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Less sleep means less life

Source: REX Scientists say that those people who start working before 10 a.m. torture themselves voluntarily. A workday is supposed to comply with biological rhythms that do not fit into the standard working day from 9:00 to 17:00.Is it true? What is the best time to start working not to cause damage to one's health? Pravda.Ru asked this question to Alexei Kozlov, Candidate of Physiological Sciences, specialist in pain mechanisms at the Institute of Normal Physiology."One should not generalize here, because all people are different. There are early risers and night persons, and well all have our own time range for work. Making individual schedules for every person is impossible," the physiologist said. Scientists established that sleeping less than six hours for seven days causes as many as 711 physiological changes, including gene function failure. In addition, a lack of sleep makes a person more prone to alcohol and drugs."Sleep is not just the rest that we need to have. This is an active process, during which many hormones are produced. Our chronology depends on melatonin. This hormone is needed so that a person could have good sleep. Yet, modern lifestyles delay the production of this hormone," the specialist said. "The shortage of melatonin leads to faster aging - this was proved in tests on animals, when scientists discovered that melatonin brings certain blood parameters in aged animals to levels found in young animals. This is not something that happens in humans. If a human being does not sleep well, the sleep deprivation factor interrupts the work of certain genes and makes life shorter," he added. "The evolution of humans takes relatively a very short time in history. Our biological clock does not work according to our modern lifestyle. Residents of the Caucasus are known for their ability to live for more than 100 years. They have a high level of melatonin," Alexei Kozlov told Pravda.Ru. "If you try to make your work hours match your biological clock, the melatonin level will normalize," he added. Pravda.Ru Read article on the Russian version of Pravda.Ru




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FARC means peace!

Colombia: Juan Manuel Santos seeks the path of dialogue with FARC In an unprecedented agreement, the government of Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) signed on Monday (27), in Havana, Cuba, an agreement to end the armed conflict in the country, which has lasted almost 50 years. The guerrillas gave several statements seeking a way out of the situation in Colombia through dialogue. The content of the agreement will be revealed soon by the Colombian representative, according to the multistate TeleSUR TV.




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Is Seeing 911 a Divine Message? Here’s What Angel Number 911 Means

Discover the spiritual meaning of angel number 911. Learn how 911 symbolizes growth, change, and guidance from the universe in life, love, and personal journeys.




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Exploring the Science of Social Distancing and What it Means for Everyday Life

As the coronavirus outbreak has spread throughout the United States, social distancing measures have taken many forms — such as business and school closures, cancelled events, and everyone being urged to keep six feet apart.




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In Sepsis, An ‘Excellent Diagnosis’ Means Keeping Patients at the Center

Each year, more than 1.7 million adults in the United States develop sepsis, and 270,000 people die as a result. It’s a dangerous medical complication that occurs when an existing infection — such as pneumonia, a bladder infection, or a skin infection — triggers an extreme reaction throughout the body that can rapidly lead to tissue damage, organ failure, and even death.




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What Google's antitrust trial means for your search habits

If Mehta rules that Google has been running an illegal monopoly in search, the punishment could open up new online avenues for consumers and businesses to explore in pursuit of information, entertainment and commerce.




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A Tarrant Events Center Birthday in Haltom City Means Good Eating

Flexible food & beverage options and up-front pricing make Haltom City Event Center the best of birthday party places




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Jo Anne Cauble McMeans has been Inducted into the Prestigious Marquis Who's Who Biographical Registry

Ms. Jo Anne Cauble McMeans serves as a community relations liaison with Prestige Estates Assisted Living and Memory Care




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Author Saverio Monachino's Murder Mystery, By Any Means, Will Be Available At No Charge In Ebook Format June 10 Through June 12, 2024, At Amazon

Saverio Monachino amalgamates an odd collection of authors like John Irving, Tom Robbins, and Louise Penny into one, and the servings he presents—psychological fiction thrillers—come complete with a side order of comedy.




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In Haltom City, Losing Businesses Means Losing Tax Revenues

Practical strategies are needed to bring the businesses back, one small business at a time.




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Astronomical Alignment Means Two Hearts Meet

Scientist and artist disrupt families but find true love at last.




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What the New Freelance Economy Means for Your Talent Strategy

The rapid pace of technological change is making a big impact on hiring. Some organizations are dynamically securing freelance workers through platform apps like Upwork and Freelancer. Other companies are investing heavily in work enabled by artificial intelligence. John Winsor and Jin Paik say these structural changes call for a reimagining of your talent strategy — one that is open to flexible, project-based work for talent inside or outside your organization — and they explain how to go about it. Winsor is the founder and chair of Open Assembly and an executive-in-residence at the Laboratory for Innovation Science at Harvard. Paik is a cofounder and managing partner at the AI consultancy Altruistic and a visiting research scientist at Harvard Business School. Together, they wrote the book Open Talent: Leveraging the Global Workforce to Solve Your Biggest Challenges and the HBR article "Do You Need an External Talent Cloud?"




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Tech at Work: What GenAI Means for Companies Right Now

Managing technology has never been more challenging. HBR IdeaCast’s new special series, Tech at Work, offers research, stories, and advice to make technology work for you and your team. This week: how your team can get the most out of working with generative AI.




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Craft 5: What It Means For Super Table Page Builders

If you’re like us, you’ve likely built ‘page builder’ fields in Craft CMS using Matrix. But sometimes you need more than a block. We use Super Table to create ‘page sections’ that include some extra settings (like background color, controls for width, etc.). We can then nest a Matrix field to control page blocks within the Page Section (Super Table). This has worked well for us in the past but there's a new, simpler way to achieve this starting in Craft 5.

Upgrading a site from Craft 4 to Craft 5 can seem intimidating. Even more so when your site relies on complex content models like the one I described above. You might think, okay I'll upgrade to Craft 5 and then look into migrating to the newer method in the future. Well, now is the time. Verbb has announced that Super Table has reached end-of-life.  While there is a Craft 5 compatible version available, it won't receive updates. That means now is the perfect time to migrate your Super Table fields to native Matrix fields.

Craft 5 makes the process easy by converting Matrix blocks to entry types automatically during the upgrade. This guide will walk you through the process. We'll cover preparation, the upgrades themselves, and steps to clean up afterward. As you’ll see below, the process is actually quite simple and nothing to stress over!

An example page builder using Super Table with a nested Matrix in Craft 4

Preparing for the Upgrade

The first step in any upgrade is preparation. Start by backing up your site’s database. This ensures that you can restore your site to its previous state if anything goes wrong during the upgrade process. We use (and love) DDEV here at Viget, so this guide will be leveraging it. But you can easily adapt the commands if you are not. To create a database backup, run:

❯ ddev snapshot

Next, review the compatibility of your installed plugins. Check the Plugin Store or the author’s site to confirm that each plugin has a Craft 5 compatible version. Make a list of any plugins that need updating or replacing. Super Table will need to be updated to at least version 4.0.0.

It's also essential to familiarize yourself with the Craft 5 Upgrade Guide. This guide provides detailed information on the changes, new features, and potential breaking changes in Craft 5, helping you understand what to expect. It serves as a fantastic set of instructions to get your site upgraded.

The Upgrade Process

Once you're prepared, you can begin the upgrade process. Per the Craft Upgrade Guide, we will update Craft and plugins at the same time. Open your editor and modify your composer.json with the new versions of your plugins. The two for sure we will need to modify are:

"craftcms/cms": "^5.0.0",
"verbb/super-table": "^4.0.0",

After you've checked all your versions and are ready to proceed, run:

❯ ddev composer update

This command will update Craft (and its dependencies) and all your plugins to the latest version compatible with Craft 5. After updating, you need to run the database migrations to complete the upgrade. This can be accomplished by running:

❯ ddev craft up

During this upgrade process, Craft 5 automatically converts all of your existing Matrix blocks to entry types. This conversion requires no interaction from you, streamlining one of the most complex aspects of the upgrade. After it’s finished, all of your non-reusable matrix blocks are now their own reusable entry type.

Craft 5 automatically converted the matrix blocks to their own entry types

Updating Super Table Fields and Templates

With the Matrix blocks converted to entry types, you need to reconfigure any Super Table fields to be Matrix fields.

Update Super Table Fields:

  • Browse to SettingsFields and edit any Super Table fields
  • Change the field type from Super Table to Matrix (there will be no content loss when switching from Super Table to Matrix)
  • Select the entry type to use (Craft has already created one for you)
  • Save the field
  • That's it!
Changing the field type from Super Table to Matrix (with no content loss)

Review Your Templates: #

  • If you've been working with Super Table content as part of entry queried data, you may not need to make template changes at all

  • Search your templates for craft.superTable to find any direct queries of Super Table blocks and replace them with entry queries


At this point, you have removed your dependency on Super Table and have a page builder entirely built with Matrix fields. What were previously Super Table blocks are now a custom Entry Type and what were Matrix blocks are now also Entry Types. This allows you to have nested Matrix within Matrix thanks to Craft’s Entrification plan.

A nested Matrix in Matrix page builder at last!
Our page builder looks just like before, only now it adds entries instead of blocks

Cleaning Up After the Upgrade

After updating your fields and templates, it's time to clean up. First, uninstall the Super Table plugin. Navigate to SettingsPlugins in the Control Panel to uninstall the plugin. Then remove it from your project by running:

❯ ddev composer remove verbb/super-table

Thoroughly test your site to ensure everything is functioning correctly. Pay close attention to the entry types where you used Super Table fields, confirming that authoring and your front-end work as expected.

Additionally, you can also take this opportunity to clean up your fields and entry types. Craft 5’s reusable fields and entry types give you ample opportunity to consolidate and Craft 5 provides new utilities to make this process as simple as possible.

  • fields/auto-merge — Automatically discovers functionally identical fields and merges their uses together.
  • fields/merge — Manually merge one field into another of the same type and update uses of the merged field.
  • entry-types/merge — Merge one entry type into another and update uses of the merged entry type.

That’s it!

Upgrading from Craft 4 to Craft 5 and transitioning from Super Table is incredibly simple, thanks to Craft 5’s automatic conversion of Matrix blocks to entry types. Super Table will no longer be maintained moving forward, and it's better to switch to the native Craft solution for better long-term support. By following these steps, you can quickly tackle the change and take advantage of the new features and improvements in Craft 5. With careful planning, thorough testing, and a few commands, you’ll have your page builder working again in Craft 5 in no time. Happy upgrading!




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RIP a Livecast #640 – Neigh Means Neigh

We kick things off by talking about Facebook's downtime. We learn about some of the less-flattering things GG Allin did. We briefly speak to Jordan from Dark Saga, a band […]




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The E.U. Advances a Watered-Down but Nonetheless Landmark Human Rights Draft Law – What This Means for Global Employers

  • The E.U. significantly advanced draft legislation requiring certain global employers to engage in wide-ranging human rights due diligence.
  • The scope of the law covers both E.U. and non-E.U. companies.
  • The draft law is expected to pass this summer, triggering E.U. Member States’ obligations to transpose it into local law. 




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Originalism, Social Contract, and Labor Rights: What the Reawakening of Natural Law Means for Exclusive Union Representation

Alex MacDonald explains why natural labor law and principles may soon return to center stage in the legal world. 

North Dakota Law Review

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UK: The King’s Speech and What it Means for Employment Law

  • The King’s Speech was delivered on July 17, setting forth the UK Government’s legislative agenda for the next Parliamentary Session.  
  • Highlights include the introduction of an Employment Rights Bill within the first 100 days, publication of a Draft Equality (Race and Disability) Bill, and a living wage that accounts for the current cost of living and eliminates age bands.




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Third Circuit's 'Johnson v. NCAA' Opinion: What It Means for College Athletics and Beyond

Andrea M. Kirshenbaum discusses how Johnson v. NCAA is noteworthy beyond the realm of college athletics for its expansive discussion of the FLSA.

The Legal Intelligencer

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What Artificial Intelligence Means for the Construction Workplace

James McGehee and Bradford Kelley provide insight into the potential impact of AI on the construction industry. 

For Construction Pros

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What A Trump Or Harris Win Means For Stalled Noncompete And Overtime Rules

Jim Paretti and Shannon Meade discuss how the election will affect the fate of overtime and noncompete laws.

Forbes

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A Mixed Race Future and What it Means for Communities (November 13, 2024 12:00pm)

Event Begins: Wednesday, November 13, 2024 12:00pm
Location: Hatcher Graduate Library
Organized By: University Library


A panel of mixed race and interracially married librarians discuss changing demographics in this country, and what it means for scholarship, publishing, and higher education broadly.

See the full list of events offered as part of the series Exploring Mixed Race and Interracial Family Experiences (https://myumi.ch/qV2xE).




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Kratos’ DeMarco Bullish On What Trump, With Help From Musk, Means For Startups And Non-Traditional Defense Companies

A second Trump administration committed to cutting federal spending could mean very good things for non-traditional defense companies and startups because of a focus on affordability, Eric DeMarco, the president […]




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Repealing Energy Efficiency Program Means Lost Jobs, Higher Electric Bills for Indiana

The EERS required Indiana’s electric utilities to cut energy delivery by an average of 2 percent annually, as well as providing home energy assessments, low-income weatherization, and efficiency rebates for businesses, homeowners, and schools. In 2014, Indiana legislature passed SEA 340 to cancel the EERS. Then Gov. Mike Pence did not veto or sign the bill, so it became law, and Indiana became the first state to repeal its energy efficiency standard.




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Ice Machine Maintenance Means Regular Cleaning and Sanitizing

Once restaurants started reopening, smart owners asked contractors to clean and sanitize ice machines before they were returned to service.




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What Trump’s Election Means for HVAC Tax Credits and Incentives

With the election of Donald Trump to President of the United States, the HVAC industry is wondering how this will affect the Inflation Reduction Act incentives.




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What Kamala Harris’ Candidacy Means

The Vice President becomes the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee in a game-changing political moment.





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What Trump's win means for the climate

Elections are supposed to clarify policy uncertainties, and on the economic front, Donald Trump's victory over Kamala Harris has done just that. All three major US stock indices and US Treasury yields jumped after Nov 5, reflecting expectations of both strong economic growth and soaring debt and inflation.




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A Kamala Victory Means Green New Deal Lawfare – Would ‘unleash the Justice Dept on American energy companies’

https://www.realclearenergy.org/articles/2024/11/04/a_kamala_victory_means_green_new_deal_lawfare_1069885.html By Jason Isaac Expect Kamala Harris’ Justice Department to wage Green New Deal lawfare if she is elected president on Nov. 5. As with every last issue pertaining to this election, Harris has not said much about the substance of her climate policy. But a review of her record suggests she’d be amenable to unleashing […]




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CNN: At UN climate summit, ‘diplomats are fretting over what Trump’s victory means for the planet’ – ‘It’s a depressing story’

CNN on Trump's victory: A U-turn on US climate policy could be disastrous for the planet, as it raises the risk of emulation. When America does something on the world stage, at least some countries tend to follow. “Paris is one of those agreements where you need a critical mass of economic powers and emitters, past and present, to actually be able to address this challenge,” said Oli Brown, an associate fellow at the London-based think tank Chatham House. ... 

“And it will allow big emitters to not take the kind of ambitious action that’s needed, because they don’t want to be at a competitive disadvantage to the US, if the US is unburdened by any sense of collective responsibility,” he told CNN. ... 

But the real sting is, that as the world’s biggest economy, the US has more power than any other country to fund climate change action in the developing world. Even if it stays in the Paris Agreement, an “America First” Trump administration is unlikely to be more generous with grants and loans for other countries’ green transition. That alone sets the talks up for failure — their main aim was to agree to a transfer $1 trillion a year from wealthy countries and institutions to help developing nations build clean energy systems and to adapt to worsening extreme weather, like heat waves, floods, drought, storms and wildfires.





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What This Election Means for LGBTQ Issues

The right has been spreading outrageous lies, claiming that kids are going to school as one gender and coming home as another after "impromptu surgeries." The writer points out how absurd this idea is: surgeries, especially gender-affirming ones, aren’t done in schools, don’t happen on a whim, and certainly aren’t performed on minors without extensive parental involvement. It’s a scare tactic with no basis in reality. by Vivian McCall

Lately, Donald Trump has been spreading a ridiculous lie that kids are going to school one gender and arriving home another.

I wanted to explain how a person doesn’t have to know anything about transgender people, schools, or medicine to know this isn’t true. A little boy isn’t going to come skipping home from school a little girl after an impromptu genital gender-affirmation surgery because gender-affirmation surgeries are not impromptu, are rarely performed on minors, and are never performed on minors without parental consent. They’re not performed in schools at all because schools don’t have operating rooms. Even if there was enough time in a school day to rush a kid to the hospital, this is not a check-up. Nobody waltzes out of the hospital after a major surgery. Think for one second and it makes no fucking sense.

Then I heard Trump say that the Democrats want gender surgeries for “almost everyone in the world” because they’re evil. Suddenly, it felt kind of futile and stupid to write a sarcastic, reasonable explanation of the facts because the floor for what Trump is willing to say about transgender people is a chasm. 

By his telling, the people cheer him on when he mentions “transgender” at his rallies, and he’ll do anything for the applause. This fervor is also why the hundreds of failed anti-trans bills—or polling that shows Americans by and large don’t really give a shit about trans issues and would rather talk about the economy—won’t dissuade Republicans from launching more anti-trans campaigns and introducing hundreds more bills restricting LGBTQ civil rights. During the World Series, viewers were subjected to anti-trans and anti-abortion ads so graphic that networks issued content warnings explaining that legally they have to air anything a qualified political candidate pays for.

We’re not having a rational conversation about trans issues in this country, we’re watching a panic attack about the threat trans people supposedly pose to the concept of gender and the nuclear family.

My better angels want me to tell conservatives about the trans people who want children with their spouses, or still love the ones they had before coming out. But if someone believes Big Gender is an evil enterprise, it’ll take someone they love coming out for them to recognize the groomer talk as the manipulative fiction it is. It will always be easier to hate some blue-haired apparition lurking in the shadows of your mind than your childhood buddy Jim when she tells you to call her Linda.

For obvious reasons, the possibility of a Trump victory is freaking out people in the queer community, even here in Washington, with our protective laws and Democrat-dominated Legislature. Because what Trump says and does are often different things, they’re unsure of the implications for their health care, their families, their marriages, and their futures. 

What We Can and Should Worry About at the Federal Level

In 2023, Penny Nance, CEO of the Christian nonprofit Concerned Women for America, asked Donald Trump to sign a pledge that if he won in 2024, he’d direct all federal agencies to uphold that a person’s “gender identity” doesn’t overrule their “sex.” Pledge or no pledge, nothing Trump did as president or has said during this campaign indicates he wouldn’t.

While in power, Trump appointed a slate of anti-LGBTQ judges. He banned transgender people from serving in the military and weakened their already tenuous access to gender-affirming care. How much farther he could go is another question. The man’s mind is an enigma. No matter who wins, the courts will remain a chaotic x-factor for us all.

By the time Trump took office in 2017, federal courts had recognized existing civil rights laws banning sex-discrimination protected gay and trans people, reasoning that anti-LGBTQ discrimination was, at its core, a reaction to people deviating from the norms of their sex. But the words “sexual orientation” or “gender identity” are not in the Civil Rights Act of 1964, or Title IX, a 1972 law prohibiting sex discrimination in education, or Section 1557 of the Affordable Care Act (the ACA, also known as Obamacare) outlining groups protected from discrimination.

Those rights exist, but they’re not codified. Their existence depends on a broader legal interpretation of what sex discrimination even means. 

Trump’s administration rejected that interpretation. It rolled back Obama-era non-discrimination protections for LGBTQ people and plotted to erase the word “sex” from federal civil rights laws. In 2019, the House passed the Equality Act, a bill that would add “sexual orientation” and “ “gender identity” to the Civil Rights Act, on a bi-partisan vote, but the Senate didn’t take up the bill after Trump said he wouldn’t sign it. The bill passed the House again with only three Republican supporters, but did not survive a Senate filibuster. 

Then at the end of Trump’s presidency, the conservative US Supreme Court delivered a stunning 6-3 ruling in Bostock v. Clayton County that found Title VII of the Civil Rights Act protected gay and trans people from employment discrimination. As Trump’s handpicked appointee Justice Neil Gorsuch wrote in the majority opinion, “it is impossible to discriminate against a person for being homosexual or transgender without discriminating against that individual based on sex.” Trump, whose White House filed two briefs urging the court to rule the other way, admitted to reporters it was a “very powerful decision, actually.” Not that its “power” changed his thinking. 

Yipee! All solved, right? Gay people have rights forever? Gorsuch is competing in International Mr. Leather next year and drinking with us at the Stonewall Inn? Right? 

Not quite. 

Bostock laid an important legal precedent and textualist argument that’s been cited in hundreds of sex-discrimination cases around the country.  The ruling prompted President Joe Biden to issue an executive order on his first day in office that directed all federal agencies to consider policies banning sex discrimination to apply to gay and trans people. It remains at the core of its interpretations of Title IX, the Violence Against Women Act, the ACA and the federal Fair Housing Act.

But Bostock did not end the fight, and its narrow scope leaves some rights potentially vulnerable should Trump take control. Say he’s elected and makes good on his pledge to Nance. The Supreme Court was clear on workplace protections, but Trump’s lackeys could say their ruling doesn’t apply to housing, healthcare, access to public accommodations, and education.

Mirroring Biden’s executive order to federal agencies, Trump said he’d reverse Title IX protections for trans students on day one of his presidency. He’s also vowed to ban gender-affirming care for minors, which he’s called child mutilation, and cut federal funding for schools that push “gender ideology.” His running mate, Ohio Sen. JD Vance, introduced five anti-trans bills between 2023 and 2024, which included criminalizing healthcare for trans kids. Saving his most deranged takes for the race’s photo finish, Vance appeared on Joe Rogan’s podcast and suggested middle- and upper-class white kids become trans to get into good schools, so they can, I guess, piss their pants in the lecture hall if a state revokes their bathroom access. As CNN pointed out, trans kids are actually a lot less likely to get into good schools because all the bullying, harassment, and dark thoughts tend to bring down the ol’ grade point average.

Harris, Harris, Harris, Harris, Harris. In the 2019 primary, she said she supported gender-affirming surgeries for trans migrants in custody. She’s not special for that–federal law requires the government to provide necessary medical care to inmates, and documents show Trump’s Federal Bureau of Prisons acknowledged that law–but people have made a lot of her apparent lack of support this cycle. When asked about transgender rights, Harris’s canned answer is that she’ll “follow the law.” Without a crystal ball or Ouija board handy, I’d hazard to guess she’d likely follow in Biden’s footsteps and his “follow the law” line is a dodge —perhaps part of her plan to nab all the Republican-leaning voters who can’t stand Trump but may not get trans issues. After all, trans issues have been a fruitful wedge issue precisely because people don’t understand them – and people fear what they don’t understand.

That said, laws are not virtues, and trans people are pissed about her lack of commitment. They’re scared because they’ve been pilloried in this election, and following the law in certain states means they don’t have civil rights. Plenty have fled those laws. Her running mate, Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz has one of the best records on gay and trans rights of any Democratic governor, from his time as a football coach sponsoring a Gay-Straight Alliance in a small town to signing an executive order to make Minnesota a “trans refugee state.” I don’t trust politicians as a rule, but Walz has been an ally much longer than it’s been cool or even acceptable.

Now for the part that made me go uh-oh out loud.

No matter who wins, these anti-discrimination protections are up against federal courts stacked with conservative appointees, and conservative think tanks have the money, the time, and the zealous devotion to launch sophisticated attacks to invalidate LGBTQ rights and restrict the legal definition of sex in perpetuity.

Jaelynn Scott, Executive Director of the Lavender Rights Project, a Seattle-based LGBTQ legal advocacy organization, is convinced the broad interpretation of Title VII will face continual legal challenges until lawmakers amend the Civil Rights Act to include “gender identity” or pass the Equality Act.

Federal judges have already blocked Biden’s Bostock-backed interpretations of Title XI and the ACA’s non-discrimination protections. The same Supreme Court justices who ruled in favor of Bostock also blocked the administration's Title IX rules. The court’s recent decision on Chevron Deference compounds the problem. It not only weakened the power of federal agencies to enact new rules that comply with often vague laws from Congress, but it also made challenging federal regulations much easier and shows we can’t count on the Justices to adhere to binding legal precedent, which sucks because this all may come down to if or when the Supreme Court sets limits on Bostock. 

We know it will soon decide if laws restricting gender-affirming care violate the US Constitution’s Equal Protection Clause. On December 4, the Court will hear US v. Skrmetti, a challenge to Tennessee’s ban on puberty blockers and hormone therapy for minors.

The case is important because it could determine what level of protection trans people have under the Equal Protection Clause. Elana Redfield, Federal Policy Director at the Williams Institute, a LGBTQ public-policy research center at the University of California, Los Angeles, says the issue at the heart of this case is whether it is unlawful for the state to ban these treatments in the way that it did. 

Recent cases show the state might be able to legally prove no sex discrimination took place. The first is Dobbs, the case that struck down abortion. In the Dobbs decision, the court cited an old case called Geduldig v. Aiello, which found a state could legally deny insurance coverage for medical complications during pregnancy, even though it would have almost entirely burdened cis women, to say states could prohibit abortion. The Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals applied Geduldig to Adams, a case that upheld a state’s right to enact trans bathroom bans. In Skrmetti, The Sixth Court of Appeals again applied the same exact legal reasoning to gender-affirming care. It ruled the Bostock decision applied only to workplace discrimination and lawmakers had the right to regulate medical procedures as long as they did so without discriminatory intent. 

“I know, it's pretty in the weeds, but it is also important,” Redfield said in an email. “In part because it provides a pathway for courts to avoid finding sex discrimination, and in part because they are citing back to cases decided before “intermediate scrutiny” for sex discrimination was even established.”

It’s not all bad news. This April, the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed lower court decisions that North Carolina’s and West Virginia's bans on gender-affirming care were unconstitutional. 

Trump’s focus on trans people has obscured his position on gay rights, which enjoy broader support from the American electorate than trans rights.

But would a party more aligned with the religious and extreme right than ever abandon the positions they’ve consolidated power over for decades, just like that? The supposedly “softer” Republican platform that claims the party will leave abortion to the states has not convinced millions of women across the country. Omitting a direct reference to same-sex marriage in that same platform, while still invoking its “sanctity,” shouldn’t convince gays, either. 

A second Trump administration would be filled with pre-vetted loyalists. The aides, staff, bureaucracy, and institutions that inhibited his most destructive impulses during his first turn have been foxed out of the henhouse. If Trump follows the plan outlined in Project 2025, he’ll reconstitute the administrative state as a faithful engine of Trumpism. If decisions from the Washington Post’s and Los Angeles Times’s billionaire owners are any indication, institutions may be folding in advance. Trump is promising to throw his political enemies in jail, for God’s sake. When have gay people ever emerged from a regime like that unscathed?

Um, What About Washington?

Even if everything goes to hell and Trump or the courts change how the government interprets sex-based anti-discrimination protections, Washington State will probably remain a good place to be gay and trans, legally speaking. Though there’s always uncertainty in the brackish waters between federal and state law, we're pretty Trump-proofed.

The Washington Law Against Discrimination (WLAD) broadly guards against anti-gay and anti-trans discrimination in housing, places of public accommodation, employment, credit transactions, healthcare, and other areas. 

Meaning you should be able to sign a new lease, take out a massive home loan, celebrate with fine dining and heavy drinking, stumbling and falling on your way out the door, breaking your arm, calling an ambulance, arriving at the hospital, and having a qualified medical professional examine you without anyone throwing your gay or trans ass into the street.

The WLAD also guarantees access to gender-affirming care and requires insurers to cover it, a protection the Gender Affirming Treatment Act (GATA) strengthened in 2022.

The state also allows those born here to change the gender marker on their birth certificate from M to F, F to M, or from either to X. In 2023, Governor Jay Inslee signed laws that sealed name changes for transgender people and protected trans runaways in the shelter system. He also signed a shield law that protects people who seek gender-affirming care and abortions in Washington from the authorities in states that have banned or criminalized their healthcare.

Even if the Supreme Court struck down Obergefell v. Hodges, gay marriage would remain legal in Washington, save the Supreme Court losing its mind and allowing for a federal prohibition on same-sex unions, another can of worms that would be litigated to hell along the lines of states rights. Gay couples would still be able to adopt, too. Lesbian couples could count on the law to protect access and insurance coverage for fertility treatments.

Adrien Leavitt, a staff attorney with the ACLU of Washington, says in many regards our state constitution is also more protective than the US constitution, that we have a strong State Supreme Court, and that our lawmakers have shown an ongoing commitment to upholding and strengthening protections for LGBTQ people.

Our Democratic lawmakers did let the right take one victory on LGBTQ issues this year, however, when it passed Let’s Go Washington’s legally ambiguous, but dog-whistle-y Parents Bill of Rights ballot initiative I-2081.

Concerned the law may allow parents to access their child’s counseling records, the ACLU of Washington, QLaw and Legal Voice filed suit. A King County Superior Court Judge later blocked that provision. But passing the law might have been a political calculation in Olympia. HadDemocrats let it go to voters, and it passed, the Legislature couldn’t amend it next session.

We still don’t have all the answers. Rebekah Gardea, QLaw’s director of community advocacy and outreach, raised I-2081 as an example in a pattern of attacks on LGBTQ rights across the country able to infiltrate even a progressive state like Washington. Even if advocacy groups can be fairly confident laws banning gender-affirming care would die in committee here in Washington, the right can always introduce an initiative if there’s the money and motivation to do so. In the event of a second Trump presidency, Gardea says her organization is concerned about how our shield law would hold against a federal investigation, or what potential data privacy gaps the state may have. It’s a question the Legislature may have to answer next session.

“There’s a lot of unknowns that we’re still looking into,” she said. “We’re trying to figure out how we strengthen those protections as soon as possible so there’s really no room for interpretation.”

Should the storm come, the best thing Washington could do is adopt the position that it will live up to its progressive values by vigorously defending them against outside actors, including a federal government that imposed restrictions on LGBTQ rights. Bob Ferguson, the Attorney General and Democratic frontrunner for the governor’s race, said in a statement he’d be ready on “day one” to combat a Trump presidency.

That’s all well and good for us, but sanctuary state thinking is a trap. Your civil rights are tenuous if they can disappear at the state line.  

These progressive state laws do not regulate hate and intimidation, and if the federal government goes screwball, there’s no telling how that would change the social dynamics in this country. They’ve already changed so much in a short period of time.

Eight years ago in 2016, lawmakers nationwide had only introduced 55 anti-trans bills nationwide. That same year, North Carolina's passage of a single anti-trans bathroom bill prompted the NCAA to ban college sports championships in the state, PayPal to cancel plans for a new office and Beatle Ringo Starr to cancel a massive concert. The Associated Press determined the state stood to lose $3.76 billion dollars over the bathroom policy, which is why lawmakers repealed it the next year. In the last two years, we’ve seen between 1,000 and 1,200 bills. Most fail, but plenty are passing. Where are those boycotts now? The only transgender-related social contagion in this country is ignorance. When it comes to hate, state borders are astoundingly porous.

I’m very confident Washington won’t pass a gender-affirming care ban in the next five years, or even the next 10 years. But 15? A lot can change. Fifteen years ago, Donald Trump was hosting Season 8 of The Celebrity Apprentice

The world changes and complacency is one way to speed up that change. There’s a snide attitude in blue states about red states, like the only reason regressive laws get passed is because all the people there are stupid and backward enough to let it happen. I hear variations of this contemptuous position in gay bars and on gay couches at parties all the time, and it totally ignores decades of disenfranchisement and manipulation that have tilted the balance of power in red states. 

So the next time you think something to the effect of, “at least I’m safe,” think about the woman going septic in the hospital parking lot, or the trans kid weighing suicide in their bedroom. If you’re not for them, you’re not for anything at all.




means

On W.A.S.P. and what it means to be a shock rock band in 2024

I'm watching a pale, androgynous figure gyrate on an oversized, grainy tube TV in 1998…





means

Francis Fukuyama: what Trump unleashed means for America

Republican is inaugurating a new era in US politics and perhaps for the world as a whole




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What Trump’s second term means for Colorado immigrants, public lands, abortion access and Space Command

Here's how the coming second term of President-elect Donald Trump could impact Colorado's immigrants, public lands, abortion access and hosting of the U.S. Space Command headquarters.




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what 'polite' means: Culpeper, O'Driscoll & Hardaker (2019)

I've studied the word please off and on for a few years now.* Currently, I'm trying to finish up a study that I started an embarrassing number of years ago. Now that I've returned to it, I have the pleasure of reading all the works that have been published on related topics in the meantime. They couldn't inform my study design, but they must now inform the paper I hope to publish. One of these is a chapter by Jonathan Culpeper, Jim O'Driscoll and Claire Hardaker: "Notions of Politeness in Britain and North America," published in the book in From Speech Acts to Lay Understandings of Politeness, edited by Eva Ogiermann and Pilar Garcés-Conejos Blitvich (Cambridge UP, 2019). 

Their question, what does polite mean in the UK and US, was a research project on my to-do list. When I was a younger scholar, I'd have been (a) royally annoyed with those authors for getting to it first, (b) sad, sad, sad that I didn't get to do a fun piece of research, and (c) consumed with self-loathing for not being quick enough to do the project myself. It is both the blessing and curse of middle age that I now look at anything anyone else has done with gratitude. Good! Now I don't have to do it! 

Let's start with why it's interesting to ask about "notions of politeness" in the two countries. Here's a clue from an earlier post about use of please when ordering at restaurants. I asked:
So, how can it be that Americans think of themselves as polite when they fail to extend this common courtesy word?
I argued that Americans (subconsciously) find the lack of please in these contexts "more polite." In the comments section for that post, some people—mostly British people—could just not accept that a food order without a please could be described as polite. To them, to be polite includes saying please. If you're not using the word please, it's just not polite. 

Now, part of the reason for that disagreement is that I was using the word polite in linguistic-theory-laden ways. The distinction between how the word politeness is used in linguistic discussions and how it's used in everyday life has become such a problem for us linguists that we now talk about polite1 and polite2 to distinguish commonplace understandings of polite (1) from our theoretical uses (2). The failures of communication in my previous blogpost probably stemmed from having three understandings of politeness at play: the linguist's polite2, American polite1, and British polite1. 


Postcard from the How to be British series


 

Culpeper et al. set out to contrast British and American polite1. They point out that academic research on the topic of British/American politeness is "full of stereotypes that have largely gone unexamined." These stereotypes hold that British culture favo(u)rs maintaining social distance by using indirectness and avoidance in interaction, while Americans are more interested in creating interactional intimacy by being informal and open. The authors asked: how do AmE and BrE speakers use the word polite? If differences exist, then do they conform to the stereotypes, or do they tell us something new? To investigate this, the authors used two sets of data.


Part 1: clustering 'polite' words in the OEC

First, they searched the Oxford English Corpus, where they found thousands of instances of polite. In AmE, it occurs 6.8 times and in BrE 8.8 times per million words. They then used corpus-linguistic tools to determine which words polite was most likely to co-occur with in the two countries' data. They then used statistical tools to group these collocates into clusters that reflect how they behave linguistically. (I'll skip over the detail of the statistical methods they use, but it suffices to say: they know what they're doing.) For example in the British data, words like courteous, considerate, and respectful form a courteous cluster, while words like cheery, optimistic, and upbeat are in the cheerful cluster. 

The British and American datasets were similar in that polite co-occurred at similar rates with words that formed cheerful and friendly clusters. This seems to go with the common stereotype of American politeness as outgoing and inclusive, but contradicts the British stereotype of reserved behavio(u)r. 

The most notable difference was that British polite collocated with words in a sensible cluster, including: sensible, straightforward, reasonable, and fair. This cluster didn't figure in the American data. The British data also had a calm cluster (calm, quiet, generous, modest, etc.), which had little overlap with American collocates. British polite, then, seems to be associated with "calm rationality, rather than, say, spontaneous emotion." 

Other clusters seemed more complex. Courteous and charming came up as British clusters, while American had respectful, gracious, and thoughtful clusters. However, many of the words in those clusters were the same. For example, almost all the words in the British courteous cluster were in the American gracious cluster. That is, in American courteous and attentive were more closely associated with 'gracious' words like open-minded and appreciative, while British courteous and attentive didn't intersect with more 'gracious' words. Respectful is a particularly interesting case: it shows up in the courteous cluster for the British data, but has its own respectful cluster in American (with words like compassionate and humane). 
 
Looking at these clusters of patterns gives us a sense of the connotations of the words—that is to say, the associations those words bring up for us. Words live in webs of cultural assumptions. Pluck one word in one web, and others will reverberate. But it won't be the same words that would have reverberated if you'd plucked the same word in the other web. It's not that compassionate wasn't in the British data, for example—it's that its patterns did not land it in a cluster with respectful.  In American, respectful seems to have "a warmer flavour" with collocates relating to kindness and positive attitudes toward(s) others, while in the British data respectful has "older historic echoes of courtly, refined, well-mannered behaviour." 

Part 2: 'politeness' and sincerity on Twitter

Their second investigation involved analy{s/z}ing use of polite and its synonyms in a particular 36-hour period on Twitter. The data overall seemed to go against the stereotypes that American politeness is "friendly" and British is "formal", but once they looked at the data in more detail, they discovered why: US and UK words differed in (in)sincerity. In the British data, respectful seemed to "be used as a vehicle for irony, sarcasm and humour", while in the American data friendly "appears to have acquired a negative connotation" about 17% of the time, in which "friendly" people were accused of being untrustworthy or otherwise undesirable. This also underscores the idea that American respectful has a "warmer flavour" than British respectful. It's intriguing that each culture seems to be using words stereotypically associated with them (American–friendly; British–respectful) in ironic ways, while taking the less "typical of them" words more seriously.  

Yay for this study! 

I'm grateful to Culpeper, O'Driscoll and Hardaker for this very interesting paper, which demonstrates why it's difficult to have cross-cultural discussions of what's "polite" or "respectful" behavio(u)r. The more we're aware of these trends in how words are interpreted differently in different places, the better we can take care in our discussions of what's polite, acceptable, or rude. 


*If you're interested in the fruits of my please labo(u)rs so far, have a look at:




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“Never Trump” still means never, ever

(Nov. 1)  For plenty of Reaganite conservatives of four- or five-decade-long standing, the thought of voting for former President Donald Trump always has been anathema. And still is. Even for […]

The post “Never Trump” still means never, ever appeared first on Quin Hillyer.




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Who owns the Moon? A new space race means it could be up for grabs

A race for the lunar surface's resources is currently under way. What’s to stop a Wild West opening up?




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'Unrwa means everything to us': Gazans fear aid collapse

People in war-torn Gaza are already struggling with a deep humanitarian crisis but now they fear it will get much more difficult.




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Donald Trump’s New Border Czar Means Business… and Democrats are Furious

Donald Trump has riled the left-wing, anti-American Democrats once again, this time by naming Biden critic and immigration expert Thomas D. Homan as his “border czar.” Homan is an excellent choice for this, certainly. No one knows more about fixing border policy better than Homan who ha spent the last 5 years bedeviling the left […]

The post Donald Trump’s New Border Czar Means Business… and Democrats are Furious appeared first on The Lid.




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What the US election means for trade policy

What the US election means for trade policy Expert comment LJefferson

Kamala Harris and Donald Trump could not be more different when it comes to trade, despite a changed economic landscape.

Trade policy is playing a relatively subdued role in this autumn’s US election. Yes, former president Trump has proposed tariffs of anywhere from 20 per cent to 100 per cent, asserting the revenue could fund policy areas from deficit reduction to childcare, all while growing US employment and promoting world peace.
  
But unlike 2020, or even more 2016, the international trade architecture has not been a lively part of this year’s campaign. The two parties now start from a shared expectation of an international economic landscape shaped more by competition and industrial policy than by continued liberalization. However, the two presidential candidates’ views of which trade tools to use, and whether to proceed with allies and partners or unilaterally, could not be more different.

New set of trade expectations

A large part of the relative calm has to do with the emergence of a new set of expectations on trade that are shared across Republicans and Democrats, and that are unlikely to shift in the next four years regardless of who occupies the White House.

First, neither party can field the support to pass a traditional comprehensive free trade agreement through Congress. While each party still has a wing of elected officials who would like to see the US return to negotiating deals like the Trans-Pacific Partnership, or attempt expansive new deals with Europe or in the Western Hemisphere, they are unlikely to reach critical mass in the immediate future, regardless of who holds the White House – or who controls Congress.

Neither party can field the support to pass a traditional comprehensive free trade agreement through Congress. 

This shift in perception of the relative value of such deals – and their potential to cause political blowback for legislators – also means that the cost to any administration that wanted to propose such a deal would be high.

Second, there is broad bipartisan support to continue measures aimed at promoting US security in the face of high-technology challenges from Beijing that have both military and security applications. This means continued US activism in export controls and other more innovative measures.

Less divergence on clean energy

While there is also cross-party enthusiasm for approaches to building up US manufacturing that fall under the rubric of industrial policy, the parties diverge significantly when it comes to specific content. However, around clean energy that divergence will be less than the campaign trail rhetoric suggests.

There is considerable cross-party interest in trade initiatives that promote clean energy and manufacturing – whether from a climate perspective or a pure economic competitiveness perspective.

Because clean energy generation is spread so broadly across the United States – with a great deal of wind and solar generation in Republican-governed ‘red states,’ and investment from the Inflation Reduction Act flowing to red states as much or more than blue ones – such incentives, and their effects on trade policy, are here to stay. Despite this, a Republican presidency or Congress will certainly seek to water down or eliminate parts of the Inflation Reduction Act that focus specifically on transition away from fossil fuels.
 
Coupled with this commitment to making America a clean energy superpower, there is considerable cross-party interest in trade initiatives that promote clean energy and manufacturing – whether from a climate perspective or a pure economic competitiveness perspective. A wide range of creative proposals are buzzing around Congress and think-tanks – from a carbon border measure, to resuscitating the Global Steel Arrangement, to critical mineral-focused deals. Though the topic is often overlooked in overviews of trade policy, it is the one where we are most likely to see classic trade tools used.

A vast difference between the two candidates

Beyond those broad strokes of an emerging ‘new Washington consensus,’ as former US trade representative and current head of the Council on Foreign Relations Michael Froman describes it: who wins the presidency will make a vast difference in what Washington does on trade – and how it aims to achieve its goals.

While Vice-President Harris has criticized Trump’s tariff proposals, she has not signalled that she would make changes to the tariffs on China.

A Harris administration will aim to develop shared economic security agendas with allies and partners – quite possibly expanding beyond the Biden Administration’s G7 focus to pursue more deals with a broader range of partners. Trump, on the other hand, has explicitly said he will pursue US economic interests at the expense of allies and partners. ‘Under my leadership,’ he said in a speech in Georgia last month, ‘we’re going to take other countries’ jobs,’ specifically citing allies Germany and South Korea as targets.

While Vice-President Harris has criticized Trump’s tariff proposals, and noted their likely negative effects on consumers, she has not signalled that she would make changes to the tariffs on China first imposed by President Trump and then adjusted by President Biden. 
A Trump administration would use tariffs aggressively, but it remains absolutely unclear how. 




means

Migration and Health: Barriers and Means to Achieving Universal Health Coverage





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Watching Belarus Means Watching Russia Too

13 August 2020

Keir Giles

Senior Consulting Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme
Protesters in Belarus face a dilemma, as being too successful in confronting the Belarusian regime could mean they end up having to reckon with Russian forces as well.

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Russian president Vladimir Putin and Belarus president Aliaksandr Lukashenka skiing in the Black Sea resort of Sochi, Russia. Photo by SERGEI CHIRIKOV/AFP via Getty Images.

Amid outrage and revulsion at Belarus’s fraudulent election and the subsequent savage repression of protests, Western responses must be planned with half an eye on Russia. Not just for what is often described as the risk of ‘driving Belarus into Russia’s arms’ but also for the danger of unilateral Russian action, with or without Belarusian acquiescence.

In the past six years, there have been endless discussions of what might prompt another Russian military intervention in Europe after Ukraine. In many of these scenarios, it is precisely the situation currently unfolding in Belarus that has been top of the list, with all the wide-ranging implications for security of the continent as a whole that would follow.

Just as with Ukraine, Russia is considered likely to intervene if it seemed to Moscow there was a danger of ‘losing’ Belarus to the West. If the situation in Belarus becomes more unstable and unpredictable, assertive Russian action could aim to assert control by different possible means - either propping up Lukashenka as a paper-thin proxy for Russian power, or installing a different, more compliant leadership as a pretence at legitimacy.

New facts on the ground

Leadership and support for a Western response to events in Belarus might previously have been expected from the United States which, like the UK, had been actively pushing forward relations with Belarus. But besides its preoccupation with internal affairs, US criticism of the election and ‘detentions of peaceful protesters and journalists’ looks tenuous in the light of the current administration’s behaviour over its own recent domestic issues.

Nevertheless, for NATO and for the United States as its primary guarantor, what happens in Belarus remains critically important precisely because of the possible response by Russia. Unpredictability increases the risk of Russia declaring it has received a ‘request for assistance from the legitimate government of Belarus’ and moving military forces into the country.

Once the immediate challenge of suppressing dissent had been dealt with, the presence of Russian forces in Belarus – along with the air and missile forces they could be expected to bring with them - would substantially alter the security situation for a wide area of central Europe. Popular scenarios for Russian military adventures such as a move on the Suwałki gap - the strip of Polish-Lithuanian border separating the exclave of Kaliningrad from the rest of Russia - would no longer be several geopolitical steps away.

Ukraine would be forced to rapidly re-orient its defence posture to face a new threat from the north, while Belarus’s other neighbours would need to adjust to having effectively a direct border with Russia. In particular, NATO’s enhanced forward presence (eFP) contingents in Poland and Lithuania would become the focus of intense political attention, facing calls both for their rapid expansion, and their complete removal as destabilizing factors.

Examining Russia's options

NATO and the US’s European Command must now be watching Russia just as intently as Russia is watching Belarus. For now, Russia may be reassured by what it has seen. While the protests in Belarus are far more widespread than those in Ukraine which led to its former president Viktor Yanukovych fleeing the country, Aliaksandr Lukashenka is showing no signs of similarly losing his nerve.

The viciousness of the repression combined with more or less effective suppression of communications over the internet may mean unrest will soon be subdued. Even if there were a transfer of power, the current Belarusian opposition has not declared a policy of greater integration with the West - and Russia might feel it could constrain the options available to any replacement as effectively as it has done Lukashenka’s.

Perversely, continued international apathy could even work to Belarus’s benefit by providing reassurance to Russia. If a palpable lack of interest helps the Kremlin believe the discontent in Belarus is purely organic and spontaneous, and is not other countries ‘mobilizing the protest potential of the population’ in order to bring about a ‘colour revolution’, this would be a strong argument against a need to act in order to head off Western encroachment.

But the options facing ordinary Belarusians do remain bleak. Passivity means acceptance of continuing stagnation under Lukashenka, with his rule extended indefinitely. Active opposition means a very real risk of arrest with the possibility of serious injury. Unsuccessful protest means the cause may once again soon be forgotten by the outside world. Successful protest carries the ever-present risk of Russia stepping in with an offer of ‘fraternal assistance’ and Belarus becoming effectively a province of Russia rather than an independent country with – in the long term - the opportunity to choose its own future.




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Nigeria’s Recovery Means Rethinking Economic Diversification

14 August 2020

Iseoluwa Akintunde

Mo Ibrahim Foundation Academy Fellow, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme
With more than half its revenue derived from oil exports, Nigeria’s economic fortunes are tied to the boom and bust cycles of the oil market. Those fortunes have waned way below expectations this year and, with more than one-quarter of its labour force jobless, it is time to question the country’s economic pathway.

2020-08-14-Nigeria-Bottles-Building

Yahaya Musa, 19-year old local mason, inspects a wall of a 'plastic bottle house' in Sabongarin Yelwa village, near Kaduna, Nigeria. Photo by AMINU ABUBAKAR/AFP via Getty Images.

For decades, the mantra of ‘economic diversification’ characterized attempts to reverse Nigeria’s dependence on oil with little real progress. Despite numerous reforms, international loans and restructuring programmes, 85 million Nigerians live in deteriorating conditions of poverty. The current coronavirus pandemic combined with mounting debt obligations and declining GDP gives new urgency to this issue.

The fall in international oil prices, which led government to slash its oil benchmark price from $57 to $30 a barrel and cut 20% of the capital budget, worsens these problems, but it is far from the only factor. Biomass, which drives household pollution and contributed to the death of 114,000 people in Nigeria in 2017, is the most dominant source of energy in Nigeria, amounting to more than 80% of the total energy mix, followed by fossil fuels (18%), and a negligible amount of renewable energy.

Although a diversified energy sector with a strong emphasis on renewables is known to reduce health and economic risks of combustion, there has been little emphasis on the role a diversified energy mix could play in ensuring sustainable development – even though the estimated potential of 427,000MW of solar power and photovoltaic generation means Nigeria has enormous renewable energy opportunities.

The global economy is also undergoing tectonic structural changes that will affect demand for Nigeria’s oil, leaving a fossil fuel-dependent economy more vulnerable. Improvements in global fuel efficiency, the ascent of electricity as a substitute for oil in the transport sector, and the falling prices of renewables and storage technologies all lead to a reduction in demand for fossil fuel products.

Creating structures for transition

This is not a ‘get out of oil’ prescription, and energy transition is complex. But it is inevitable. There are no universal strategies applicable to all countries; local contexts and political realities inform what is possible. Nigeria can take advantage of its abundant natural gas deposit as a ‘transition fuel’ to buy it time for putting the appropriate transition structures in place. The country has made progress in reducing the amount of gas flared, but much remains to be done for Nigeria to meet the 2030 global deadline to end flaring, after failing to meet its 2020 national target.

The first step to proper transition is to align Nigeria’s international obligations with its domestic policies and legislations - the distance between words and action must be bridged and the institutional capacity to implement raised. And, while they contain symbolic green gestures, the economic recovery and growth plan developed in response to the 2016 recession, and the post-COVID-19 economic sustainability plan, do not espouse green growth as a fundamental objective.

Nigeria must start looking inwards, investing its resources in designing and funding a green transition strategy. Its leadership role in floating Africa’s first Sovereign Green Bonds should be followed with non-debt funding options. Faced with a pandemic that has shattered the boundaries of what is politically possible, the Buhari government has overcome initial inertia to announce a halt in oil subsidy payments, although whether it will see through that policy is yet to be seen.

If it does, how it uses the savings will be significant. The money could provide support for Nigeria’s renewable sector to counteract the price disparity with fossil fuels and encourage rapid research and development. The Nigerian Ecological Fund — which is 3% of the Federation Account — should be reformed and expanded beyond its current scope of addressing ‘serious ecological problems’ to cover climate change with a strong emphasis on mitigation and resilience. That would increase Nigeria’s climate finance and minimize reliance on multilateral climate funds.

Beyond public investments in green infrastructure, the government can also incentivize the private sector to drive a green economy. As the largest purchaser of goods and services in the country, it can leverage purchasing power to green the procurement process. With the release of about $421 million to the Ministry of Works, the 2020 budgetary allocation for road projects has been fully disbursed to the Ministry, making procurement in the construction sector ripe for green reforms. The application of sustainable building techniques and materials could reduce Nigeria’s 17 million housing deficit and create more jobs.

But the task of greening the Nigerian economy is too important to be left to the federal government alone. It also requires mainstreaming climate change and sustainable development into the operations, governance, and budgets of government ministries, departments, and private entities at the sub-national and national levels.

There has been much focus on reviving agriculture, which is laudable, but agrarian practices have radically changed from the 1970s when the sector accounted for 57% of Nigeria’s GDP and generated 64.5% of export earnings. Beset by a loss of biodiversity, drought, and desertification, extreme weather events, rise in sea levels and variable rainfall, it is no longer smart for Nigeria to invest in this area without due regard for the significant climate risks. Any effort to revive agriculture and its export potential must be green-centred and integrate regenerative and climate-smart practices.

The right policy mix combined with aggressive funding can position the country as a renewable energy leader, both on the African continent and globally. And it will reap the benefits in technology development, foreign investment, decreased emissions, poverty reduction, and energy for the 80 million people currently without access to the national grid – all of which could ripple into millions of clean energy jobs in manufacturing and installation across the country.

The road to a green future must be paved with deliberate and consistent policies. Reforms hatched because oil prices have plunged should not be ditched when there is a boom. On the brink of a second recession in four years, Nigeria has learnt that the economic turmoil caused by COVID-19 is only the latest warning that pinning economic growth on a boom-bust market and the generosity of foreign donors and creditors is a failing strategy. There is another way and there is an opportunity for Nigeria to lead.




means

What the Supreme Court's Ruling on Religious Schools Means in Practice

Groups on all sides of the debate over private school choice agree that a U.S. Supreme Court ruling will be tremendously consequential. But it may take some time for the ripple effects to spread.




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What Abolishing the Police Means to Me: A Student's Perspective

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In Some States, ESSA Means More Powers for Local School Boards

Some states, such as California, Kentucky and North Dakota plan to use the Every Student Succeeds Act to bolster the decision-making powers of their local school boards in the coming years.