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WITHDRAWN: Structural and mechanistic studies of hydroperoxide conversions catalyzed by a CYP74 clan epoxy alcohol synthase from amphioxus (Branchiostoma floridae) [Research Articles]

This manuscript has been withdrawn by the Author.




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Fatty acid oxidation and photoreceptor metabolic needs [Thematic Reviews]

Photoreceptors have high energy-demands and a high density of mitochondria that produce adenosine triphosphate (ATP) through oxidative phosphorylation (OXPHOS) of fuel substrates. Although glucose is the major fuel for central nervous system (CNS) brain neurons, in photoreceptors (also CNS), most glucose is not metabolized through OXPHOS but is instead metabolized into lactate by aerobic glycolysis. The major fuel sources for photoreceptor mitochondria remained unclear for almost six decades. Similar to other tissues (like heart and skeletal muscle) with high metabolic rates, photoreceptors were recently found to metabolize fatty acids (palmitate) through OXPHOS. Disruption of lipid entry into photoreceptors leads to extracellular lipid accumulation, suppressed glucose transporter expression, and a duel lipid/glucose fuel shortage. Modulation of lipid metabolism helps restore photoreceptor function. However, further elucidation of the types of lipids used as retinal energy sources, the metabolic interaction with other fuel pathways, as well as the crosstalk among retinal cells to provide energy to photoreceptors is not yet known. In this review, we will focus on the current understanding of photoreceptor energy demand and sources, and potential future investigations of photoreceptor metabolism.




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Circulating oxidized LDL increased in patients with acute myocardial infarction is accompanied by heavily modified HDL. [Research Articles]

Oxidized low-density lipoprotein (oxLDL) is a known risk factor for atherogenesis. This study aimed to reveal structural features of oxLDL present in human circulation related to atherosclerosis. When LDL was fractionated on an anion-exchange column, in vivo-oxLDL, detected by the anti-oxidized phosphatidylcholine (oxPC) monoclonal antibody, was recovered in flow-through and electronegative LDL (LDL(-)) fractions. The amount of the electronegative in vivo-oxLDL, namely oxLDL in LDL(-) fraction, present in patients with acute myocardial infarction (AMI) was three-fold higher than that observed in healthy subjects. Surprisingly, LDL(-) fraction contained apoA1 in addition to apoB, and HDL-sized particles were observed with transmission electron microscopy. In LDL(-) fractions, acrolein adducts were identified at all lysine residues in apoA1, with only a small number of acrolein-modified residues were identified in apoB. The amount of oxPC adducts of apoB was higher in LDL(-) than in L1 fraction as determined using western blotting. The electronegative in vivo-oxLDL was immunologically purified from the LDL(-) fraction with an anti-oxPC monoclonal antibody. Majority of PC species was not oxidized, whereas oxPC and lysoPC did not accumulate. Here, we propose that there are two types of in vivo-oxLDL in human circulating plasma and the electronegative in vivo-oxLDL accompanies oxidized HDL.




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WITHDRAWN: Extraordinary apolipoprotein oxidation in chronic hepatitis C and liver cirrhosis [13. Other]

Withdrawn by Author.




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Oxidative stress-mediated regulation of proteasome complexes [Other]

Oxidative stress has been implicated in aging and many human diseases, notably neurodegenerative disorders and various cancers. The reactive oxygen species that are generated by aerobic metabolism and environmental stressors can chemically modify proteins and alter their biological functions. Cells possess protein repair pathways to rescue oxidized proteins and restore their functions. If these repair processes fail, oxidized proteins may become cytotoxic. Cell homeostasis and viability are therefore dependent on the removal of oxidatively damaged proteins. Numerous studies have demonstrated that the proteasome plays a pivotal role in the selective recognition and degradation of oxidized proteins. Despite extensive research, oxidative stress-triggered regulation of proteasome complexes remains poorly defined. Better understanding of molecular mechanisms underlying proteasome function in response to oxidative stress will provide a basis for developing new strategies aimed at improving cell viability and recovery as well as attenuating oxidation-induced cytotoxicity associated with aging and disease. Here we highlight recent advances in the understanding of proteasome structure and function during oxidative stress and describe how cells cope with oxidative stress through proteasome-dependent degradation pathways.




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Characterization of signaling pathways associated with pancreatic {beta}-cell adaptive flexibility in compensation of obesity-linked diabetes in db/db mice [Research]

The onset of obesity-linked type 2 diabetes (T2D) is marked by an eventual failure in pancreatic β-cell function and mass that is no longer able to compensate for the inherent insulin resistance and increased metabolic load intrinsic to obesity. However, in a commonly used model of T2D, the db/db mouse, β-cells have an inbuilt adaptive flexibility enabling them to effectively adjust insulin production rates relative to the metabolic demand. Pancreatic β-cells from these animals have markedly reduced intracellular insulin stores, yet high rates of (pro)insulin secretion, together with a substantial increase in proinsulin biosynthesis highlighted by expanded rough endoplasmic reticulum and Golgi apparatus. However, when the metabolic overload and/or hyperglycemia is normalized, β-cells from db/db mice quickly restore their insulin stores and normalize secretory function. This demonstrates the β-cell’s adaptive flexibility and indicates that therapeutic approaches applied to encourage β-cell rest are capable of restoring endogenous β-cell function. However, mechanisms that regulate β-cell adaptive flexibility are essentially unknown. To gain deeper mechanistic insight into the molecular events underlying β-cell adaptive flexibility in db/db β-cells, we conducted a combined proteomic and post-translational modification specific proteomic (PTMomics) approach on islets from db/db mice and wild-type controls (WT) with or without prior exposure to normal glucose levels. We identified differential modifications of proteins involved in redox homeostasis, protein refolding, K48-linked deubiquitination, mRNA/protein export, focal adhesion, ERK1/2 signaling, and renin-angiotensin-aldosterone signaling, as well as sialyltransferase activity, associated with β-cell adaptive flexibility. These proteins are all related to proinsulin biosynthesis and processing, maturation of insulin secretory granules, and vesicular trafficking—core pathways involved in the adaptation of insulin production to meet metabolic demand. Collectively, this study outlines a novel and comprehensive global PTMome signaling map that highlights important molecular mechanisms related to the adaptive flexibility of β-cell function, providing improved insight into disease pathogenesis of T2D.




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Three Challenges for UK Peacebuilding Policy in the South Caucasus After Brexit

21 January 2020

Laurence Broers

Associate Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme
Building on the legacies of a long-term British investment in a peace strategy for the South Caucasus is a realistic and attainable goal.

2020-01-21-NK.jpg

A building in Nagorny Karabakh flies the flag of the self-proclaimed republic. 'Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorny Karabakh have evolved into examples of what scholars call "de facto states" that, to differing degrees, control territory, provide governance and exercise internal sovereignty,' writes Laurence Broers. Photo: Getty Images.

What does Britain’s departure from the EU mean for the country’s policy towards the South Caucasus, a small region on the periphery of Europe, fractured by conflict? Although Britain is not directly involved in any of the region’s peace processes (except in the case of the Geneva International Discussions on conflicts involving Georgia, as an EU member state), it has been a significant stakeholder in South Caucasian stability since the mid-1990s.

Most obviously, Britain has been the single largest foreign investor in Caspian oil and gas. Yet beyond pipelines, Britain also has been a significant investor in long-term civil society-led strategies to build peace in the South Caucasus.

Through what was then the Global Conflict Prevention Pool, in the early 2000s the Department for International Development (DfID) pioneered large-scale peacebuilding interventions, such as the Consortium Initiative, addressing Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict, in 2003-09. These built civic networks in the South Caucasus and partnerships with British-based NGOs.

This experience left a strong intellectual legacy. British expertise on the South Caucasus, including specific expertise on its conflicts, is highly regarded in the region and across the world.

There is also a strong tradition of British scholarship on the Caucasus, and several British universities offer Caucasus-related courses. Through schemes such as the John Smith Fellowship Trust, the Robert Bosch Stiftung Academy Fellowship at Chatham House and Chevening Scholarships, significant numbers of young leaders from the South Caucasus have spent time in British institutions and built effective relationships within them.

Three challenges

This niche as a champion of long-term, strategic peacebuilding and repository of area-specific knowledge should not be lost as Britain’s relationship with the EU and regional actors evolves. This can be ensured through awareness of three challenges confronting a post-Brexit Caucasus policy.

The first challenge for London is to avoid framing a regional policy in the South Caucasus as an extension of a wider ‘Russia policy’. Deteriorating Russian-British relations in recent years strengthen a tendency to view policies in the European neighbourhood through the traditional prisms of Cold War and Russian-Western rivalries.

Yet an overwhelming focus on Russia fails to capture other important aspects of political developments in South Caucasus conflicts. Although often referred to as ‘breakaway’ or ‘occupied’ territories, Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorny Karabakh are not ungoverned spaces. They have evolved into examples of what scholars call ‘de facto states’ that, to differing degrees, control territory, provide governance and exercise internal sovereignty.

Few disagree that these entities would not survive without external patronage. But neither does that patronage explain their sustainability on its own. Russia-centricity diminishes Britain’s latitude to engage on the full range of local drivers sustaining these entities, contributing instead to less effective policies predicated on competition and containment.

A second and related challenge is to maintain and develop Britain’s position on the issue of engaging populations in these entities. De facto states appear to stand outside of the international rules-based system. Yet in many cases, their civil societies are peopled by skilled and motivated activists who want their leaders to be held accountable according to international rules.

Strategies of isolation ignore these voices and contribute instead to fearful and demoralized communities less likely to engage in a transformation of adversarial relationships. Making this case with the wider international community, and facilitating the funding of local civil societies in contested territories, would be important steps in sustaining an effective British policy on the resolution of conflicts.    

The third challenge for Britain is to maintain a long-term approach to the conflicts of the South Caucasus alongside potential short-term imperatives in other policy fields, as relationships shift post-Brexit.

In this fluid international environment, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office has a role to play both as an internal champion of a long-term peacebuilding strategy and a coordinator of British efforts with those of multilateral actors engaged in the South Caucasus. These include the United Nations, the EU’s Special Representative for the South Caucasus and the Crisis in Georgia and OSCE’s Special Representative for the OSCE Chairperson-in-Office for the South Caucasus, all of which have built relationships with relevant actors on the ground.

Recommendations

Britain’s niche as a champion and advocate of a strategic approach to peaceful change can be secured post-Brexit in the following ways.  

First, in-house expertise is crucial to effective peacebuilding programming. The Foreign Office’s research analysts play a vital role in generating independent internal advice and liaising with academic and NGO communities. Their role could be supplemented by the reinstatement of a regional conflict adviser post, based in Tbilisi, tasked with strengthening Britain’s regional presence on conflict issues and coordinating policy at a regional level.

This post, with a remit to cover conflicts and build up area knowledge and relationships can contribute significantly to working closely with local civil societies, where so much expertise and knowledge resides, as well as other stakeholders.

Second, programming should build in conflict sensitivity by dissociating eligibility from contested political status. This can encourage local populations to take advantage of opportunities for funding, study, comparative learning and professional development irrespective of the status of the entity where they reside.

The Chevening Scholarships are an excellent example, whereby applicants can select ‘South Caucasus’ as their affiliated identity from a drop-down menu. This enables citizens from across the region to apply irrespective of the status of the territory in which they live.   

Finally, a holistic understanding of peace is crucial. Programming in unrecognized or partially-recognized entities should acknowledge that effective peacebuilding needs to embrace political dynamics and processes beyond cross-conflict contact and confidence building. Local actors in such entities may find peacebuilding funding streams defined exclusively in terms of cross-conflict contact more politically risky and ineffective in addressing domestic blockages to peace.

While cross-conflict dynamics remain critical, ‘single-community’ programming framed in terms of civic participation, inclusion, civil society capacity-building, minority and human rights in contested territories, and building the confidence from within to engage in constructive dialogue, are no less important.

The ’global Britain’ promised by Brexit remains a fanciful idea. Quiet, painstaking work to build on the legacies of a long-term British investment in a peace strategy for the South Caucasus, on the other hand, is a realistic and attainable goal.




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Lipid droplet-associated kinase STK25 regulates peroxisomal activity and metabolic stress response in steatotic liver [Research Articles]

Nonalcoholic fatty liver disease (NAFLD) and nonalcoholic steatohepatitis (NASH) are emerging as leading causes of liver disease worldwide and have been recognized as one of the major unmet medical needs of the 21st century. Our recent translational studies in mouse models, human cell lines, and well-characterized patient cohorts have identified serine/threonine kinase (STK)25 as a protein that coats intrahepatocellular lipid droplets (LDs) and critically regulates liver lipid homeostasis and progression of NAFLD/NASH. Here, we studied the mechanism-of-action of STK25 in steatotic liver by relative quantification of the hepatic LD-associated phosphoproteome from high-fat diet-fed Stk25 knockout mice compared with their wild-type littermates. We observed a total of 131 proteins and 60 phosphoproteins that were differentially represented in STK25-deficient livers. Most notably, a number of proteins involved in peroxisomal function, ubiquitination-mediated proteolysis, and antioxidant defense were coordinately regulated in Stk25–/– versus wild-type livers. We confirmed attenuated peroxisomal biogenesis and protection against oxidative and ER stress in STK25-deficient human liver cells, demonstrating the hepatocyte-autonomous manner of STK25’s action. In summary, our results suggest that regulation of peroxisomal function and metabolic stress response may be important molecular mechanisms by which STK25 controls the development and progression of NAFLD/NASH.




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Novel GPR120 agonist TUG891 modulates fat taste perception and preference and activates tongue-brain-gut axis in mice [Research Articles]

GPR120 is implicated as a lipid receptor in the oro-sensory detection of dietary fatty acids. However, the effects of GPR120 activation on dietary fat intake or obesity are not clearly understood. We investigated to determine whether the binding of TUG891, a novel GPR120 agonist, to lingual GPR120 modulates fat preference in mice. We explored the effects of TUG891 on obesity-related hormones and conducted behavioral choice tests on mice to better understand the physiologic relevance of the action of TUG891. In cultured mouse and human taste bud cells (TBCs), TUG891 induced a rapid increase in Ca2+ by acting on GPR120. A long-chain dietary fatty acid, linoleic acid (LA), also recruited Ca2+ via GPR120 in human and mouse TBCs. Both TUG891 and LA induced ERK1/2 phosphorylation and enhanced in vitro release of glucagon-like peptide-1 from cultured human and mouse TBCs. In situ application of TUG891 onto the tongue of anesthetized mice triggered the secretion of pancreatobiliary juice, probably via the tongue-brain-gut axis. Furthermore, lingual application of TUG891 altered circulating concentrations of cholecystokinin and adipokines, associated with decreased circulating LDL, in conscious mice. In behavioral tests, mice exhibited a spontaneous preference for solutions containing either TUG891 or LA instead of a control. However, addition of TUG891 to a solution containing LA significantly curtailed fatty acid preference. Our study demonstrates that TUG891 binds to lingual GPR120 receptors, activates the tongue-brain-gut axis, and modulates fat preference. These findings may support the development of new fat taste analogs that can change the approach to obesity prevention and treatment.




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Role of pyruvate kinase M2 in oxidized LDL-induced macrophage foam cell formation and inflammation [Research Articles]

Pyruvate kinase M2 (PKM2) links metabolic and inflammatory dysfunction in atherosclerotic coronary artery disease; however, its role in oxidized LDL (Ox-LDL)-induced macrophage foam cell formation and inflammation is unknown and therefore was studied. In recombinant mouse granulocyte-macrophage colony-stimulating factor-differentiated murine bone marrow-derived macrophages, early (1–6 h) Ox-LDL treatment induced PKM2 tyrosine 105 phosphorylation and promotes its nuclear localization. PKM2 regulates aerobic glycolysis and inflammation because PKM2 shRNA or Shikonin abrogated Ox-LDL-induced hypoxia-inducible factor-1α target genes lactate dehydrogenase, glucose transporter member 1, interleukin 1β (IL-1β) mRNA expression, lactate, and secretory IL-1β production. PKM2 inhibition significantly increased Ox-LDL-induced ABCA1 and ABCG1 protein expression and NBD-cholesterol efflux to apoA1 and HDL. PKM2 shRNA significantly inhibited Ox-LDL-induced CD36, FASN protein expression, DiI-Ox-LDL binding and uptake, and cellular total cholesterol, free cholesterol, and cholesteryl ester content. Therefore, PKM2 regulates lipid uptake and efflux. DASA-58, a PKM2 activator, downregulated LXR-α, ABCA1, and ABCG1, and augmented FASN and CD36 protein expression. Peritoneal macrophages showed similar results. Ox-LDL induced PKM2- SREBP-1 interaction and FASN expression in a PKM2-dependent manner. Therefore, this study suggests a role for PKM2 in Ox-LDL-induced aerobic glycolysis, inflammation, and macrophage foam cell formation.




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Hepatic monoamine oxidase B is involved in endogenous geranylgeranoic acid synthesis in mammalian liver cells [Research Articles]

Geranylgeranoic acid (GGA) originally was identified in some animals and has been developed as an agent for preventing second primary hepatoma. We previously have also identified GGA as an acyclic diterpenoid in some medicinal herbs. Recently, we reported that in human hepatoma-derived HuH-7 cells, GGA is metabolically labeled from 13C-mevalonate. Several cell-free experiments have demonstrated that GGA is synthesized through geranylgeranial by oxygen-dependent oxidation of geranylgeraniol (GGOH), but the exact biochemical events giving rise to GGA in hepatoma cells remain unclear. Monoamine oxidase B (MOAB) has been suggested to be involved in GGOH oxidation. Here, using two human hepatoma cell lines, we investigated whether MAOB contributes to GGA biosynthesis. Using either HuH-7 cell lysates or recombinant human MAOB, we found that: 1) the MAO inhibitor tranylcypromine dose-dependently downregulates endogenous GGA levels in HuH-7 cells; and 2) siRNA-mediated MAOB silencing reduces intracellular GGA levels in HuH-7 and Hep3B cells. Unexpectedly, however, CRISPR/Cas9-generated MAOB-KO human hepatoma Hep3B cells had GGA levels similar to those in MAOB-WT cells. A sensitivity of GGA levels to siRNA-mediated MAOB downregulation was recovered when the MAOB-KO cells were transfected with a MAOB-expression plasmid, suggesting that MAOB is the enzyme primarily responsible for GGOH oxidation and that some other latent metabolic pathways may maintain endogenous GGA levels in the MAOB-KO hepatoma cells. Along with the previous findings, these results provide critical insights into the biological roles of human MAOB and provide evidence that hepatic MAOB is involved in endogenous GGA biosynthesis via GGOH oxidation.




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Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 65927: The Copy Files task in SAS Enterprise Guide 8.2 fails with the message "ERROR: Target folder does not exist or cannot be accessed"

When you run the Copy Files task in SAS Enterprise Guide and there is no connection to a SAS server, it fails with the following error: "ERROR: Target folder does not exist or cannot be accessed."




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Adipose Triglyceride Lipase is a Key Lipase for the Mobilization of Lipid Droplets in Human Beta Cells and Critical for the Maintenance of Syntaxin1a Level in Beta Cells

Lipid droplets (LDs) are frequently increased when excessive lipid accumulation leads to cellular dysfunction. Distinct from mouse beta cells, LDs are prominent in human beta cells, however, the regulation of LD mobilization (lipolysis) in human beta cells remains unclear. We found that glucose increases lipolysis in non-diabetic human islets, but not in type 2 diabetic (T2D) islets, indicating dysregulation of lipolysis in T2D islets. Silencing adipose triglyceride lipase (ATGL) in human pseudoislets (shATGL) increased triglycerides, and the number and size of LDs indicating that ATGL is the principal lipase in human beta cells. In shATGL pseudoislets, biphasic glucose-stimulated insulin secretion (GSIS) and insulin secretion to IBMX and KCl were all reduced without altering oxygen consumption rate compared with scramble control. Like human islets, INS1 cells showed visible LDs, glucose responsive lipolysis, and impairment of GSIS after ATGL silencing. ATGL deficient INS1 cells and human pseudoislets showed reduced Stx1a, a key SNARE component. Proteasomal degradation of Stx1a was accelerated likely through reduced palmitoylation in ATGL deficient INS1 cells. Therefore, ATGL is responsible for LD mobilization in human beta cells and supports insulin secretion by stabilizing Stx1a. The dysregulated lipolysis may contribute to LD accumulation and beta cell dysfunction in T2D islets.




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Adipose Triglyceride Lipase is a Key Lipase for the Mobilization of Lipid Droplets in Human Beta Cells and Critical for the Maintenance of Syntaxin1a Level in Beta Cells

Lipid droplets (LDs) are frequently increased when excessive lipid accumulation leads to cellular dysfunction. Distinct from mouse beta cells, LDs are prominent in human beta cells, however, the regulation of LD mobilization (lipolysis) in human beta cells remains unclear. We found that glucose increases lipolysis in non-diabetic human islets, but not in type 2 diabetic (T2D) islets, indicating dysregulation of lipolysis in T2D islets. Silencing adipose triglyceride lipase (ATGL) in human pseudoislets (shATGL) increased triglycerides, and the number and size of LDs indicating that ATGL is the principal lipase in human beta cells. In shATGL pseudoislets, biphasic glucose-stimulated insulin secretion (GSIS) and insulin secretion to IBMX and KCl were all reduced without altering oxygen consumption rate compared with scramble control. Like human islets, INS1 cells showed visible LDs, glucose responsive lipolysis, and impairment of GSIS after ATGL silencing. ATGL deficient INS1 cells and human pseudoislets showed reduced Stx1a, a key SNARE component. Proteasomal degradation of Stx1a was accelerated likely through reduced palmitoylation in ATGL deficient INS1 cells. Therefore, ATGL is responsible for LD mobilization in human beta cells and supports insulin secretion by stabilizing Stx1a. The dysregulated lipolysis may contribute to LD accumulation and beta cell dysfunction in T2D islets.




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Excitotoxicity and Overnutrition Additively Impair Metabolic Function and Identity of Pancreatic {beta}-cells

A sustained increase in intracellular Ca2+ concentration (referred to herein as excitotoxicity), brought on by chronic metabolic stress, may contribute to pancreatic β-cell failure. To determine the additive effects of excitotoxicity and overnutrition on β-cell function and gene expression, we analyzed the impact of a high fat diet (HFD) on Abcc8 knock-out mice. Excitotoxicity caused β-cells to be more susceptible to HFD-induced impairment of glucose homeostasis, and these effects were mitigated by verapamil, a Ca2+ channel blocker. Excitotoxicity, overnutrition and the combination of both stresses caused similar but distinct alterations in the β-cell transcriptome, including additive increases in genes associated with mitochondrial energy metabolism, fatty acid β-oxidation and mitochondrial biogenesis, and their key regulator Ppargc1a. Overnutrition worsened excitotoxicity-induced mitochondrial dysfunction, increasing metabolic inflexibility and mitochondrial damage. In addition, excitotoxicity and overnutrition, individually and together, impaired both β-cell function and identity by reducing expression of genes important for insulin secretion, cell polarity, cell junction, cilia, cytoskeleton, vesicular trafficking, and regulation of β-cell epigenetic and transcriptional program. Sex had an impact on all β-cell responses, with male animals exhibiting greater metabolic stress-induced impairments than females. Together, these findings indicate that a sustained increase in intracellular Ca2+, by altering mitochondrial function and impairing β-cell identity, augments overnutrition-induced β-cell failure.




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Glucose-Stimulated Insulin Secretion Fundamentally Requires H2O2 Signaling by NADPH Oxidase 4

NADPH facilitates glucose-stimulated insulin secretion (GSIS) in pancreatic islet (PI) β-cells by an as yet unknown mechanism. We found NADPH oxidase, isoform-4 (NOX4), to be the major producer of cytosolic H2O2, essential for GSIS, while the increase in ATP/ADP alone was insufficient. The fast GSIS phase was absent in PIs from NOX4-null, β-cell-specific knockout mice (NOX4βKO) (not NOX2KO), and NOX4-silenced or catalase-overexpressing INS-1E cells. Lentiviral NOX4 overexpression or H2O2 rescued GSIS in PIs from NOX4βKO mice. NOX4 silencing suppressed Ca2+ oscillations and the patch-clamped ATP-sensitive potassium channel (KATP) opened more frequently at high glucose. Mitochondrial H2O2, decreasing upon GSIS, provided an alternative redox signaling when 2-oxo-isocaproate or fatty acid oxidation formed superoxide by electron-transport flavoprotein:Q-oxidoreductase. Unlike GSIS, this ceased with mitochondrial antioxidant SkQ1. Both NOX4KO and NOX4βKO strains exhibited impaired glucose tolerance and peripheral insulin resistance. Thus the redox signaling previously suggested to cause β-cell-self-checking – hypothetically induces insulin resistance when absent. In conclusion, ATP plus H2O2 elevations constitute an essential switch-on signal of insulin exocytosis for glucose and branched-chain oxoacids as secretagogues (partly for fatty acids). Redox signaling could be impaired by cytosolic antioxidants, hence those targeting mitochondria should be preferred for clinical applications to treat (pre)diabetes at any stage.




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Nutrient-Induced Metabolic Stress, Adaptation, Detoxification, and Toxicity in the Pancreatic {beta}-Cell

Paraphrasing the Swiss physician and father of toxicology Paracelsus (1493–1541) on chemical agents used as therapeutics, "the dose makes the poison," it is now realized that this aptly applies to the calorigenic nutrients. The case here is the pancreatic islet β-cell presented with excessive levels of nutrients such as glucose, lipids, and amino acids. The short-term effects these nutrients exert on the β-cell are enhanced insulin biosynthesis and secretion and changes in glucose sensitivity. However, chronic fuel surfeit triggers additional compensatory and adaptive mechanisms by β-cells to cope with the increased insulin demand or to protect itself. When these mechanisms fail, toxicity due to the nutrient surplus ensues, leading to β-cell dysfunction, dedifferentiation, and apoptosis. The terms glucotoxicity, lipotoxicity, and glucolipotoxicity have been widely used, but there is some confusion as to what they mean precisely and which is most appropriate for a given situation. Here we address the gluco-, lipo-, and glucolipo-toxicities in β-cells by assessing the evidence both for and against each of them. We also discuss potential mechanisms and defend the view that many of the identified "toxic" effects of nutrient excess, which may also include amino acids, are in fact beneficial adaptive processes. In addition, candidate fuel-excess detoxification pathways are evaluated. Finally, we propose that a more general term should be used for the in vivo situation of overweight-associated type 2 diabetes reflecting both the adaptive and toxic processes to mixed calorigenic nutrients excess: "nutrient-induced metabolic stress" or, in brief, "nutri-stress."




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Glucolipotoxicity, {beta}-Cells, and Diabetes: The Emperor Has No Clothes

Reduction of β-cell mass and function is central to the pathogenesis of type 2 diabetes. The terms glucotoxicity, lipotoxicity, and glucolipotoxicity are used to describe potentially responsible processes. The premise is that chronically elevated glucose levels are toxic to β-cells, that elevated lipid levels in the form of circulating free fatty acids (FFA) also have toxic effects, and that the combination of the two, glucolipotoxicity, is particularly harmful. Much work has shown that high concentrations of FFA can be very damaging to β-cells when used for in vitro experiments, and when infused in large amounts in humans and rodents they produce suppression of insulin secretion. The purpose of this Perspective is to raise doubts about whether the FFA levels found in real-life situations are ever high enough to cause problems. Evidence supporting the importance of glucotoxicity is strong because there is such a tight correlation between defective insulin secretion and rising glucose levels. However, there is virtually no convincing evidence that the alterations in FFA levels occurring during progression to diabetes are pathogenic. Thus, the terms lipotoxicity and glucolipotoxicity should be used with great caution, if at all, because evidence supporting their importance has not yet emerged.




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A flexible network of vimentin intermediate filaments promotes migration of amoeboid cancer cells through confined environments [Cell Biology]

Tumor cells can spread to distant sites through their ability to switch between mesenchymal and amoeboid (bleb-based) migration. Because of this difference, inhibitors of metastasis must account for each migration mode. However, the role of vimentin in amoeboid migration has not been determined. Because amoeboid leader bleb–based migration (LBBM) occurs in confined spaces and vimentin is known to strongly influence cell-mechanical properties, we hypothesized that a flexible vimentin network is required for fast amoeboid migration. To this end, here we determined the precise role of the vimentin intermediate filament system in regulating the migration of amoeboid human cancer cells. Vimentin is a classic marker of epithelial-to-mesenchymal transition and is therefore an ideal target for a metastasis inhibitor. Using a previously developed polydimethylsiloxane slab–based approach to confine cells, RNAi-based vimentin silencing, vimentin overexpression, pharmacological treatments, and measurements of cell stiffness, we found that RNAi-mediated depletion of vimentin increases LBBM by ∼50% compared with control cells and that vimentin overexpression and simvastatin-induced vimentin bundling inhibit fast amoeboid migration and proliferation. Importantly, these effects were independent of changes in actomyosin contractility. Our results indicate that a flexible vimentin intermediate filament network promotes LBBM of amoeboid cancer cells in confined environments and that vimentin bundling perturbs cell-mechanical properties and inhibits the invasive properties of cancer cells.




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The short variant of optic atrophy 1 (OPA1) improves cell survival under oxidative stress [Bioenergetics]

Optic atrophy 1 (OPA1) is a dynamin protein that mediates mitochondrial fusion at the inner membrane. OPA1 is also necessary for maintaining the cristae and thus essential for supporting cellular energetics. OPA1 exists as membrane-anchored long form (L-OPA1) and short form (S-OPA1) that lacks the transmembrane region and is generated by cleavage of L-OPA1. Mitochondrial dysfunction and cellular stresses activate the inner membrane–associated zinc metallopeptidase OMA1 that cleaves L-OPA1, causing S-OPA1 accumulation. The prevailing notion has been that L-OPA1 is the functional form, whereas S-OPA1 is an inactive cleavage product in mammals, and that stress-induced OPA1 cleavage causes mitochondrial fragmentation and sensitizes cells to death. However, S-OPA1 contains all functional domains of dynamin proteins, suggesting that it has a physiological role. Indeed, we recently demonstrated that S-OPA1 can maintain cristae and energetics through its GTPase activity, despite lacking fusion activity. Here, applying oxidant insult that induces OPA1 cleavage, we show that cells unable to generate S-OPA1 are more sensitive to this stress under obligatory respiratory conditions, leading to necrotic death. These findings indicate that L-OPA1 and S-OPA1 differ in maintaining mitochondrial function. Mechanistically, we found that cells that exclusively express L-OPA1 generate more superoxide and are more sensitive to Ca2+-induced mitochondrial permeability transition, suggesting that S-OPA1, and not L-OPA1, protects against cellular stress. Importantly, silencing of OMA1 expression increased oxidant-induced cell death, indicating that stress-induced OPA1 cleavage supports cell survival. Our findings suggest that S-OPA1 generation by OPA1 cleavage is a survival mechanism in stressed cells.




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A Phenotypic Screen Identifies Calcium Overload as a Key Mechanism of {beta}-Cell Glucolipotoxicity

Jennifer Vogel
May 1, 2020; 69:1032-1041
Pharmacology and Therapeutics




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Correction: Rational design, synthesis, and evaluation of uncharged, “smart” bis-oxime antidotes of organophosphate-inhibited human acetylcholinesterase. [Additions and Corrections]

VOLUME 295 (2020) PAGES 4079–4092There was an error in the abstract. “The pyridinium cation hampers uptake of OPs into the central nervous system (CNS)” should read as “The pyridinium cation hampers uptake into the central nervous system (CNS).”




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Melding the best of two worlds: Cecil Pickett's work on cellular oxidative stress and in drug discovery and development [Molecular Bases of Disease]

Many chemicals and cellular processes cause oxidative stress that can damage lipids, proteins, or DNA (1). To quickly sense and respond to this ubiquitous threat, organisms have evolved enzymes that neutralize harmful oxidants such as reactive oxygen species and electrophilic compounds (including xenobiotics and their breakdown products) in cells.These antioxidant enzymes include GSH S-transferase (GST),2 NADPH:quinone oxidoreductase 1, thioredoxin, hemeoxygenase-1, and others (2, 3). Many of these proteins are commonly expressed in cells exposed to oxidative stress.The antioxidant response element (ARE) is a major regulatory component of this cellular stress response. The ARE is a conserved, 11-nucleotide-long DNA motif present in the 5'-flanking regions of many genes encoding antioxidant proteins. The laboratory of Cecil Pickett (Fig. 1) at the Merck Frosst Centre for Therapeutic Research in Quebec discovered ARE, a finding reported in the early 1990s in two JBC papers recognized as Classics here (4, 5).jbc;295/12/3929/F1F1F1Figure 1.Cecil Pickett (pictured) and colleagues first described the ARE motif, present in the 5' regions of many genes whose expression is up-regulated by oxidative stress and xenobiotics. Photo courtesy of Cecil Pickett.ARE's discovery was spurred in large part by Pickett's career choice. After completing a PhD in biology and a 2-year postdoc at UCLA in the mid-1970s, he began to work in the pharmaceutical industry.Recruited to Merck in 1978 by its then head of research and development (and later CEO), Roy Vagelos, “I became interested in how drug-metabolizing enzymes were induced by various xenobiotics,” Pickett says.According to Pickett, Vagelos encouraged researchers at the company...




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Brexit and the UN Security Council: declining British influence?

6 November 2019 , Volume 95, Number 6

Jess Gifkins, Samuel Jarvis and Jason Ralph

The United Kingdom's decision to leave the European Union has ramifications beyond the UK and the EU. This article analyses the impact of the Brexit referendum on the UK's political capital in the United Nations Security Council; a dimension of Brexit that has received little attention thus far. Drawing on extensive elite interviews we show that the UK has considerable political capital in the Council, where it is seen as one of the most effective actors, but the reputational costs of Brexit are tarnishing this image. With case-studies on the UK's role in Somalia and Yemen we show how the UK has been able to further its interests with dual roles in the EU and Security Council, and the risks posed by tensions between trade and human rights after Brexit. We also analyse what it takes to be influential within the Security Council and argue that more attention should be paid to the practices of diplomacy. Influence is gained via penholding, strong diplomatic skill and a well-regarded UN permanent representative. The UK accrues political capital as a leader on the humanitarian and human rights side of the Council's agenda, but this reputation is at risk as it exits the EU.




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Britain Walks Post-Brexit Tightrope With Huawei Decision

4 February 2020

Dr Leslie Vinjamuri

Dean, Queen Elizabeth II Academy for Leadership in International Affairs; Director, US and the Americas Programme
The UK government seems to have balanced competing interests of the economy, national security and relations with America. But the full US response remains to be seen.

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Mike Pompeo meets Boris Johnson in London on 30 January. Photo: Getty Images.

In the face of multiple competing pressures, most especially intense pressure by the US president and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, the UK government has carved out an independent choice on the role that Huawei will play in its 5G mobile networks. Announced just days before the UK exited the European Union, a move designed to allow the UK to reclaim its sovereignty, this was a model example of a sovereign decision, but one that carries risk and will create ongoing uncertainty.

The government’s assessment is that this will bolster Britain’s economic competitiveness through a rapid rollout of its 5G mobile network while staving off pressure from the United States and economic retaliation from China.

Britain’s decision treads a cautious line. The effort to balance the drive for competitiveness, the imperatives of national security and, especially, to appease while not appearing to appease America, has meant that the UK faces multiple pressures just as it seeks to forge an independent political future. So far, the UK government has handled these pressures artfully.

After months of intense scrutiny that at times looked like prevarication, and at other times looked a lot more contentious, the UK has decided to restrict Huawei’s access to a maximum of 35% of the market share of what it argues is the non-core part of its 5G mobile networks, and to enforce a total ban on Huawei’s access to the core.  

But no one should rest easy with the current choice. The UK has been divided internally on this decision, even among those on its National Security Council who have had privileged access to the intelligence offered by GCHQ. As the UK’s decision loomed, Tom Tugendhat, chair of the House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee, cited Huawei’s connection to China’s intelligence services and its police state in Xinjiang and asked ‘is the risk worth it?’.

This division created latitude for the Johnson government to stake out its own position. But it also suggests that when it comes to national security, the case is not clear.  

The US response is more puzzling. Donald Trump and Pompeo have been coming down hard on the UK. But in the lead up to the UK’s decision, US Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin struck a much more nuanced tone, at least on the public record.

Despite weeks of pressure by Trump and Pompeo leading up to the announcement, the UK’s Huawei decision has so far failed to make headlines in the US, or garner much of an official response.

In an oped published in the Financial Times just days after the UK’s decision, acting US Assistant Secretary of Defense David Helvey took a strong line on China, calling for transatlantic unity and stressing the comprehensive nature of the competition that China presents. But he refrained from any specific mention of the UK’s announced decision. 

Given the previous US threat that allowing Huawei access would compromise future US–UK intelligence sharing and undermine the prospect for a free trade deal, this relatively muted response is surprising. Few among US national security experts have diverged from the view that Huawei presents a singular threat to national security.

This suggests one of two things: either that, even among those in the US who agree about the threat that Huawei presents for national security, opinion differs on how to deal with this threat; or, that America has conceded to the UK’s choice, even if it is a different position to its own.

What comes next is less certain. Now that Boris Johnson’s decision has been announced, the US has good reason to lay low. Restricting US–UK intelligence is a hollow threat: the US is a major beneficiary of this relationship and any attempt to unravel it would be costly for both parties.

The same is true of a future US–UK free trade deal, from which the US will most certainly reap substantial benefits, politically as well as economically.

The risk for the United States, of course, is that if it does not follow through, future threats to retaliate against the UK’s sovereign choices will become increasingly meaningless. And President Trump is not just any president. The current quiet could quickly be reversed if he sees a reason to make an example of the UK to signal to other countries currently debating their position on Huawei that proceeding will carry significant penalties.

The question remains whether in forging ahead, but with elements of caution, Britain has made the right decision. If the measure of success is political independence befitting the moment of Britain’s historic exit from the European Union, then the answer would appear to be yes. National security is an entirely different matter, and on this the debate is not over.




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Implications of AMLO and Bolsonaro for Mexican and Brazilian Foreign Policy

Invitation Only Research Event

26 February 2020 - 12:15pm to 1:15pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Ambassador Andrés Rozental, Senior Adviser, Chatham House; Founding President, Mexican Council on Foreign Relations
Dr Elena Lazarou, Associate Fellow, US and the Americas Programme, Chatham House
Chair: Dr Christopher Sabatini, Senior Research Fellow for Latin America, US and the Americas Programme, Chatham House

The end of 2018 was a monumental year for Latin America’s two biggest economies. In December 2018, Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) was inaugurated as Mexico’s 58th president. The following month saw another political shift further south, as Jair Bolsonaro became Brazil’s 38th president. While sitting on opposite ends of the political spectrum, both AMLO and Bolsonaro were considered to be political outsiders and have upended the status quo through their election to office. 

To what extent does the election of AMLO in Mexico and Bolsonaro in Brazil represent a shift in those countries’ definitions of national interest and foreign policy priorities? How will this affect these states’ policies regarding international commitments and cooperation on issues such as human rights, environment and climate change, migration, and trade? To what extent do possible shifts reflect changing domestic opinions?  Will any changes represent a long-term shift in state priorities and policies past these administrations?

US and Americas Programme




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Coronavirus in Latin America and Mexico: Infection Rates, Immigration and Policy Responses

Invitation Only Research Event

25 March 2020 - 4:00pm to 5:00pm

Event participants

Jude Webber, Mexico and Central America Correspondent, Financial Times
Michael Stott, Latin America Editor, Financial Times
Chair: Dr Christopher Sabatini, Senior Research Fellow for Latin America, US and the Americas Programme, Chatham House

This event is part of the Inaugural Virtual Roundtable Series on the US, Americas and the State of the World and will take place virtually only.  Participants should not come to Chatham House for these events

US and Americas Programme




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MAXIMUM POWERFUL OBAT KUAT PRIA TAHAN LAMA - Rahasia Pria

Maximum Powerful Obat Kuat Pria adalah ramuan herbal alami yang berkhasiat sebagai obat kuat tahan lama,serta mengatasi ejakulasi dini, impotensi dan dll



  • Sports and Health

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Three Challenges for UK Peacebuilding Policy in the South Caucasus After Brexit

21 January 2020

Laurence Broers

Associate Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme
Building on the legacies of a long-term British investment in a peace strategy for the South Caucasus is a realistic and attainable goal.

2020-01-21-NK.jpg

A building in Nagorny Karabakh flies the flag of the self-proclaimed republic. 'Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorny Karabakh have evolved into examples of what scholars call "de facto states" that, to differing degrees, control territory, provide governance and exercise internal sovereignty,' writes Laurence Broers. Photo: Getty Images.

What does Britain’s departure from the EU mean for the country’s policy towards the South Caucasus, a small region on the periphery of Europe, fractured by conflict? Although Britain is not directly involved in any of the region’s peace processes (except in the case of the Geneva International Discussions on conflicts involving Georgia, as an EU member state), it has been a significant stakeholder in South Caucasian stability since the mid-1990s.

Most obviously, Britain has been the single largest foreign investor in Caspian oil and gas. Yet beyond pipelines, Britain also has been a significant investor in long-term civil society-led strategies to build peace in the South Caucasus.

Through what was then the Global Conflict Prevention Pool, in the early 2000s the Department for International Development (DfID) pioneered large-scale peacebuilding interventions, such as the Consortium Initiative, addressing Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict, in 2003-09. These built civic networks in the South Caucasus and partnerships with British-based NGOs.

This experience left a strong intellectual legacy. British expertise on the South Caucasus, including specific expertise on its conflicts, is highly regarded in the region and across the world.

There is also a strong tradition of British scholarship on the Caucasus, and several British universities offer Caucasus-related courses. Through schemes such as the John Smith Fellowship Trust, the Robert Bosch Stiftung Academy Fellowship at Chatham House and Chevening Scholarships, significant numbers of young leaders from the South Caucasus have spent time in British institutions and built effective relationships within them.

Three challenges

This niche as a champion of long-term, strategic peacebuilding and repository of area-specific knowledge should not be lost as Britain’s relationship with the EU and regional actors evolves. This can be ensured through awareness of three challenges confronting a post-Brexit Caucasus policy.

The first challenge for London is to avoid framing a regional policy in the South Caucasus as an extension of a wider ‘Russia policy’. Deteriorating Russian-British relations in recent years strengthen a tendency to view policies in the European neighbourhood through the traditional prisms of Cold War and Russian-Western rivalries.

Yet an overwhelming focus on Russia fails to capture other important aspects of political developments in South Caucasus conflicts. Although often referred to as ‘breakaway’ or ‘occupied’ territories, Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorny Karabakh are not ungoverned spaces. They have evolved into examples of what scholars call ‘de facto states’ that, to differing degrees, control territory, provide governance and exercise internal sovereignty.

Few disagree that these entities would not survive without external patronage. But neither does that patronage explain their sustainability on its own. Russia-centricity diminishes Britain’s latitude to engage on the full range of local drivers sustaining these entities, contributing instead to less effective policies predicated on competition and containment.

A second and related challenge is to maintain and develop Britain’s position on the issue of engaging populations in these entities. De facto states appear to stand outside of the international rules-based system. Yet in many cases, their civil societies are peopled by skilled and motivated activists who want their leaders to be held accountable according to international rules.

Strategies of isolation ignore these voices and contribute instead to fearful and demoralized communities less likely to engage in a transformation of adversarial relationships. Making this case with the wider international community, and facilitating the funding of local civil societies in contested territories, would be important steps in sustaining an effective British policy on the resolution of conflicts.    

The third challenge for Britain is to maintain a long-term approach to the conflicts of the South Caucasus alongside potential short-term imperatives in other policy fields, as relationships shift post-Brexit.

In this fluid international environment, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office has a role to play both as an internal champion of a long-term peacebuilding strategy and a coordinator of British efforts with those of multilateral actors engaged in the South Caucasus. These include the United Nations, the EU’s Special Representative for the South Caucasus and the Crisis in Georgia and OSCE’s Special Representative for the OSCE Chairperson-in-Office for the South Caucasus, all of which have built relationships with relevant actors on the ground.

Recommendations

Britain’s niche as a champion and advocate of a strategic approach to peaceful change can be secured post-Brexit in the following ways.  

First, in-house expertise is crucial to effective peacebuilding programming. The Foreign Office’s research analysts play a vital role in generating independent internal advice and liaising with academic and NGO communities. Their role could be supplemented by the reinstatement of a regional conflict adviser post, based in Tbilisi, tasked with strengthening Britain’s regional presence on conflict issues and coordinating policy at a regional level.

This post, with a remit to cover conflicts and build up area knowledge and relationships can contribute significantly to working closely with local civil societies, where so much expertise and knowledge resides, as well as other stakeholders.

Second, programming should build in conflict sensitivity by dissociating eligibility from contested political status. This can encourage local populations to take advantage of opportunities for funding, study, comparative learning and professional development irrespective of the status of the entity where they reside.

The Chevening Scholarships are an excellent example, whereby applicants can select ‘South Caucasus’ as their affiliated identity from a drop-down menu. This enables citizens from across the region to apply irrespective of the status of the territory in which they live.   

Finally, a holistic understanding of peace is crucial. Programming in unrecognized or partially-recognized entities should acknowledge that effective peacebuilding needs to embrace political dynamics and processes beyond cross-conflict contact and confidence building. Local actors in such entities may find peacebuilding funding streams defined exclusively in terms of cross-conflict contact more politically risky and ineffective in addressing domestic blockages to peace.

While cross-conflict dynamics remain critical, ‘single-community’ programming framed in terms of civic participation, inclusion, civil society capacity-building, minority and human rights in contested territories, and building the confidence from within to engage in constructive dialogue, are no less important.

The ’global Britain’ promised by Brexit remains a fanciful idea. Quiet, painstaking work to build on the legacies of a long-term British investment in a peace strategy for the South Caucasus, on the other hand, is a realistic and attainable goal.




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UK Unplugged? The Impacts of Brexit on Energy and Climate Policy

26 May 2016

In the field of energy and climate change policy, remaining in the EU offers the best balance of policy options for Britain’s national interests.

Antony Froggatt

Senior Research Fellow, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme

Thomas Raines

Director, Europe Programme

Shane Tomlinson

Senior Associate, E3G; Former Senior Research Fellow, Chatham House

2016-05-26-uk-unplugged-brexit-energy.jpg

A line of electricity pylons stretches beyond fields of rapeseed near Hutton Rudby, North Yorkshire, on 27 April 2015. Photo: Getty Images.

Summary

  • Over the last 30 years the EU has played a central role in addressing the competitiveness, security and climate dimensions of energy policy among its member states. The UK has been critical in driving forward integration of the European energy market, and has been a strong advocate of liberalized energy markets and some climate change mitigation policies.
  • If, at the June 2016 referendum, the UK does vote to leave the EU, energy and climate policy will be part of the overall package of issues to be negotiated, as it is unlikely that each sector will be treated separately. The model of relations for energy and climate may well be determined by political and public sentiment on higher-profile issues such as freedom of movement, rather than by what is best for the UK in these policy areas.
  • The UK is increasingly reliant on imports, including from and through continental Europe, and its energy market is deeply integrated with that of its European neighbours. As a growing share of the UK’s electricity is exchanged with EU partners, it would be neither possible nor desirable to ‘unplug’ the UK from Europe’s energy networks. A degree of continued adherence to EU market, environmental and governance rules would be inevitable.
  • This paper reviews the risks and trade-offs associated with five possible options for a post-exit relationship. Of these, the Norway or the Energy Community models would be the least disruptive, enabling continuity in energy market access, regulatory frameworks and investment; however, both would come at the cost of accepting the vast majority of legislation while relinquishing any say in its creation. The UK would thus have less, rather than more, sovereignty over energy policy.
  • The Switzerland, the Canada and the WTO models offer the possibility of greater sovereignty in a number of areas, such as buildings and infrastructure standards as well as state aid. None the less, each would entail higher risks, with greater uncertainty over market access, investment and electricity prices. These models would reduce or even eliminate the UK’s contribution to the EU budget, but would also limit or cut off access to EU funding mechanisms.
  • All five Brexit models would undermine the UK’s influence in international energy and climate diplomacy. The UK would no longer play any direct role in shaping the climate and energy policies of its EU neighbours, at a time when the EU’s proposed Energy Union initiatives offer the prospect of a more integrated and effective European energy sector. A decision to leave the EU would make it easier for a future UK government to change direction on climate policy, since only a change in domestic legislation would be required.
  • ‘Brexit’ could affect the balance of energy policy among the remaining member states. In its absence, the centre of gravity for EU energy policy might shift away from market mechanisms and result in weaker collective action on greenhouse gas reduction targets.
  • In the field of energy and climate change policy, remaining in the EU offers the best balance of policy options for Britain’s national interests: the UK would continue to benefit from the integrated energy market, while maintaining influence over its direction and minimizing uncertainty for crucial investment.




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Impaired Metabolic Flexibility to High-Fat Overfeeding Predicts Future Weight Gain in Healthy Adults

The ability to switch fuels for oxidation in response to changes in macronutrient composition of diet (metabolic flexibility) may be informative of individuals’ susceptibility to weight gain. Seventy-nine healthy, weight-stable participants underwent 24-h assessments of energy expenditure and respiratory quotient (RQ) in a whole-room calorimeter during energy balance (EBL) (50% carbohydrate, 30% fat) and then during 24-h fasting and three 200% overfeeding diets in a crossover design. Metabolic flexibility was defined as the change in 24-h RQ from EBL during fasting and standard overfeeding (STOF) (50% carbohydrate, 30% fat), high-fat overfeeding (HFOF) (60% fat, 20% carbohydrate), and high-carbohydrate overfeeding (HCOF) (75% carbohydrate, 5% fat) diets. Free-living weight change was assessed after 6 and 12 months. Compared with EBL, RQ decreased on average by 9% during fasting and by 4% during HFOF but increased by 4% during STOF and by 8% during HCOF. A smaller decrease in RQ, reflecting a smaller increase in lipid oxidation rate, during HFOF but not during the other diets predicted greater weight gain at both 6 and 12 months. An impaired metabolic flexibility to acute HFOF can identify individuals prone to weight gain, indicating that an individual’s capacity to oxidize dietary fat is a metabolic determinant of weight change.




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How does maximizing shareholder value distort drug development?

With the emergence of sofobuvir, a new direct acting antiviral, treatment for Hepatitis C infection is currently undergoing it's greatest change since the discovery of the virus 25 years ago. However Gilead, who manufacture the treatment, are under fire for the cost of the druge - around $90 000 for a course of treatment. Victor Roy, doctoral...




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I thought I wasn't thin enough to be anorexic

Assessing young people with possible eating disorders can be complex for a variety of reasons. Building a therapeutic relationship with a young person with a possible eating disorder and their family is key to enabling a thorough assessment and ongoing management, but it introduces difficult issues regarding confidentiality and risk. In this...




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The government is lacking detail over Brexit planning

Brexit. Who knows what’s going to happen in the next few weeks, months, years - the uncertainty is high. In the face of that, you’d hope that the government was doing all it could to plan for any eventuality - let alone for a massive, country altering one like suddenly crashing out without a deal - but Martin McKee, professor of public health at...




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Brexit - Planning for medicine shortages

This week we saw the release of the much awaited Yellowhammer documents from the government, documents which outline some of the risks involved with Britain’s sudden departure from the EU. The documents themselves outline that there are risks to the supply of medicines - but do not set out the detail of how those risks have been mitigated, and...




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Relation Between Antioxidant Enzyme Gene Expression and Antioxidative Defense Status of Insulin-Producing Cells

Markus Tiedge
Nov 1, 1997; 46:1733-1742
Original Article




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High glucose level and free fatty acid stimulate reactive oxygen species production through protein kinase C--dependent activation of NAD(P)H oxidase in cultured vascular cells

T Inoguchi
Nov 1, 2000; 49:1939-1945
Articles




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Lipotoxicity in the Pathogenesis of Obesity-Dependent NIDDM: Genetic and Clinical Implications

Roger H Unger
Aug 1, 1995; 44:863-870
Perspectives in Diabetes




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Role of oxidative stress in diabetic complications: a new perspective on an old paradigm

JW Baynes
Jan 1, 1999; 48:1-9
Articles




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Role of Oxidative Stress in Development of Complications in Diabetes

John W Baynes
Apr 1, 1991; 40:405-412
Perspectives in Diabetes




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Taxis complying with social-distancing protocol

Many taxi and bus operators in sections of Kingston and St Andrew are seemingly adhering to social-distancing guidelines outlined by the Government for the sector, in terms of the number of passengers they are allowed to transport at a time. These...




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Liver ChREBP Protects Against Fructose-Induced Glycogenic Hepatotoxicity by Regulating L-Type Pyruvate Kinase

Excessive fructose consumption is closely linked to the pathogenesis of metabolic disease. Carbohydrate response element-binding protein (ChREBP) is a transcription factor essential for fructose tolerance in mice. However, the functional significance of liver ChREBP in fructose metabolism remains unclear. Here, we show that liver ChREBP protects mice against fructose-induced hepatotoxicity by regulating liver glycogen metabolism and ATP homeostasis. Liver-specific ablation of ChREBP did not compromise fructose tolerance, but rather caused severe transaminitis and hepatomegaly with massive glycogen overload in mice fed a high-fructose diet, while no obvious inflammation, cell death, or fibrosis was detected in the liver. In addition, liver ATP contents were significantly decreased by ChREBP deficiency in the fed state, which was rendered more pronounced by fructose feeding. Mechanistically, liver contents of glucose-6-phosphate (G6P), an allosteric activator of glycogen synthase, were markedly increased in the absence of liver ChREBP, while fasting-induced glycogen breakdown was not compromised. Furthermore, hepatic overexpression of LPK, a ChREBP target gene in glycolysis, could effectively rescue glycogen overload and ATP reduction, as well as mitigate fructose-induced hepatotoxicity in ChREBP-deficient mice. Taken together, our findings establish a critical role of liver ChREBP in coping with hepatic fructose stress and protecting from hepatotoxicity by regulating LPK.




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Targeting the NADPH Oxidase-4 and Liver X Receptor Pathway Preserves Schwann Cell Integrity in Diabetic Mice

Diabetes triggers peripheral nerve alterations at a structural and functional level, collectively referred to as diabetic peripheral neuropathy (DPN). This work highlights the role of the liver X receptor (LXR) signaling pathway and the cross talk with the reactive oxygen species (ROS)–producing enzyme NADPH oxidase-4 (Nox4) in the pathogenesis of DPN. Using type 1 diabetic (T1DM) mouse models together with cultured Schwann cells (SCs) and skin biopsies from patients with type 2 diabetes (T2DM), we revealed the implication of LXR and Nox4 in the pathophysiology of DPN. T1DM animals exhibit neurophysiological defects and sensorimotor abnormalities paralleled by defective peripheral myelin gene expression. These alterations were concomitant with a significant reduction in LXR expression and increase in Nox4 expression and activity in SCs and peripheral nerves, which were further verified in skin biopsies of patients with T2DM. Moreover, targeted activation of LXR or specific inhibition of Nox4 in vivo and in vitro to attenuate diabetes-induced ROS production in SCs and peripheral nerves reverses functional alteration of the peripheral nerves and restores the homeostatic profiles of MPZ and PMP22. Taken together, our findings are the first to identify novel, key mediators in the pathogenesis of DPN and suggest that targeting LXR/Nox4 axis is a promising therapeutic approach.




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Manual acupuncture versus sham acupuncture and usual care for prophylaxis of episodic migraine without aura: multicentre, randomised clinical trial




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Association between tax on sugar sweetened beverages and soft drink consumption in adults in Mexico: open cohort longitudinal analysis of Health Workers Cohort Study




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Reflections on the Brexit Election

Invitation Only Research Event

6 December 2019 - 8:30am to 9:30am

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Alistair Burt, Conservative Member of Parliament (1983-97 and 2001-19); Minister of State for the Middle East, UK Foreign & Commonwealth Office and Minister of State at the Department for UK International Development (2017-19)

On 12 December 2019, the United Kingdom will hold one of its most crucial elections in the 21st century. The result will have a direct impact on the Brexit process and will most likely determine the country’s future direction for years to come.  

Yet the final outcome is far from predictable. It seems quite certain that the 2019 election is unlikely to produce a clear two-party share of the vote as happened back in 2017. Public trust in politicians is low and party loyalty is looser than ever. Polls show that Brexit it overwhelmingly considered as the main issue among the electorate alongside a deep concern about the future of public services. This raises multiple questions: can the 2019 election represent a chance to unite the country and move on? Will cross-party identities of ‘Leavers’ and ‘Remainers’ translate to how people vote in the election? And what will the outcome mean for Brexit and the future of party politics in Britain? 

Attendance at this event is by invitation only. 

Event attributes

Chatham House Rule

Alina Lyadova

Europe Programme Coordinator




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Virtual Breakfast: Is a Brexit Delay Possible?

Research Event

7 April 2020 - 8:30am to 9:30am

Event participants

Gavin Barwell, Downing Street Chief of Staff to Prime Minister Theresa May (2017-19)
Chair: Thomas Raines, Director, Europe Programme, Chatham House

Please note this an online-only event.

According to a previously agreed timetable for phase two of Brexit talks, negotiations on the future EU-UK trade relations were scheduled to begin in March. Then a global pandemic hit. Despite the ongoing COVID-19 outbreak, the UK government insists that the Brexit negotiations are on track and there are currently no plans to extend the transition period beyond 2020.

However, the original timetable for trade talks was already widely seen as extremely constrained. Can negotiations still be done in time? With the decision on any possible extension to be made by July at the latest, can the two sides make sufficient progress by that point? Or would the ongoing public health crisis make requesting an extension to the transition period more politically viable for the UK government? Finally, if there is no extension, could Britain still leave the EU with no deal?

In this webinar, the speaker will discuss how the need to manage other challenges, such as the current COVID-19 outbreak, might affect the government’s approach to the negotiations with the EU. He will also share his insights on what to expect from the second phase of negotiations and on the most important lessons from phase one. 

Alina Lyadova

Europe Programme Coordinator




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Nuclear Energy in a Post-Brexit Europe

Invitation Only Research Event

11 October 2019 - 8:30am to 10:00am

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Tim Yeo, Chairman, The New Nuclear Watch Institute
Chair: Antony Froggatt, Senior Research Fellow, Energy, Environment and Resources, Chatham House 

Brexit will significantly change the balance within the EU in relation to nuclear energy. Apart from France and Finland, both of whose nuclear development programmes are behind schedule, the UK is the only member state in northern or western Europe currently investing in new nuclear capacity. Brexit will therefore leave the supporters of nuclear energy within the EU27 and the European Commission in a weaker position.

The speaker will argue that at a time when the energy industry needs to accelerate its shift away from fossil fuels, and when the electricity generation industry must cut its carbon emissions faster than it has ever managed to do in the past, this change is unhelpful.

The workshop will also address the need for additional interconnector capacity and the future of carbon-trading outside the EU emission trading system and how this relates to potential nuclear energy capacity.

Attendance at this event is by invitation only. 

Event attributes

Chatham House Rule

Chloé Prendleloup




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The prospects of carbon dioxide removal in climate policymaking within the United States

Research Event

19 November 2019 - 9:00am to 5:00pm

School of Law, University of California, Davis

This meeting formed part of a programme of work which investigates the role of negative emissions technologies (NETs) in achieving the Paris Agreement climate targets. Previous meetings held in London and Brussels have looked at integrating negative emissions into EU policy-making, the implications and degree to which NETs, and in particular bioenergy with carbon capture storage (BECCS), can be an effective climate mitigation tool. This meeting focused on the possible deployment pathways of NETs and alternatives to BECCS for the US in particular, in the context of geographical constraints and socioenvironmental implications, the role of the private sector, and appropriate governance and finance mechanisms. 

Melissa MacEwen

Project Manager, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme




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Safe or Sorry? Prospects for Britons in the European Union after Brexit

Amid ongoing Brexit negotiations, much remains uncertain for the roughly 1 million UK citizens living elsewhere in the European Union. This report offers a demographic profile of these Brexpats, considering what form an EU-UK deal on citizens’ rights might take and identifying key challenges many Britons are likely to face—including difficulty securing legal status and accessing labor markets, social security, and health-care systems.