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Undercurrents: Episode 40 - Illicit Financial Flows, and Geopolitics in the Indo-Pacific




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Biochemical and structural insights into how amino acids regulate pyruvate kinase muscle isoform 2 [Enzymology]

Pyruvate kinase muscle isoform 2 (PKM2) is a key glycolytic enzyme involved in ATP generation and critical for cancer metabolism. PKM2 is expressed in many human cancers and is regulated by complex mechanisms that promote tumor growth and proliferation. Therefore, it is considered an attractive therapeutic target for modulating tumor metabolism. Various stimuli allosterically regulate PKM2 by cycling it between highly active and less active states. Several small molecules activate PKM2 by binding to its intersubunit interface. Serine and cysteine serve as an activator and inhibitor of PKM2, respectively, by binding to its amino acid (AA)-binding pocket, which therefore represents a potential druggable site. Despite binding similarly to PKM2, how cysteine and serine differentially regulate this enzyme remains elusive. Using kinetic analyses, fluorescence binding, X-ray crystallography, and gel filtration experiments with asparagine, aspartate, and valine as PKM2 ligands, we examined whether the differences in the side-chain polarity of these AAs trigger distinct allosteric responses in PKM2. We found that Asn (polar) and Asp (charged) activate PKM2 and that Val (hydrophobic) inhibits it. The results also indicate that both Asn and Asp can restore the activity of Val-inhibited PKM2. AA-bound crystal structures of PKM2 displayed distinctive interactions within the binding pocket, causing unique allosteric effects in the enzyme. These structure-function analyses of AA-mediated PKM2 regulation shed light on the chemical requirements in the development of mechanism-based small-molecule modulators targeting the AA-binding pocket of PKM2 and provide broader insights into the regulatory mechanisms of complex allosteric enzymes.




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The Indo-Pacific: Geostrategic Perspectives to 2024 - Workshop 3

Invitation Only Research Event

17 October 2019 - 9:30am to 2:00pm

Institut Francais des Relations Internationales, 27 rue de la Procession, 75740 Paris Cedex 15, France

This closed-door roundtable explores possible strategic shifts in the Indo-Pacific between now and 2024. Focusing on trade security, climate change disruptions and security cooperation, it aims to enhance the understanding of the regional goals of, and strategic relationships between, the key countries active in the region.

The workshop is part of a larger project funded by the Strategic Policy Division of the Australian Department of Defence. The project includes workshops in the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Japan, India and the Pacific Islands (Tonga).

Attendance at this event is by invitation only.

Anna Aberg

Research Analyst, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme
020 7314 3629




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The Indo-Pacific: Geostrategic Outlook to 2024 - Workshop 4

Invitation Only Research Event

26 November 2019 - 9:30am to 12:00pm

Gateway House, Stevens Street, Colaba

This closed-door roundtable explores possible strategic shifts in the Indo-Pacific between now and 2024.

Focusing on trade security, climate change disruptions and security cooperation, it aims to enhance the understanding of the regional goals of, and strategic relationships between, the key countries active in the region.

The workshop is part of a larger project funded by the Strategic Policy Division of the Australian Department of Defence.

The project includes workshops in the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Japan, India and the Pacific Islands (Tonga).

Anna Aberg

Research Analyst, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme
020 7314 3629




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The Indo-Pacific: Geostrategic Outlook From Now to 2024 - Workshop 5

Invitation Only Research Event

18 February 2020 - 12:00pm to 4:30pm

Langafonua Centre

This roundtable explores possible strategic shifts in the Indo-Pacific between now and 2024. Focusing on trade security, climate change disruptions and security cooperation, it aims to enhance the understanding of the regional goals of, and strategic relationships between, the key countries active in the region.

The workshop is part of a larger project funded by the Strategic Policy Division of the Australian Department of Defence. The project includes workshops in the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Japan, India and the Pacific Islands (Tonga).
 

Anna Aberg

Research Analyst, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme
020 7314 3629




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Episode 32: Pacific Rim


  • Pacific Rim Review
  • World War Z mini-review
  • What We Watched: The Lone Ranger, Breaking Bad, Mad Men, Celeste and Jesse Forever, Despicable Me 2, Ruby Sparks, Melancholia, Do The Right Thing, ESPN 30 for 30: Broke, etc.


Next Episode: The Conjuring




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Hepatic monoamine oxidase B is involved in endogenous geranylgeranoic acid synthesis in mammalian liver cells [Research Articles]

Geranylgeranoic acid (GGA) originally was identified in some animals and has been developed as an agent for preventing second primary hepatoma. We previously have also identified GGA as an acyclic diterpenoid in some medicinal herbs. Recently, we reported that in human hepatoma-derived HuH-7 cells, GGA is metabolically labeled from 13C-mevalonate. Several cell-free experiments have demonstrated that GGA is synthesized through geranylgeranial by oxygen-dependent oxidation of geranylgeraniol (GGOH), but the exact biochemical events giving rise to GGA in hepatoma cells remain unclear. Monoamine oxidase B (MOAB) has been suggested to be involved in GGOH oxidation. Here, using two human hepatoma cell lines, we investigated whether MAOB contributes to GGA biosynthesis. Using either HuH-7 cell lysates or recombinant human MAOB, we found that: 1) the MAO inhibitor tranylcypromine dose-dependently downregulates endogenous GGA levels in HuH-7 cells; and 2) siRNA-mediated MAOB silencing reduces intracellular GGA levels in HuH-7 and Hep3B cells. Unexpectedly, however, CRISPR/Cas9-generated MAOB-KO human hepatoma Hep3B cells had GGA levels similar to those in MAOB-WT cells. A sensitivity of GGA levels to siRNA-mediated MAOB downregulation was recovered when the MAOB-KO cells were transfected with a MAOB-expression plasmid, suggesting that MAOB is the enzyme primarily responsible for GGOH oxidation and that some other latent metabolic pathways may maintain endogenous GGA levels in the MAOB-KO hepatoma cells. Along with the previous findings, these results provide critical insights into the biological roles of human MAOB and provide evidence that hepatic MAOB is involved in endogenous GGA biosynthesis via GGOH oxidation.




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Slc43a3 is a regulator of free fatty acid flux [Research Articles]

Adipocytes take up long chain FAs through diffusion and protein-mediated transport, whereas FA efflux is considered to occur by diffusion. To identify potential membrane proteins that are involved in regulating FA flux in adipocytes, the expression levels of 55 membrane transporters without known function were screened in subcutaneous adipose samples from obese patients before and after bariatric surgery using branched DNA methodology. Among the 33 solute carrier (SLC) transporter family members screened, the expression of 14 members showed significant changes before and after bariatric surgery. One of them, Slc43a3, increased about 2.5-fold after bariatric surgery. Further investigation demonstrated that Slc43a3 is highly expressed in murine adipose tissue and induced during adipocyte differentiation in primary preadipocytes and in OP9 cells. Knockdown of Slc43a3 with siRNA in differentiated OP9 adipocytes reduced both basal and forskolin-stimulated FA efflux, while also increasing FA uptake and lipid droplet accumulation. In contrast, overexpression of Slc43a3 decreased FA uptake in differentiated OP9 cells and resulted in decreased lipid droplet accumulation. Therefore, Slc43a3 seems to regulate FA flux in adipocytes, functioning as a positive regulator of FA efflux and as a negative regulator of FA uptake.




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Commentary on SSO and other putative inhibitors of FA transport across membranes by CD36 disrupt intracellular metabolism, but do not affect fatty acid translocation [Commentaries]





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Air gap security beaten by turning PC capacitors into speakers

Researchers have poked another small hole in air gapped security by showing how the electronics inside computer power supply units (PSUs) can be turned into covert data transmission devices.




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The recalibration of Chinese assertiveness: China's responses to the Indo-Pacific challenge

8 January 2020 , Volume 96, Number 1

Feng Liu

In response to the changing geopolitical landscape in Asia, both China and the United States attempt to alter the regional order in their own favour, both in the economic and security realms. This article shows how diverging views on future arrangements are leading to strategic shifts and increasing tension between these two Great Powers. As part of its quest for Great-Power status, China has been actively pushing its regional initiatives such as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), as well as adopting assertive security policies towards its neighbours. In contrast, in order to counter China's growing influence America's regional strategy is undergoing a subtle shift from ‘rebalancing to Asia’ to focusing on the ‘Indo-Pacific’ region. However, amid an intensifying trade war and other challenges facing the region, China has chosen to moderate its proactive foreign policy-orientation in the past few years. In particular, China has made attempts to downplay its domestic rhetoric, rebuild strategic relationship with India and Japan, and to reassure ASEAN states in the South China Sea. In response to the Indo-Pacific strategy, it would be more effective for China to articulate a more inclusive regional vision and promote an institutional framework that also accommodates a US presence in the region.




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Non-traditional security cooperation between China and south-east Asia: implications for Indo-Pacific geopolitics

8 January 2020 , Volume 96, Number 1

Xue Gong

The ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’ (FOIP) strategy, actively promoted by the United States with support from its allies and partners, is a significant geopolitical response to China's growing power and expanding influence in Asia and beyond. Beijing has adopted various new strategies to cope with the challenges related to FOIP. One of these strategies is to secure a robust relationship with south-east Asia in order to make these regional states either neutral to or less supportive of the Indo-Pacific vision. In addition to economic statecraft and soft power, Beijing believes that it can also tap into the domain of non-traditional security (NTS) to strengthen relations with this region to position itself better in the intensifying regional geopolitical competition. The article addresses the following question: what is the impact of China's NTS cooperation with south-east Asia on Beijing's geopolitical rivalry with other major powers in the Indo-Pacific region? The article argues that China's NTS cooperation with south-east Asian countries may help China maintain its geopolitical standing in the region, but it is unlikely to lead to any dramatic increase of China's strategic influence in the region. This essentially means that Beijing may be able to prevent ASEAN or most ASEAN member states from lending substantive and strong support to the Indo-Pacific construct, but it will not be able to stop ASEAN states from supporting some elements of the FOIP.




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Japan's ‘Indo-Pacific’ question: countering China or shaping a new regional order?

8 January 2020 , Volume 96, Number 1

Kei Koga

Japan's primary objective of the ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’ (FOIP) strategy is to shape and consolidate regional order in the Indo-Pacific region based on the existing rules-based international order. The concept initially aimed to achieve two different objectives—shaping a regional order in the Indo-Pacific and ensuring the defence of Japan; however, Japan has gradually shifted its strategic focus onto the former, separating national defence from the FOIP concept, which reflects a change in the degree of its commitment to the two objectives. On the one hand, as its overall security strategy, Japan has determined to steadily enhance its national defence by increasing its own defence capabilities and strengthening the US–Japan alliance, while transforming its partnerships with like-minded states, such as Australia and India, into a diplomatic, and potentially military, alignment. This has been brought about by shifts in the regional balance of power, particularly the rise of China and the relative decline of the United States. On the other hand, as part of its FOIP strategy, Japan's attempts to build a new regional order in the Indo-Pacific region aim to defend the existing rules-based order established by the United States from challengers, particularly China. Yet, given the strategic uncertainty over Japan's international coalition-building efforts to create a new regional order, Japan has made its approach flexible; Tokyo is using its ambiguous FOIP concept to gauge other states' responses, understand their perspectives, and change its strategic emphases accordingly—so-called ‘tactical hedging’. Japan has pursued similar means to achieve the two key objectives. Nevertheless, the country's core interest, the defence of Japan, is more imperative than building a regional order in the Indo-Pacific region, and Japan faces different types of challenges in the future.




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Evasive balancing: India's unviable Indo-Pacific strategy

8 January 2020 , Volume 96, Number 1

Rajesh Rajagopalan

India has adopted the Indo-Pacific concept with uncharacteristic speed. This article examines India's Indo-Pacific strategy, which evolved out of its earlier ‘Look East’ and ‘Act East’ policies but is much more focused on strategic concerns than on trade or connectivity. As such, the strategy is subset of its China policy, and includes contradictory elements of balancing China by building partnerships with the United States as well as with regional powers, while simultaneously pursuing a reassurance strategy to convince Beijing that India is not really balancing China. The combination of these contradictory elements is characterized as evasive balancing, which is a more useful concept than either pure balancing or hedging for understanding the policies of India and of many other countries in the region that are trying to manage China's rise. However, reassurance strategies rarely work and the combination of balancing and reassurance is even less likely to be viable.




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Is Australia's Indo-Pacific strategy an illusion?

8 January 2020 , Volume 96, Number 1

Brendan Taylor

Australia has been among the most prominent advocates of the increasingly popular Indo-Pacific concept. This article argues that Canberra's enthusiasm for the concept stems from its appeal to the two dominant traditions of Australian foreign policy—a ‘dependent ally’ tradition and a ‘middle power’ approach. While these two traditions are typically seen as being in tension, the Indo-Pacific concept provides a rare point of convergence between them. The article begins by outlining the appeal of the Indo-Pacific concept to each of these traditions. Using a case-study of recent Australian policy toward the South China Sea disputes, however, the article then demonstrates that Australia has in practice implemented its stated Indo-Pacific strategy far less consistently than its very vocal support would appear to suggest. This disjuncture is attributed to the growing influence of a third, generally understudied, ‘pragmatic’ Australian foreign policy tradition. Because Australia has been such a prominent champion of the Indo-Pacific concept, the article concludes that this divergence between the rhetoric and the reality of Australia's Indo-Pacific strategy threatens to have a negative impact on the concept's broader international appeal and sustainability, particularly among Australia's south-east Asian neighbours.




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Indonesia and the ASEAN outlook on the Indo-Pacific

8 January 2020 , Volume 96, Number 1

Dewi Fortuna Anwar

Indonesia has taken a leadership role within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in drafting a common outlook on the Indo-Pacific concept. The widening of Indonesia's geostrategic canvas from the Asia–Pacific to the Indo-Pacific is in line with President Joko Widodo's intent to make Indonesia a Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF). In view of the rivalry between the US and China and the emergence of various Indo-Pacific initiatives from other countries, Indonesia believes that ASEAN must try to maintain its centrality. The draft of Indonesia's perspective for an ASEAN outlook on the Indo-Pacific: towards a peaceful, prosperous, and inclusive region was submitted for considerations by ASEAN, and after 18 months of intensive lobbying by Indonesia the concept was finally adopted at the ASEAN Summit in June 2019. The ASEAN outlook promotes the principles of openness, inclusiveness, transparency, respect for international law and ASEAN centrality in the Indo-Pacific region. It proposes a building-block approach, seeking commonalities between existing regional initiatives in which ASEAN-led mechanisms will act as a fulcrum for both norm-setting and concrete cooperation. Rather than creating a new regional architecture, the East Asia Summit (EAS) is proposed as the platform for advancing the Indo-Pacific discourse and cooperation. Indonesia's ASEAN outlook on the Indo-Pacific marks its renewed foreign policy activism as a middle power and underlines the continuing importance that Indonesia places on ASEAN as the cornerstone of its foreign policy, emphasising ASEAN's centrality as the primary vehicle for managing relations with the major powers in the Indo-Pacific region.




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Consigned to hedge: south-east Asia and America's ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’ strategy

8 January 2020 , Volume 96, Number 1

See Seng Tan

This article assesses how south-east Asian countries and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have responded to the ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’ (FOIP) strategies promoted by the United States and the other countries in the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (the ‘Quad’: US, Japan, Australia and India). Their nuanced ripostes imply a persistent commitment to hedging and shifting limited alignments in the face of growing great rivalry and the lack of a clear FOIP vision among Quad members. In the face of external pressure to take sides, the ASEAN states are likely to keep hedging through working selectively with China and the United States. Given the United States' apparent preference to balance China and Trump's disregard for multilateralism, ASEAN's ability to maintain its centrality in the evolving regional architecture is in doubt—despite the Quad countries' (belated) accommodation of ASEAN in their FOIP strategies. However, the success of the US strategy depends on Washington's ability to build and sustain the requisite coalition to balance Beijing. ASEAN has undertaken efforts to enhance bilateral security collaboration with China and the United States respectively. In doing so, ASEAN is arguably seeking to informally redefine its centrality in an era of Great Power discord and its ramifications for multilateralism.




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The institutionalization of the Indo-Pacific: problems and prospects

8 January 2020 , Volume 96, Number 1

Kai He and Huiyun Feng

Although the term ‘Indo-Pacific’ has become popular in the foreign policy discourse of some countries, we have yet to see any significant institution-building in the Indo-Pacific region. Borrowing insights from functional institutionalism and political leadership studies of international regimes, we introduce a ‘leadership–institution’ model to explore the problems and prospects of institutionalizing the Indo-Pacific. Through a comparative case study of the institutionalization of the Asia–Pacific vs the Indo-Pacific, we argue that two crucial factors contributed to the slow institutionalization of the Indo-Pacific as a regional system in world politics: the lack of ideational leadership from an epistemic community and the weak executive leadership from a powerful state. While ideational leaders can help states identify and expand common interests in cooperation, executive leadership will facilitate states to overcome operational obstacles in cooperation, such as the ‘collective action’ problem and the ‘relative gains’ concern. The future of institution-building in the Indo-Pacific will depend on whether and how these two leadership roles are played by scholars and states in the region. In the conclusion, we discuss the challenges of institutionalizing the Indo-Pacific and highlight China as a wild card in the future of Indo-Pacific regionalism.




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The Belt and Road Initiative: geo-economics and Indo-Pacific security competition

8 January 2020 , Volume 96, Number 1

Mingjiang Li

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been regarded by international society as a major policy tool in China's geo-economic strategy. Under this policy platform, Beijing has pledged to invest billions of dollars in the infrastructure and industrial sectors across Eurasia and in the Indo-Pacific nations. It is widely believed that such huge amount of investment will inevitably generate significant geostrategic repercussions in these regions. In response to the BRI, the United States and other powers have come up with a ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’ strategy. This article attempts to address the following question: what impact is the BRI likely to have on the security ties between China and the other major players in the Indo-Pacific? The author finds that the BRI may significantly transform China's international security policy and the expansion of Beijing's security influence may further intensify the security competition between China and other major powers in the Indo-Pacific region. The article also proposes a new analytical angle for the study of geo-economics that unpacks the role of economic activities and processes in generating geopolitical intentions and catalysing geopolitical competition.




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Developmental peace in east Asia and its implications for the Indo-Pacific

8 January 2020 , Volume 96, Number 1

Ling Wei

This article adopts a constructive approach to examining the problem of the Indo-Pacific construct. Through reflection on the east Asian experience, it proposes an analytical framework of developmental peace as a constellation of international practices, which means that the more economic development is prioritized by states in regional processes, the more likely it is that a sustainable peace will be achieved. States participating in regional integration comprise a community of practice. On the basis of a shared understanding that development is of overriding importance and underpins security and state legitimacy, the community takes economic development as the anchoring practice; this practice embodies and enacts constitutive rules and fundamental norms for a broader set of practices in regional processes, such as peaceful coexistence and non-interference. The more economic development is prioritized on domestic and regional agendas, the more likely it is that conflicts in the security realm will be relaxed or even resolved to protect security interests. The author draws some useful implications from the developmental peace in east Asia for the Indo-Pacific construct, among which the most important include building shared understandings on the prioritization of economic development, taking advantage of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and using the code of conduct process as a vehicle and best practice to facilitate rule-making for the maritime order. Finally, the author briefly discusses the contributions of the study and limitations of the model.




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Understanding the dynamics of the Indo-Pacific: US–China strategic competition, regional actors, and beyond

6 November 2019 , Volume 96, Number 1

The first issue of International Affairs in 2020 explores the geopolitics of the 'Indo-Pacific' region.

Kai He and Mingjiang Li

As a geographical concept, ‘Indo-Pacific’ has existed for decades. As a political and strategic concept, it has since 2010 gradually become established in the foreign policy lexicon of some countries, especially Australia, India, Japan and the United States. However, China seems to be reluctant to identify itself as part of the Indo-Pacific; Chinese leaders believe that the US-led Indo-Pacific strategy aims to contain China's rise. While the battle between the two geographical concepts ‘Indo-Pacific’ and ‘Asia–Pacific’ may be fairly easily settled in the future, US–China strategic competition has just begun. Will the Indo-Pacific become a battlefield for US–China rivalry? How will China cope with the US ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’ (FOIP) strategy? How will other regional actors respond to the US–China strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific? What are the strategic implications of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ concept for regional order transformation? How will the Indo-Pacific be institutionalized, economically, politically and strategically? This article introduces the January 2020 special issue of International Affairs, which aims to address those questions, using both country-specific and regional perspectives. Seven articles focus on the policy responses of major players (Australia, China, India, Indonesia, Japan and ASEAN) to the US FOIP strategy and related US–China rivalry in the region. A further three articles examine the profound implications of Indo-Pacific dynamics for regional institution-building and for geopolitical and geo-economic architecture.




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The Indo-Pacific: Geostrategic Outlook to 2024 - Workshop 4

Invitation Only Research Event

26 November 2019 - 9:30am to 12:00pm

Gateway House, Stevens Street, Colaba

This closed-door roundtable explores possible strategic shifts in the Indo-Pacific between now and 2024.

Focusing on trade security, climate change disruptions and security cooperation, it aims to enhance the understanding of the regional goals of, and strategic relationships between, the key countries active in the region.

The workshop is part of a larger project funded by the Strategic Policy Division of the Australian Department of Defence.

The project includes workshops in the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Japan, India and the Pacific Islands (Tonga).

Anna Aberg

Research Analyst, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme
020 7314 3629




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Network Power in the Asia-Pacific: Making Sense of the New Regionalism and Opportunities for Cooperation

Research Event

7 February 2020 - 9:45am to 5:30pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

The Asia-Pacific region continues to increase in geopolitical and geoeconomic importance. The rise of China and tensions with the US are affecting bilateral relationships and traditional alliances in the region. Whether seen from the perspective of the Quad – Australia, India, Japan and the US – or the Indo-Pacific concept embraced by a wide range of countries but with no shared consensus on scope and objectives or with ASEAN who insists on the importance of its own centrality, the region is redefining and reconceptualising itself.

With a diverse range of initiatives – including the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) – there are a plethora of regional agreements and institutional groupings that add further complexity.

As the Bretton Woods architecture continues to be dominated by Western powers, China is also spearheading parallel governance initiatives such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), the Belt and Road Initiative and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) as a means of enhancing its geopolitical and geoeconomic influence.

This one-day conference will focus on how such networks and alliances have been built, and sustained, in the Asia-Pacific region. In order to understand how new regional initiatives might open up opportunities for new forms of international cooperation, the conference will focus on the themes of cyber-technology and innovation, sustainable development and mitigating the impacts of climate change and new infrastructure initiatives. It will assess whether there is a zero-sum conflict between competing networks and agendas or whether a common approach can be developed.

Lucy Ridout

Programme Administrator, Asia-Pacific Programme
+44 (0) 207 314 2761




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The Indo-Pacific: Geostrategic Outlook From Now to 2024 - Workshop 5

Invitation Only Research Event

18 February 2020 - 12:00pm to 4:30pm

Langafonua Centre

This roundtable explores possible strategic shifts in the Indo-Pacific between now and 2024. Focusing on trade security, climate change disruptions and security cooperation, it aims to enhance the understanding of the regional goals of, and strategic relationships between, the key countries active in the region.

The workshop is part of a larger project funded by the Strategic Policy Division of the Australian Department of Defence. The project includes workshops in the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Japan, India and the Pacific Islands (Tonga).
 

Anna Aberg

Research Analyst, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme
020 7314 3629




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Biosafety Protocol News Vol. 3 Issue 5 - Experiences and Lessons Learned in Capacity-Building




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Report of the Fifth Coordination Meeting for Governments and Organizations Implementing or Funding Biosafety Capacity-building Activities.




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Report of the sixth meeting of the Liaison Group on Capacity-Building for Biosafety.




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Report of the seventh meeting of the Liaison Group on Capacity-Building for Biosafety




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Report of the 8th meeting of the Liaison Group on Capacity-Building for Biosafety




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Report of the 7th Coordination Meeting for Governments and Organizations Implementing and/or Funding Biosafety Capacity-building Activities




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Report of the Asia-Pacific Regional Workshop on the Nagoya - Kuala Lumpur Supplementary Protocol on Liability and Redress




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Report of the Workshop on Capacity-building for research and information exchange on socio-economic impacts of Living Modified Organisms under the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety




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Report of the workshop on capacity-building and exchange of experiences as related to the implantation of paragraph 2 of article 18 of the biosafety protocol now available.




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Report of the Pacific Sub-regional Workshop on Capacity-building for the Effective Implementation of the Biosafety Protocol




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Online Forum on Strategic Approaches to Capacity-building in Biosafety and the Comprehensive Review of the Capacity-Building Action Plan (20 February - 4 May 2012)




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Report of the eighth Coordination Meeting for Governments and Organizations Implementing and/or Funding Biosafety Capacity-building Activities




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Report of the Inter-Regional Workshop on Capacity Needs for the Implementation of the Nagoya - Kuala Lumpur Supplementary Protocol on Liability and Redress




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Report of the Africa Regional Capacity-building Workshop on Public Awareness, Education and Participation concerning the Safe Transfer, Handling and Use of Living Modified Organisms




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Report of the Asia-Pacific regional training workshop on public awareness, education and participation concerning the safe transfer, handling and use of LMOs is now available.




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New publication: Framework and Action Plan for Capacity-Building for the Effective Implementation of the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety




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The report of the tenth meeting of the Liaison Group on Capacity-building for Biosafety is now available.




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The report of the eleventh meeting of the Liaison Group on Capacity-building for Biosafety is now available.




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The report of the workshop on developing capacity for national border controls on living modified organisms in small island developing States in the Caribbean is available.




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The report of the workshop on developing capacity for national border controls on living modified organisms in Pacific small island developing States is now available.




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Issue 9 of the BioCap Newsletter, the Biodiversity Capacity Development Update, is now available (biosafety updates on page 3 and 9)




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Facial recognition on the rise: can current laws protect the public?

The ICO is investigating reports that a property developer has quietly installed a facial recognition system in London's King's Cross. We spoke to experts from the legal and technology sectors to find some clarity about the rules




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CBD News: Statement by the Executive Secretary Mr. Ahmed Djoghlaf on "Biodiversity challenges and responses: Towards the Nagoya Summit on Biodiversity" at the Sixteenth Environment Congress for Asia and the Pacific, 14 September 2008, Nagoya, Ja




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CBD News: Asia and Pacific leads in preparing for 2010 Nagoya Biodiversity Summit.




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CBD Biosafety: Online conference on capacity-building extended to 28 November 2008.