ohi

AT#246 - Travel to Northern Ohio

The Amateur Traveler talks to Seth Oakley about traveling to his birthplace in Northern Ohio. Years ago Ohio and Northern Ohio in particular, had a very bad reputation for pollution that one can only get when a river (the Cuyahoga) catches fire. But these days Lake Erie is cleaner than it has been in maybe a hundred years and boasts sites like the Rock and Rock Hall of Fame, Cedar Point, surfing, and even a burgeoning wine region. The area is rich in history as the site of the Battle of Lake Erie, the birthplace of Thomas Edison and one of the first states added to the new United States. Seth also gives us a glimpse of small town life with a side trip to his hometown of Milan which is the home for both the Milan Melon Festival and the little-known superhero Melon Man.

News

Chris takes a new job

Show Notes

Northwest Territory
Cuyahoga River
Moon Handbooks: Ohio
Ohio: Off the Beaten Path
Milan, Ohio
Lake Erie
Zebra mussels
Ohio on Wikipedia
Firelands
History of Ohio
City of Cleveland
The Rock and Roll Hall of Fame
Great Lakes Science Center
Ohio’s sports misery
LeBron adds to Cleveland sports setbacks
A Prairie Home Companion with Garrison Keillor
LeBron signs with Miami
Sandusky, Ohio
Cedar Point Amusement Park
Cedar Point
Destination: Cedar Point Amusement Park
Soak City
Sandusky Hotels
Lake-effect snow
Lake Erie Islands
Battle of Lake Erie
Paper Moon Vineyards
Paper Moon Vineyards, Vermillion, Ohio
Thomas Edison
Ohio Festivals and Events
Milan Melon Festival
Firelands Wineyards
Great Lakes Brewery
Melon Man’s Facebook




ohi

AT#511 - Travel to Cincinnati, Ohio

Hear about travel to Cincinnati, Ohio as the Amateur Traveler talks to Erin Hinsen and Seth Walsh from UnlockCincinnati.org about the Queen City.




ohi

AT#595 - Travel to Columbus and Central Ohio

Hear about travel to Columbus and central Ohio as the Amateur Traveler talks to Matthew Caracciolo from matthewcaracciolo.com about what to do in the Buckeye State.





ohi

Justice for the Rohingya: Lessons from the Khmer Rouge Tribunal

8 April 2020

Sandra Smits

Programme Manager, Asia-Pacific Programme
The Cambodian case study illustrates the challenges of ensuring justice and accountability for the Rohingya in Myanmar.

2020-04-08-Rohingya.jpg

Coast guards escort Rohingya refugees following a boat capsizing accident in Teknaf on 11 February 2020. Photo: Getty Images.

International criminal justice provides a stark reminder that state sovereignty is not an absolute, and that the world’s most heinous crimes should be prosecuted at an international level, particularly where domestic systems lack the capacity or will to hold perpetrators to account. 

The post-Cold War period witnessed a dramatic rise in the number of international tribunals with jurisdiction over war crimes and serious human rights abuses in countries including Cambodia, East Timor, Rwanda, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Yugoslavia. With these processes approaching, or having reached the end of their dockets, many have called for the creation of new tribunals to address more recent conflicts, including the army crackdown in Myanmar in 2017 that resulted in evidence of crimes against humanity against the Rohingya

In January this year, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) imposed emergency provisional measures on Myanmar, instructing it to prevent genocidal violence against its Rohingya minority. But a final judgement is expected to take years and the ICJ has no way of enforcing these interim measures. Myanmar has already responded defiantly to international criticism

Model for justice

Myanmar is not the first country to face scrutiny for such crimes in Southeast Asia. The Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), more commonly known as the Khmer Rouge Tribunal was established in 1997 to prosecute Khmer Rouge leaders for alleged violations of international law and serious crimes perpetrated during the Cambodian genocide. This provides an opportunity to consider whether the Tribunal can act as a ‘hybrid’ model for justice in the region. 

The first lesson that can be taken from the Cambodian context is that the state must have the political will and commitment to pursue accountability. It was indeed the Cambodian government itself, who requested international assistance from the United Nations (UN), to organize a process for holding trials. The initial recommendation of the UN-commissioned Group of Experts was for the trial to be held under UN control, in light of misgivings about Cambodia’s judicial system. Prime Minister Hun Sen rejected this assessment and in prolonged negotiations, continued to spearhead the need for domestic involvement (arguably, in order to circumscribe the search for justice). This eventually resulted in the creation of a hybrid body consisting of parallel international and Cambodian judges and prosecutors with supermajority decision-making rules.   

It is worth noting that the Hun Sen government initially chose to do business with former Khmer Rouge leaders, until it became more advantageous to embrace a policy of putting them on trial. It is possible to infer from this that there will be no impetus for action in Myanmar until it is domestically advantageous to do so. At present, this appetite is clearly lacking, demonstrated by de-facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi shying away from accountability and instead defending the government’s actions before the ICJ.

One unique aspect of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal has been the vast participation by the Cambodian people in witnessing the trials as well as widespread support for the tribunal. This speaks to the pent-up demand in Cambodia for accountability and the importance of local participation. While international moral pressure is clear, external actors cannot simply impose justice for the Rohingya when there is no domestic incentive or support to pursue this. The reality is that the anti-Rohingya campaign has galvanized popular support from the country’s Buddhist majority. What is more, the Rohingya are not even seen as part of Myanmar so there is an additional level of disenfranchisement.

Secondly, the Cambodian Tribunal illustrates the need for safeguards against local political interference. The ECCC was designed as national court with international participation. There was an agreement to act in accordance with international standards of independence and impartiality, but no safeguards in place against serious deficiencies in the Cambodian judicial system. Close alliances between judges and the ruling Cambodian People’s Party, as well as high levels of corruption meant the tribunal effectively gave Hun Sen’s government veto power over the court at key junctures. Despite the guise of a hybrid structure, the Cambodian government ultimately retained the ability to block further prosecutions and prevent witnesses from being called. 

In Myanmar, political interference could be a concern, but given there is no popular support for justice and accountability for crimes committed against the Rohingya, the prospects of a domestic or hybrid process remain unlikely. However, there are still international options. The investigation by the International Criminal Court (ICC) into crimes that may have taken place on the Myanmar–Bangladesh border represents a potential route for justice and accountability. The UN Human Rights Council has also recently established the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM), mandated to collect and preserve evidence, as well as to prepare files for future cases before criminal courts.

Finally, the Cambodian case illustrates the culture of impunity in the region. The ECCC was conceived partly as a showcase for international standards of justice, which would have a ‘contagion effect’ upon the wider Cambodian and regional justice systems. 

Cambodia was notorious for incidents in which well-connected and powerful people flouted the law. This culture of impunity was rooted in the failure of the government to arrest, try and punish the Khmer Rouge leadership. The Tribunal, in holding perpetrators of the worst crimes to account, sought to send a clear signal that lesser violations would not be tolerated in the same way. Arguably, it did not achieve this in practice as Cambodia still has a highly politicized judicial system with high levels of corruption and clear limits to judicial independence

What this illustrates is that the first step towards accountability is strengthening domestic institutions. The United Nation’s Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar has urged domestic authorities to embrace democracy and human rights, highlighting the need to reform the judicial system in order to ensure judicial independence, remove systemic barriers to accountability and build judicial and investigatory capacity in accordance with international standards. Based on this assessment, it is clear that domestic institutions are currently insufficiently independent to pursue accountability.

The ECCC, despite its shortcomings, does stand as proof that crimes against humanity will not go completely unpunished. However, a process does not necessarily equal justice. The region is littered with justice processes that never went anywhere: Indonesia, Nepal, and Sri Lanka. International recourse is also challenging in a region with low ratification of the ICC, and the absence of regional mechanisms like the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, the European Court of Human Rights, and the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (although their remit is not mass atrocity prosecutions). 

The Cambodian case study illustrates the challenges of ensuring justice and accountability within the region. The end of impunity is critical to ensure peaceful societies, but a purely legalistic approach will fail unless it is supported by wider measures and safeguards. It is these challenges, that undermine the prospects for ensuring justice for the Rohingya within Myanmar.




ohi

May 1 procession prohibited

Police today announced its decision to prohibit two public meetings and object to a public procession intended to be held on Hong Kong Island on May 1.

 

Upon risk assessment, Police said it regarded that the public meetings and procession are high-risk activities with crowd gatherings.

 

Police have grounds to believe that such activities do not only increase the risk of infecting participants and other people with COVID-19, but pose a serious threat to the lives and health of all citizens, jeopardising public safety and affecting the rights of others.

 

Police emphasised that it believed it is necessary to prohibit the public meetings and object to the public procession in accordance with the Public Order Ordinance for maintaining public order and public safety as well as protecting the rights and freedom of others.

 

Police reminded the public that taking part in an unauthorised assembly is a criminal offence and those found guilty could be liable to five years’ imprisonment.




ohi

Justice for the Rohingya: Lessons from the Khmer Rouge Tribunal

8 April 2020

Sandra Smits

Programme Manager, Asia-Pacific Programme
The Cambodian case study illustrates the challenges of ensuring justice and accountability for the Rohingya in Myanmar.

2020-04-08-Rohingya.jpg

Coast guards escort Rohingya refugees following a boat capsizing accident in Teknaf on 11 February 2020. Photo: Getty Images.

International criminal justice provides a stark reminder that state sovereignty is not an absolute, and that the world’s most heinous crimes should be prosecuted at an international level, particularly where domestic systems lack the capacity or will to hold perpetrators to account. 

The post-Cold War period witnessed a dramatic rise in the number of international tribunals with jurisdiction over war crimes and serious human rights abuses in countries including Cambodia, East Timor, Rwanda, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Yugoslavia. With these processes approaching, or having reached the end of their dockets, many have called for the creation of new tribunals to address more recent conflicts, including the army crackdown in Myanmar in 2017 that resulted in evidence of crimes against humanity against the Rohingya

In January this year, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) imposed emergency provisional measures on Myanmar, instructing it to prevent genocidal violence against its Rohingya minority. But a final judgement is expected to take years and the ICJ has no way of enforcing these interim measures. Myanmar has already responded defiantly to international criticism

Model for justice

Myanmar is not the first country to face scrutiny for such crimes in Southeast Asia. The Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), more commonly known as the Khmer Rouge Tribunal was established in 1997 to prosecute Khmer Rouge leaders for alleged violations of international law and serious crimes perpetrated during the Cambodian genocide. This provides an opportunity to consider whether the Tribunal can act as a ‘hybrid’ model for justice in the region. 

The first lesson that can be taken from the Cambodian context is that the state must have the political will and commitment to pursue accountability. It was indeed the Cambodian government itself, who requested international assistance from the United Nations (UN), to organize a process for holding trials. The initial recommendation of the UN-commissioned Group of Experts was for the trial to be held under UN control, in light of misgivings about Cambodia’s judicial system. Prime Minister Hun Sen rejected this assessment and in prolonged negotiations, continued to spearhead the need for domestic involvement (arguably, in order to circumscribe the search for justice). This eventually resulted in the creation of a hybrid body consisting of parallel international and Cambodian judges and prosecutors with supermajority decision-making rules.   

It is worth noting that the Hun Sen government initially chose to do business with former Khmer Rouge leaders, until it became more advantageous to embrace a policy of putting them on trial. It is possible to infer from this that there will be no impetus for action in Myanmar until it is domestically advantageous to do so. At present, this appetite is clearly lacking, demonstrated by de-facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi shying away from accountability and instead defending the government’s actions before the ICJ.

One unique aspect of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal has been the vast participation by the Cambodian people in witnessing the trials as well as widespread support for the tribunal. This speaks to the pent-up demand in Cambodia for accountability and the importance of local participation. While international moral pressure is clear, external actors cannot simply impose justice for the Rohingya when there is no domestic incentive or support to pursue this. The reality is that the anti-Rohingya campaign has galvanized popular support from the country’s Buddhist majority. What is more, the Rohingya are not even seen as part of Myanmar so there is an additional level of disenfranchisement.

Secondly, the Cambodian Tribunal illustrates the need for safeguards against local political interference. The ECCC was designed as national court with international participation. There was an agreement to act in accordance with international standards of independence and impartiality, but no safeguards in place against serious deficiencies in the Cambodian judicial system. Close alliances between judges and the ruling Cambodian People’s Party, as well as high levels of corruption meant the tribunal effectively gave Hun Sen’s government veto power over the court at key junctures. Despite the guise of a hybrid structure, the Cambodian government ultimately retained the ability to block further prosecutions and prevent witnesses from being called. 

In Myanmar, political interference could be a concern, but given there is no popular support for justice and accountability for crimes committed against the Rohingya, the prospects of a domestic or hybrid process remain unlikely. However, there are still international options. The investigation by the International Criminal Court (ICC) into crimes that may have taken place on the Myanmar–Bangladesh border represents a potential route for justice and accountability. The UN Human Rights Council has also recently established the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM), mandated to collect and preserve evidence, as well as to prepare files for future cases before criminal courts.

Finally, the Cambodian case illustrates the culture of impunity in the region. The ECCC was conceived partly as a showcase for international standards of justice, which would have a ‘contagion effect’ upon the wider Cambodian and regional justice systems. 

Cambodia was notorious for incidents in which well-connected and powerful people flouted the law. This culture of impunity was rooted in the failure of the government to arrest, try and punish the Khmer Rouge leadership. The Tribunal, in holding perpetrators of the worst crimes to account, sought to send a clear signal that lesser violations would not be tolerated in the same way. Arguably, it did not achieve this in practice as Cambodia still has a highly politicized judicial system with high levels of corruption and clear limits to judicial independence

What this illustrates is that the first step towards accountability is strengthening domestic institutions. The United Nation’s Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar has urged domestic authorities to embrace democracy and human rights, highlighting the need to reform the judicial system in order to ensure judicial independence, remove systemic barriers to accountability and build judicial and investigatory capacity in accordance with international standards. Based on this assessment, it is clear that domestic institutions are currently insufficiently independent to pursue accountability.

The ECCC, despite its shortcomings, does stand as proof that crimes against humanity will not go completely unpunished. However, a process does not necessarily equal justice. The region is littered with justice processes that never went anywhere: Indonesia, Nepal, and Sri Lanka. International recourse is also challenging in a region with low ratification of the ICC, and the absence of regional mechanisms like the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, the European Court of Human Rights, and the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (although their remit is not mass atrocity prosecutions). 

The Cambodian case study illustrates the challenges of ensuring justice and accountability within the region. The end of impunity is critical to ensure peaceful societies, but a purely legalistic approach will fail unless it is supported by wider measures and safeguards. It is these challenges, that undermine the prospects for ensuring justice for the Rohingya within Myanmar.




ohi

How changes to drug prohibition could be good for the UK—an essay by Molly Meacher and Nick Clegg




ohi

Justice for the Rohingya: Lessons from the Khmer Rouge Tribunal

8 April 2020

Sandra Smits

Programme Manager, Asia-Pacific Programme
The Cambodian case study illustrates the challenges of ensuring justice and accountability for the Rohingya in Myanmar.

2020-04-08-Rohingya.jpg

Coast guards escort Rohingya refugees following a boat capsizing accident in Teknaf on 11 February 2020. Photo: Getty Images.

International criminal justice provides a stark reminder that state sovereignty is not an absolute, and that the world’s most heinous crimes should be prosecuted at an international level, particularly where domestic systems lack the capacity or will to hold perpetrators to account. 

The post-Cold War period witnessed a dramatic rise in the number of international tribunals with jurisdiction over war crimes and serious human rights abuses in countries including Cambodia, East Timor, Rwanda, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Yugoslavia. With these processes approaching, or having reached the end of their dockets, many have called for the creation of new tribunals to address more recent conflicts, including the army crackdown in Myanmar in 2017 that resulted in evidence of crimes against humanity against the Rohingya

In January this year, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) imposed emergency provisional measures on Myanmar, instructing it to prevent genocidal violence against its Rohingya minority. But a final judgement is expected to take years and the ICJ has no way of enforcing these interim measures. Myanmar has already responded defiantly to international criticism

Model for justice

Myanmar is not the first country to face scrutiny for such crimes in Southeast Asia. The Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), more commonly known as the Khmer Rouge Tribunal was established in 1997 to prosecute Khmer Rouge leaders for alleged violations of international law and serious crimes perpetrated during the Cambodian genocide. This provides an opportunity to consider whether the Tribunal can act as a ‘hybrid’ model for justice in the region. 

The first lesson that can be taken from the Cambodian context is that the state must have the political will and commitment to pursue accountability. It was indeed the Cambodian government itself, who requested international assistance from the United Nations (UN), to organize a process for holding trials. The initial recommendation of the UN-commissioned Group of Experts was for the trial to be held under UN control, in light of misgivings about Cambodia’s judicial system. Prime Minister Hun Sen rejected this assessment and in prolonged negotiations, continued to spearhead the need for domestic involvement (arguably, in order to circumscribe the search for justice). This eventually resulted in the creation of a hybrid body consisting of parallel international and Cambodian judges and prosecutors with supermajority decision-making rules.   

It is worth noting that the Hun Sen government initially chose to do business with former Khmer Rouge leaders, until it became more advantageous to embrace a policy of putting them on trial. It is possible to infer from this that there will be no impetus for action in Myanmar until it is domestically advantageous to do so. At present, this appetite is clearly lacking, demonstrated by de-facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi shying away from accountability and instead defending the government’s actions before the ICJ.

One unique aspect of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal has been the vast participation by the Cambodian people in witnessing the trials as well as widespread support for the tribunal. This speaks to the pent-up demand in Cambodia for accountability and the importance of local participation. While international moral pressure is clear, external actors cannot simply impose justice for the Rohingya when there is no domestic incentive or support to pursue this. The reality is that the anti-Rohingya campaign has galvanized popular support from the country’s Buddhist majority. What is more, the Rohingya are not even seen as part of Myanmar so there is an additional level of disenfranchisement.

Secondly, the Cambodian Tribunal illustrates the need for safeguards against local political interference. The ECCC was designed as national court with international participation. There was an agreement to act in accordance with international standards of independence and impartiality, but no safeguards in place against serious deficiencies in the Cambodian judicial system. Close alliances between judges and the ruling Cambodian People’s Party, as well as high levels of corruption meant the tribunal effectively gave Hun Sen’s government veto power over the court at key junctures. Despite the guise of a hybrid structure, the Cambodian government ultimately retained the ability to block further prosecutions and prevent witnesses from being called. 

In Myanmar, political interference could be a concern, but given there is no popular support for justice and accountability for crimes committed against the Rohingya, the prospects of a domestic or hybrid process remain unlikely. However, there are still international options. The investigation by the International Criminal Court (ICC) into crimes that may have taken place on the Myanmar–Bangladesh border represents a potential route for justice and accountability. The UN Human Rights Council has also recently established the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM), mandated to collect and preserve evidence, as well as to prepare files for future cases before criminal courts.

Finally, the Cambodian case illustrates the culture of impunity in the region. The ECCC was conceived partly as a showcase for international standards of justice, which would have a ‘contagion effect’ upon the wider Cambodian and regional justice systems. 

Cambodia was notorious for incidents in which well-connected and powerful people flouted the law. This culture of impunity was rooted in the failure of the government to arrest, try and punish the Khmer Rouge leadership. The Tribunal, in holding perpetrators of the worst crimes to account, sought to send a clear signal that lesser violations would not be tolerated in the same way. Arguably, it did not achieve this in practice as Cambodia still has a highly politicized judicial system with high levels of corruption and clear limits to judicial independence

What this illustrates is that the first step towards accountability is strengthening domestic institutions. The United Nation’s Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar has urged domestic authorities to embrace democracy and human rights, highlighting the need to reform the judicial system in order to ensure judicial independence, remove systemic barriers to accountability and build judicial and investigatory capacity in accordance with international standards. Based on this assessment, it is clear that domestic institutions are currently insufficiently independent to pursue accountability.

The ECCC, despite its shortcomings, does stand as proof that crimes against humanity will not go completely unpunished. However, a process does not necessarily equal justice. The region is littered with justice processes that never went anywhere: Indonesia, Nepal, and Sri Lanka. International recourse is also challenging in a region with low ratification of the ICC, and the absence of regional mechanisms like the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, the European Court of Human Rights, and the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (although their remit is not mass atrocity prosecutions). 

The Cambodian case study illustrates the challenges of ensuring justice and accountability within the region. The end of impunity is critical to ensure peaceful societies, but a purely legalistic approach will fail unless it is supported by wider measures and safeguards. It is these challenges, that undermine the prospects for ensuring justice for the Rohingya within Myanmar.




ohi

Head-to-Head Comparison of 68Ga-PSMA-11 with 18F-PSMA-1007 PET/CT in Staging Prostate Cancer Using Histopathology and Immunohistochemical Analysis as a Reference Standard

18F-PSMA-1007 is a novel prostate-specific membrane antigen (PSMA)–based radiopharmaceutical for imaging prostate cancer (PCa). The aim of this study was to compare the diagnostic accuracy of 18F-PSMA-1007 with 68Ga-PSMA-11 PET/CT in the same patients presenting with newly diagnosed intermediate- or high-risk PCa. Methods: Sixteen patients with intermediate- or high-risk PCa underwent 18F-PSMA-1007 and 68Ga-PSMA-11 PET/CT within 15 d. PET findings were compared between the 2 radiotracers and with reference-standard pathologic specimens obtained from radical prostatectomy. The Cohen -coefficient was used to assess the concordance between 18F-PSMA-1007 and 68Ga-PSMA-11 for detection of intraprostatic lesions. The McNemar test was used to assess agreement between intraprostatic PET/CT findings and histopathologic findings. Sensitivity, specificity, positive predictive value, and negative predictive value were reported for each radiotracer. SUVmax was measured for all lesions, and tumor-to-background activity was calculated. Areas under receiver-operating-characteristic curves were calculated for discriminating diseased from nondiseased prostate segments, and optimal SUV cutoffs were calculated using the Youden index for each radiotracer. Results: PSMA-avid lesions in the prostate were identified in all 16 patients with an almost perfect concordance between the 2 tracers ( ranged from 0.871 to 1). Aside from the dominant intraprostatic lesion, similarly detected by both radiotracers, a second less intense positive focus was detected in 4 patients only with 18F-PSMA-1007. Three of these secondary foci were confirmed as Gleason grade 3 lesions, whereas the fourth was shown on pathologic examination to represent chronic prostatitis. Conclusion: This pilot study showed that both 18F-PSMA-1007 and 68Ga-PSMA-11 identify all dominant prostatic lesions in patients with intermediate- or high-risk PCa at staging. 18F-PSMA-1007, however, may detect additional low-grade lesions of limited clinical relevance.




ohi

DNA genealogy leads police to James E. Zastawnik in 1987 killing of Ohio teen Barbara Blatnik

Cleveland police say they have used DNA research to solve the 33-year-old strangling of a teenage girl, and arrest her killer.




ohi

Ohio State University agrees to $10M settlement with abuse victims

Ohio State University will pay more than $40 million to 162 former students who said a team doctor abused them over two decades, the school announced.




ohi

Ohio Orders Cyber Charter to Return $60 Million

The Ohio board of education last week voted to order the state's largest full-time online charter school to repay $60 million in state aid.




ohi

Ohio

Gov. Strickland would like to make every high school student who meets certain academic requirements eligible to spend the 12th grade in an Ohio public university, tuition-free.




ohi

State of the States: D.C., Ohio

Here are summaries of recent annual addresses by governors around the country.




ohi

Ohio Sues Cyber Charter Founder, Pursuing Millions in Disputed Funds

Ohio is seeking to recoup millions of dollars in funds from now-defunct online charter school, the Electronic Classroom of Tomorrow.




ohi

Lion's Share of Ohio Districts Rank No Teachers as 'Ineffective'

About 94 percent of Ohio school districts did not rate a single teacher as "ineffective," the lowest rating on the state's four-rung teacher-evaluation scale, according to the 2016-17 state report card.




ohi

Ohio




ohi

Ohio Sues Cyber Charter Founder, Seeking Millions in Disputed Funds

Ohio's attorney general last week filed suit against the founder of the Electronic Classroom of Tomorrow, aiming to recover millions of dollars in public funding that the state claims wrongfully went to the cyber charter school.




ohi

School Resource Officer Activates Taser to Awaken Sleeping Student in Ohio

Police in northeast Ohio have placed a school resource officer on unpaid leave for activating a Taser to wake up a sleeping student.




ohi

ECOT Looms Over Ohio Gubernatorial Candidates' Education Plans

Any discussion in politics of the future of education in Ohio inevitably turns to the Electronic Classroom of Tomorrow.




ohi

Eligibility for Federal School Improvement Grants Helped Ohio Students, Study Says

Academic achievement at Ohio schools eligible for School Improvement Grants during the Obama administration increased for a few years, a new study says, but SIG's legacy remains complicated.




ohi

Ohio Expected to Ban Most Suspensions, Expulsions for Youngest Students

Ohio Gov. John Kasich is expected to sign a bill into law that would ban suspensions and expulsions for children in prekindergarten through 3rd grade for minor offenses.




ohi

Bill Protecting Ohio E-School Heads to Governor

A bill shielding what is now Ohio's largest online school and its sponsor from the negative consequences of accepting thousands of former Electronic Classroom of Tomorrow students is headed to Gov. John Kasich for his signature.




ohi

Educational Opportunities and Performance in Ohio

This Quality Counts 2019 Highlights Report captures all the data you need to assess your state's performance on key educational outcomes.




ohi

Educational Opportunities and Performance in Ohio

This Quality Counts 2020 Highlights Report captures all the data you need to assess your state's performance on key educational outcomes.




ohi

Ohio District's Armed-Employee Program Struck Down Over Training Requirement

An Ohio appellate court struck down a district's policy allowing staff members to carry concealed weapons in school with 24 hours of "active shooter/killer training."




ohi

Ohio primary voters approved fewer school tax issues




ohi

Ohio governor: $775 million budget cut as revenue crashes




ohi

Ohio primary voters approved fewer school tax issues




ohi

Ohio governor: $775 million budget cut as revenue crashes




ohi

Tennessee School District Prohibits Crowdfunding for Class Supplies

A school district in Tennessee says it no longer wants teachers to use crowdfunding websites to get extra school supplies.




ohi

Ohio primary voters approved fewer school tax issues




ohi

Ohio governor: $775 million budget cut as revenue crashes




ohi

First, they erased our name : a Rohingya speaks / Habiburahman with Sophie Ansel ; translated by Andrea Reece.

Habiburahman, 1979-




ohi

Meet the Ohio health expert who has a fan club — and Republicans trying to stop her

Some Buckeyes are not comfortable being told by a "woman in power" to quarantine, one expert said.





ohi

Prohibitin S-Nitrosylation Is Required for the Neuroprotective Effect of Nitric Oxide in Neuronal Cultures

Prohibitin (PHB) is a critical protein involved in many cellular activities. In brain, PHB resides in mitochondria, where it forms a large protein complex with PHB2 in the inner TFmembrane, which serves as a scaffolding platform for proteins involved in mitochondrial structural and functional integrity. PHB overexpression at moderate levels provides neuroprotection in experimental brain injury models. In addition, PHB expression is involved in ischemic preconditioning, as its expression is enhanced in preconditioning paradigms. However, the mechanisms of PHB functional regulation are still unknown. Observations that nitric oxide (NO) plays a key role in ischemia preconditioning compelled us to postulate that the neuroprotective effect of PHB could be regulated by NO. Here, we test this hypothesis in a neuronal model of ischemia–reperfusion injury and show that NO and PHB are mutually required for neuronal resilience against oxygen and glucose deprivation stress. Further, we demonstrate that NO post-translationally modifies PHB through protein S-nitrosylation and regulates PHB neuroprotective function, in a nitric oxide synthase-dependent manner. These results uncover the mechanisms of a previously unrecognized form of molecular regulation of PHB that underlies its neuroprotective function.

SIGNIFICANCE STATEMENT Prohibitin (PHB) is a critical mitochondrial protein that exerts a potent neuroprotective effect when mildly upregulated in mice. However, how the neuroprotective function of PHB is regulated is still unknown. Here, we demonstrate a novel regulatory mechanism for PHB that involves nitric oxide (NO) and shows that PHB and NO interact directly, resulting in protein S-nitrosylation on residue Cys69 of PHB. We further show that nitrosylation of PHB may be essential for its ability to preserve neuronal viability under hypoxic stress. Thus, our study reveals a previously unknown mechanism of functional regulation of PHB that has potential therapeutic implications for neurologic disorders.




ohi

Wohin mit dem Dieb?




ohi

Heterogeneity in Asthma Care in a Statewide Collaborative: the Ohio Pediatric Asthma Repository

Asthma is heterogeneous and 40% to 70% of patients fail to achieve control with current treatment strategies. To delineate relevant subphenotypes of asthma, identify key factors, and test novel interventions, comprehensive repositories linking clinical, environmental, and biologic data are required.

This is the first statewide repository for inpatient pediatric asthma. The data collected will better define asthma phenotypes, identify care practices associated with the best health outcomes, and inform personalized care plans to reduce reutilization and readmission for pediatric asthma. (Read the full article)




ohi

Ohio District in Football Rape Case Adds Guards to Schools

A district added unarmed guards to all schools as national uproar over an alleged rape case involving two football players continues to mount.




ohi

Know who is the inspiration of The Glitch co-founder Rohit Raj

The Messy Middle. The book talks about the middle stages of every start-up, the troubles it goes through, and how crossing that hurdle is important yet tricky




ohi

'Mehendi Prank' with Rohit at Bachelor party | Kahaan Hum Kahaan Tum

Sonakshi, a renowned television actress of a popular show, and Rohit, a highly successful cardiologist, cross paths and develop a unique bond even as they struggle with their demanding careers.   




ohi

Firing At BJP MP Hans Raj Hans' Office In Delhi's Rohini

SD Mishra, DCP (Rohini): Bullets fired in air outside BJP MP Hans Raj Hans' Rohini office. The person has been identified. Further investigation underway. Hans Raj Hans is an Indian singer turned politician. He is a member of Bharatiya Janata Party and a recipient of the civilian honour of Padma




ohi

Rohit Sharma Shares Cute Photo Of Samaira With Her Toys On Instagram

Rohit Sharma shared a picture of daughter Samaira surrounded by her toys.




ohi

Rohit Asks BCCI, CA To "Manage Something" For India-Australia Test Series

Rohit Sharma is hoping that the BCCI and Cricket Australia will find a solution for the four-match Test series to get underway whenever sports return after the coronavirus pandemic.




ohi

"World Cup Will Not Go Ahead Here": David Warner Tells Rohit Sharma

David Warner thinks that the T20 World Cup might not take place this year due to the coronavirus threat.




ohi

Rohit Misses Out As Alex Carey Picks Combined India-Australia T20I XI

Alex Carey chose Shikhar Dhawan over Rohit Sharma to open along with Australian cricketer David Warner.




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Waterfowl prohibited from Delaware State Fair in avian influenza precaution

To protect against the spread of avian influenza, the Delaware Department of Agriculture is prohibiting waterfowl entries in the poultry competitions at the Delaware State Fair next month. "This action is being taken out of an abundance of caution to guard against the spread of avian influenza," said Delaware State Veterinarian Dr. Heather Hirst. There have been no East Coast cases of the disease. There are no immediate public health concerns, and poultry and eggs which are properly prepared and cooked are still safe to eat.



  • Department of Agriculture

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902 Prohibited Unfair Claim Settlement Practices

DEPARTMENT OF INSURANCE: Office of the Commissioner




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Coronavirus advice from Rohit Sharma: ‘Be smart, proactive’ to combat COVID-19 virus

Recently, Team India captain Virat Kohli had also called upon people to "stay safe and vigilant" in the midst of the coronavirus outbreak.