left them. There is a dog howling in the distance, And the sound reverberates, Lifting the dew off the dense canopy of trees outside. The bamboo lamp beside the sofa, Sheds dull orange light across the Persian carpet, And I am not casting a shadow. I have, A […]




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Collab shows we are one Caribbean - ‘We Got This’ presents a united regional front against COVID-19

WHAT STARTED as an idea of two Barbadians – Ian Webster and Cheyne Jones – transformed into We Got This, a song which proved enough to stir the collective imagination of 25 recording artistes from 14 countries across the region, disseminating the...




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10 players you forgot were Braves

Here's a look at 10 stars that you may have forgotten played for the Braves.




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Gottfried Hirnschall is optimistic about ending the HIV epidemic

In 2001, Gottfried Hirnschall joined the WHO to work on the global response to HIV/AIDs, 18 years later he just retired as the director of WHO’s department for HIV and Hepatitis. The intervening period, almost half the time we’ve been aware of the disease the fight against the infection has been characterised by scientific breakthroughs, and...




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10 players you forgot were once D-backs

When you think of the D-backs, what players spring to mind? Luis Gonzalez, Randy Johnson, Paul Goldschmidt and Matt Williams are probably some of the names that arise. But what names are familiar to baseball fans but might have even some D-backs fans saying, "He was a Diamondback?"




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Wilson Disease With Novel Compound Heterozygote Mutations in the ATP7B Gene Presenting With Severe Diabetes

OBJECTIVE

To determine the relationship between ATP7B mutations and diabetes in Wilson disease (WD).

RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS

A total of 21 exons and exon-intron boundaries of ATP7B were identified by Sanger sequencing.

RESULTS

Two novel compound heterozygous mutations (c.525 dupA/ Val176Serfs*28 and c.2930 C>T/ p.Thr977Met) were detected in ATP7B. After d-penicillamine (D-PCA) therapy, serum aminotransferase and ceruloplasmin levels in this patient were normalized and levels of HbA1c decreased. However, when the patient ceased to use D-PCA due to an itchy skin, serum levels of fasting blood glucose increased. Dimercaptosuccinic acid capsules were prescribed and memory recovered to some extent, which was accompanied by decreased insulin dosage for glucose control by 5 units.

CONCLUSIONS

This is the first report of diabetes caused by WD.




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La Bienvenida Se Agota para Colombianos en Ecuador Mientras Venezolanos Se Hacen Más Visibles

Aunque colombianos encontraron un refugio cálido en Ecuador después de ser desplazados de su país por una guerra civil que duro décadas, la vida se ha vuelto más difícil para ellos en los últimos años, en parte como resultado del flujo de venezolanos que buscan seguridad. Este artículo se basa en encuestas de migrantes en Quito, comparando y contrastando las experiencias de colombianos y venezolanos, y evaluando sus percepciones de discriminación, victimización y esperanzas para el futuro.




got

What Policymakers Got Right With Oregon's Student Success Act

Guest blogger Andy Saultz explains that clear goals, built-in local decisionmaking, flexibility, and community involvement are the keys to the Student Success Act's success.




got

Washington State Teachers Strike Over Salary Negotiations

Teachers in seven districts are striking for higher pay—and Seattle may be next.




got

Confiscation of assets : criminal asset confiscation proceedings for criminal lawyers : advice and negotiation / presented by Casey Isaacs, Caldicott Lawyers.




got

I've Got Two Tickets to Paradise.




got

The forgotten creed : Christianity's original struggle against bigotry, slavery, and sexism / Stephen J. Patterson.

Bible. Galatians, III, 28 -- Criticism, interpretation, etc




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A place outside the law : forgotten voices from Guantanamo / Peter Jan Honigsberg.

Guantánamo Bay Detention Camp.




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Gun control : what Australia got right (and wrong) / Tom Frame.

Gun control -- Australia.




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Rage inside the machine : the prejudice of algorithms, and how to stop the internet making bigots of us all / Robert Elliott Smith.

Internet -- Social aspects.




got

Forgotten bastards of the Eastern Front : an untold story of World War II / Serhii Plokhy.

World War, 1939-1945 -- Aerial operations, American.




got

Des maladies foetales qui peuvent faire obstacle à l'accouchement : thèse ... / par Alphonse Herrgott.

Paris : O. Doin, 1878.




got

Die specielle Therapie / nach den hinterlassenen Papieren des verstorbenen D. Aug. Gottl. Richter ... ; herausgegeben von D. Georg. Aug. Richter.

Wien : Doll, 1817-




got

The Klemm family : descendants of Johann Gottfried Klemm and Anna Louise Klemm : these forebears are honoured and remembered at a reunion at Gruenberg, Moculta 11th-12th March 1995.

Klemm (Family)




got

Pence aimed to project normalcy during his trip to Iowa, but coronavirus got in the way

Vice President Pence’s trip to Iowa shows how the Trump administration’s aims to move past coronavirus are sometimes complicated by the virus itself.





got

Gotta love me - :baby:




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Just Keep Going, You Got Nothing To Lose       [12m50s]


SUPPORT THE RESISTANCE http://www.wearechange.org/?page_id=9453 http://www.facebook.com/LukeWeAreChange http://twitter.com/LukeWeAreChange http://http://www.wearechange.org/ [...]




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France Is Slowly Bringing Back Its 'Forgotten Vegetables'

Root vegetables like rutabagas and Jerusalem artichokes were ration staples during the Nazi occupation of Paris




got

Forgotten Tunnel Found Beneath Danish Train Station

Wood used to build the secret passageway came from a tree felled in 1874, according to a new analysis




got

How the First Sports Bra Got Its Stabilizing Start

It all began when three frustrated women sought the no-bounce zone




got

Got junk Yellowknife? Salvagers Unite wants to hear about it

From bikes to vinyl records to a remote controlled airplane, Yellowknifers looking to get rid of or find second-hand treasures have a new place to look.



  • News/Canada/North

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None shall be forgotten

Buenos Aires, Argentina :: Logos Hope's crew joins Youth With A Mission to show God's love to elderly people.




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Bomb scare at Windsor cultural centre turns out to be forgotten ghost-hunting device

It turns out a small black box with a dangling red wire and little blue light investigated by Windsor's bomb squad Tuesday isn't actually dangerous — at least to the living.



  • News/Canada/Windsor

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How a package to 'a farm situated up a long drive with cows' got to its destination

A New Zealand mail carrier made it her mission to deliver a package that was vaguely addressed to "Phil and Kay," located "opposite Cust pub or thereabouts."



  • Radio/As It Happens

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I was totally prepared to quarantine for COVID-19 — and my family got it anyway

Living on a 10-acre plot of land 100 kilometres outside Toronto, David Stevens thought he and his family were well prepared to ride out the COVID-19 quarantine. But after a call from his mother, he learned that even the best laid plans can go wrong.




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They got 'The Story'

Antemoro “coastal people” of Amosiala come to faith after learning about Christ through an OM team and volunteers from a neighbouring village.




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Negotiating Zimbabwe's Transition




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Loved and not forgotten

Workers of OM Panama remind young boys with a troubled past that God has a purpose for their lives.




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Fin24.com | MONEY CLINIC: Can we invest our retirement annuity without a broker, and negotiate fees charged?

A Fin24 reader looking to invest in a living annuity, was shocked to find that she would have to pay fees of up to R110 000 per annum. She wants to know if there are other options. An investment expert responds.




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Gothenburg's fields of dreams

We visit the world's biggest grassroots tournament.




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Forgotten no longer

Costa Rica's indigenous people, hidden to the world, have found a new window of hope.




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'This Road Just Got a Lot Harder': Teachers' Unions Hit With New Round of Lawsuits

In the wake of the 'Janus' Supreme Court case, teachers' unions are facing more than a dozen legal challenges backed by right-leaning groups that could further dampen their membership numbers and finances.