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Erratum: Unequivocal evidence for endogenous geranylgeranoic acid biosynthesized from mevalonate in mammalian cells [Errata]




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An LC/MS/MS method for analyzing the steroid metabolome with high accuracy and from small serum samples [Methods]

Analyzing global steroid metabolism in humans can shed light on the etiologies of steroid-related diseases. However, existing methods require large amounts of serum and lack the evaluation of accuracy. Here, we developed an LC/MS/MS method for the simultaneous quantification of 12 steroid hormones: testosterone, pregnenolone, progesterone, androstenedione, corticosterone, 11-deoxycortisol, cortisol, 17-hydroxypregnenolone, 17-hydroxyprogesterone, dehydroepiandrosterone, estriol, and estradiol. Steroids and spiked internal standards in 100 μl serum were extracted by protein precipitation and liquid-liquid extraction. The organic phase was dried by evaporation, and isonicotinoyl chloride was added for steroid derivatization, followed by evaporation under nitrogen and redissolution in 50% methanol. Chromatographic separation was performed on a reverse-phase PFP column, and analytes were detected on a triple quadrupole mass spectrometer with ESI. The lower limits of quantification ranged from 0.005 ng/ml for estradiol to 1 ng/ml for cortisol. Apparent recoveries of steroids at high, medium, and low concentrations in quality control samples were between 86.4% and 115.0%. There were limited biases (–10.7% to 10.5%) between the measured values and the authentic values, indicating that the method has excellent reliability. An analysis of the steroid metabolome in pregnant women highlighted the applicability of the method in clinical serum samples. We conclude that the LC/MS/MS method reported here enables steroid metabolome analysis with high accuracy and reduced serum consumption, indicating that it may be a useful tool in both clinical and scientific laboratory research.




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Diaz aims to turn heads, cement everyday role

When Yandy Diaz arrived at Rays camp on Sunday, he quickly established himself as the most muscular player inside the clubhouse. During Spring Training, his focus will be to establish himself as an everyday player.




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Cognitive symptoms of Alzheimer’s disease: clinical management and prevention




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Detailed analyses of the crucial functions of Zn transporter proteins in alkaline phosphatase activation [Enzymology]

Numerous zinc ectoenzymes are metalated by zinc and activated in the compartments of the early secretory pathway before reaching their destination. Zn transporter (ZNT) proteins located in these compartments are essential for ectoenzyme activation. We have previously reported that ZNT proteins, specifically ZNT5–ZNT6 heterodimers and ZNT7 homodimers, play critical roles in the activation of zinc ectoenzymes, such as alkaline phosphatases (ALPs), by mobilizing cytosolic zinc into these compartments. However, this process remains incompletely understood. Here, using genetically-engineered chicken DT40 cells, we first determined that Zrt/Irt-like protein (ZIP) transporters that are localized to the compartments of the early secretory pathway play only a minor role in the ALP activation process. These transporters included ZIP7, ZIP9, and ZIP13, performing pivotal functions in maintaining cellular homeostasis by effluxing zinc out of the compartments. Next, using purified ALP proteins, we showed that zinc metalation on ALP produced in DT40 cells lacking ZNT5–ZNT6 heterodimers and ZNT7 homodimers is impaired. Finally, by genetically disrupting both ZNT5 and ZNT7 in human HAP1 cells, we directly demonstrated that the tissue-nonspecific ALP-activating functions of both ZNT complexes are conserved in human cells. Furthermore, using mutant HAP1 cells, we uncovered a previously-unrecognized and unique spatial regulation of ZNT5–ZNT6 heterodimer formation, wherein ZNT5 recruits ZNT6 to the Golgi apparatus to form the heterodimeric complex. These findings fill in major gaps in our understanding of the molecular mechanisms underlying zinc ectoenzyme activation in the compartments of the early secretory pathway.




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Adipose Triglyceride Lipase is a Key Lipase for the Mobilization of Lipid Droplets in Human Beta Cells and Critical for the Maintenance of Syntaxin1a Level in Beta Cells

Lipid droplets (LDs) are frequently increased when excessive lipid accumulation leads to cellular dysfunction. Distinct from mouse beta cells, LDs are prominent in human beta cells, however, the regulation of LD mobilization (lipolysis) in human beta cells remains unclear. We found that glucose increases lipolysis in non-diabetic human islets, but not in type 2 diabetic (T2D) islets, indicating dysregulation of lipolysis in T2D islets. Silencing adipose triglyceride lipase (ATGL) in human pseudoislets (shATGL) increased triglycerides, and the number and size of LDs indicating that ATGL is the principal lipase in human beta cells. In shATGL pseudoislets, biphasic glucose-stimulated insulin secretion (GSIS) and insulin secretion to IBMX and KCl were all reduced without altering oxygen consumption rate compared with scramble control. Like human islets, INS1 cells showed visible LDs, glucose responsive lipolysis, and impairment of GSIS after ATGL silencing. ATGL deficient INS1 cells and human pseudoislets showed reduced Stx1a, a key SNARE component. Proteasomal degradation of Stx1a was accelerated likely through reduced palmitoylation in ATGL deficient INS1 cells. Therefore, ATGL is responsible for LD mobilization in human beta cells and supports insulin secretion by stabilizing Stx1a. The dysregulated lipolysis may contribute to LD accumulation and beta cell dysfunction in T2D islets.




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Adipose Triglyceride Lipase is a Key Lipase for the Mobilization of Lipid Droplets in Human Beta Cells and Critical for the Maintenance of Syntaxin1a Level in Beta Cells

Lipid droplets (LDs) are frequently increased when excessive lipid accumulation leads to cellular dysfunction. Distinct from mouse beta cells, LDs are prominent in human beta cells, however, the regulation of LD mobilization (lipolysis) in human beta cells remains unclear. We found that glucose increases lipolysis in non-diabetic human islets, but not in type 2 diabetic (T2D) islets, indicating dysregulation of lipolysis in T2D islets. Silencing adipose triglyceride lipase (ATGL) in human pseudoislets (shATGL) increased triglycerides, and the number and size of LDs indicating that ATGL is the principal lipase in human beta cells. In shATGL pseudoislets, biphasic glucose-stimulated insulin secretion (GSIS) and insulin secretion to IBMX and KCl were all reduced without altering oxygen consumption rate compared with scramble control. Like human islets, INS1 cells showed visible LDs, glucose responsive lipolysis, and impairment of GSIS after ATGL silencing. ATGL deficient INS1 cells and human pseudoislets showed reduced Stx1a, a key SNARE component. Proteasomal degradation of Stx1a was accelerated likely through reduced palmitoylation in ATGL deficient INS1 cells. Therefore, ATGL is responsible for LD mobilization in human beta cells and supports insulin secretion by stabilizing Stx1a. The dysregulated lipolysis may contribute to LD accumulation and beta cell dysfunction in T2D islets.




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Hybrid Insulin Peptides are Recognized by Human T Cells in the Context of DRB1*04:01

T cells isolated from the pancreatic infiltrates of non-obese diabetic mice have been shown to recognize epitopes formed by the covalent cross-linking of proinsulin and secretory granule peptides. Formation of such hybrid insulin peptides (HIPs) was confirmed through mass spectrometry and responses to HIPs were observed among the islet-infiltrating T cells of pancreatic organ donors and in the peripheral blood of individuals with type 1 diabetes (T1D). However, questions remain about the prevalence of HIP-specific T cells in humans, the sequences they recognize, and their role in disease. We identified six novel HIPs that are recognized in the context of DRB1*04:01, discovered by utilizing a library of theoretical HIP sequences derived from insulin fragments covalently linked to one another or to fragments of secretory granule proteins or other islet-derived proteins. We demonstrate that T cells that recognize these HIPs are detectable in the peripheral blood of subjects with T1D and exhibit an effector memory phenotype. HIP-reactive T cell clones produced Th1-associated cytokines and proliferated in response to human islet preparations. These results support the relevance of HIPs in human disease, further establishing a novel post-translational modification that may contribute to the loss of peripheral tolerance in T1D.




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Empagliflozin Ameliorates Obesity-Related Cardiac Dysfunction by Regulating Sestrin2-Mediated AMPK-mTOR Signaling and Redox Homeostasis in High-Fat Induced Obese Mice

Sodium glucose co-transporter-2 inhibitors (SGLT2i) have favorable cardiovascular outcomes in diabetic patients. However, whether SGLT2i can improve obesity-related cardiac dysfunction is unknown. Sestrin2 is a novel stress-inducible protein that regulates AMPK-mTOR and suppresses oxidative damage. The aim of this study was to determine whether empagliflozin (EMPA) improves obesity-related cardiac dysfunction via regulating Sestrin2-mediated pathways in diet-induced obesity. C57BL/6J mice and Sestrin2 knockout mice were fed a high-fat diet (HFD) for 12 weeks and then treated with or without EMPA (10 mg/kg) for 8 weeks. Treating HFD-fed C57BL/6J mice with EMPA reduced body weight, whole-body fat, and improved metabolic disorders. Furthermore, EMPA improved myocardial hypertrophy/fibrosis and cardiac function, and reduced cardiac fat accumulation and mitochondria injury. Additionally, EMPA significantly augmented Sestrin2 levels, increased AMPK and eNOS phosphorylation, but inhibited Akt and mTOR phosphorylation. These beneficial effects were partially attenuated in HFD-fed Sestrin2 knockout mice. Intriguingly, EMPA treatment enhanced the Nrf2/HO-1-mediated oxidative stress response, suggesting antioxidant and anti-inflammatory activity. Thus, EMPA improved obesity-related cardiac dysfunction via regulating Sestrin2-mediated AMPK-mTOR signaling and maintaining redox homeostasis. These findings provide a novel mechanism for the cardiovascular protection of SGLT2i in obesity.




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Cardiac Magnetic Resonance Myocardial Feature Tracking for Optimized Risk Assessment after Acute Myocardial Infarction in Patients with Type 2 Diabetes

Type 2 diabetes mellitus predicts outcome following acute myocardial infarction (AMI). Since underlying mechanics are incompletely understood, we investigated left ventricular (LV) and atrial (LA) pathophysiological changes and their prognostic implications using cardiovascular magnetic resonance (CMR). Consecutive patients (n=1147, n=265 diabetic; n=882 non-diabetic) underwent CMR 3 days after AMI. Analyses included LV ejection fraction (LVEF), global longitudinal, circumferential and radial strains (GLS, GCS and GRS), LA reservoir, conduit and booster pump strains, as well as infarct size, edema and microvascular obstruction. Predefined endpoints were major adverse cardiovascular events (MACE) within 12 months. Diabetic patients had impaired LA reservoir (19.8 vs. 21.2%, p<0.01) and conduit strains (7.6 vs. 9.0%, p<0.01) but not ventricular function or myocardial damage. They were at higher risk of MACE than non-diabetic patients (10.2% vs. 5.8%, p<0.01) with most MACE occurring in patients with LVEF≥35%. Whilst LVEF (p=0.045) and atrial reservoir strain (p=0.024) were independent predictors of MACE in non-diabetic patients, GLS was in diabetic patients (p=0.010). Considering patients with diabetes and LVEF≥35% (n=237), GLS and LA reservoir strain below median were significantly associated with MACE. In conclusion, in patients with diabetes, LA and LV longitudinal strain permit optimized risk assessment early after reperfused AMI with incremental prognostic value over and above LVEF.




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TWIST1-Reprogrammed Endothelial Cell Transplantation Potentiates Neovascularization-Mediated Diabetic Wound Tissue Regeneration

Hypo-vascularised diabetic non-healing wounds are due to reduced number and impaired physiology of endogenous endothelial progenitor cell (EPC) population that, limits their recruitment and mobilization at the wound site. To enrich the EPC repertoire from non-endothelial precursors, abundantly available mesenchymal stromal cells (MSCs) were reprogrammed into induced-endothelial cells (iECs). We identified cell signaling molecular targets by meta-analysis of microarray datasets. BMP-2 induction leads to the expression of inhibitory Smad 6/7-dependent negative transcriptional regulation of ID1, rendering the latter's reduced binding to TWIST1 during transdifferentiation of WJ-MSC into iEC. TWIST1, in turn, regulates endothelial genes transcription, positively of pro-angiogenic-KDR and negatively, in part, of anti-angiogenic-SFRP4. Twist1 reprogramming enhanced the endothelial lineage commitment of WJ-MSC, increased the vasculogenic potential of reprogrammed EC (rEC). Transplantation of stable TWIST1-rECs into full-thickness type 1 and 2 diabetic-splinted wound healing murine model enhanced the microcirculatory blood flow and accelerated the wound tissue regeneration. An increased or decreased co-localization of GFP with KDR/SFRP4 and CD31 in the regenerated diabetic wound bed with TWIST1 overexpression or silencing (piLenti-TWIST1-shRNA-GFP), respectively further confirmed improved neovascularization. This study depicted the reprogramming of WJ-MSCs into rECs using unique transcription factors, TWIST1 for an efficacious cell transplantation therapy to induce neovascularization–mediated diabetic wound tissue regeneration.




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Pharmacologic PPAR-{gamma} Activation Reprograms Bone Marrow Macrophages and Partially Rescues HSPC Mobilization in Human and Murine Diabetes

Mobilization of hematopoietic stem/progenitor cells (HSPCs) from the bone marrow (BM) is impaired in diabetes. Excess oncostatin M (OSM) produced by M1 macrophages in the diabetic BM signals through p66Shc to induce Cxcl12 in stromal cells and retain HSPCs. BM adipocytes are another source of CXCL12 that blunts mobilization. We tested a strategy of pharmacologic macrophage reprogramming to rescue HSPC mobilization. In vitro, PPAR- activation with pioglitazone switched macrophages from M1 to M2, reduced Osm expression, and prevented transcellular induction of Cxcl12. In diabetic mice, pioglitazone treatment downregulated Osm, p66Shc and Cxcl12 in the hematopoietic BM, restored the effects of granulocyte-colony stimulation factor (G-CSF), and partially rescued HSPC mobilization, but it increased BM adipocytes. Osm deletion recapitulated the effects of pioglitazone on adipogenesis, which was p66Shc-independent, and double knockout of Osm and p66Shc completely rescued HSPC mobilization. In the absence of OSM, BM adipocytes produced less CXCL12, being arguably devoid of HSPC-retaining activity, whereas pioglitazone failed to downregulate Cxcl12 in BM adipocytes. In diabetic patients under pioglitazone therapy, HSPC mobilization after G-CSF was partially rescued. In summary, pioglitazone reprogrammed BM macrophages and suppressed OSM signaling, but sustained Cxcl12 expression by BM adipocytes could limit full recovery of HSPC mobilization.




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Maintaining Myocardial Glucose Utilization in Diabetic Cardiomyopathy Accelerates Mitochondrial Dysfunction

Cardiac glucose uptake and oxidation are reduced in diabetes despite hyperglycemia. Mitochondrial dysfunction contributes to heart failure in diabetes. It is unclear if these changes are adaptive or maladaptive. To directly evaluate the relationship between glucose delivery and mitochondrial dysfunction in diabetic cardiomyopathy we generated transgenic mice with inducible cardiomyocyte-specific expression of the glucose transporter (GLUT4). We examined mice rendered hyperglycemic following low-dose streptozotocin prior to increasing cardiomyocyte glucose uptake by transgene induction. Enhanced myocardial glucose in non-diabetic mice decreased mitochondrial ATP generation and was associated with echocardiographic evidence of diastolic dysfunction. Increasing myocardial glucose delivery after short-term diabetes onset, exacerbated mitochondrial oxidative dysfunction. Transcriptomic analysis revealed that the largest changes, driven by glucose and diabetes, were in genes involved in mitochondrial function. This glucose-dependent transcriptional repression was in part mediated by O-GlcNAcylation of the transcription factor Sp1. Increased glucose uptake induced direct O-GlcNAcylation of many electron transport chain subunits and other mitochondrial proteins. These findings identify mitochondria as a major target of glucotoxicity. They also suggest reduced glucose utilization in diabetic cardiomyopathy might defend against glucotoxicity and caution that restoring glucose delivery to the heart in the context of diabetes could accelerate mitochondrial dysfunction by disrupting protective metabolic adaptations.




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Low Dose IL-2 Combined with Rapamycin Led to an Expansion of CD4+CD25+FOXP3+ Tregs and Prolonged Human Islet-allograft Survival in Humanized Mice

Islet transplantation is an emerging therapy for type 1 diabetes (T1D) and hypoglycaemic unawareness. However, a key challenge for islet transplantation is cellular rejection and the requirement for long-term immunosuppression. In this study we established a diabetic-humanized NOD-scidIL2Rnull(NSG) mouse model of T cell mediated human islet-allograft rejection and developed a therapeutic regimen of low-dose recombinant human interleukin2(IL-2) combined with low-dose rapamycin to prolong graft survival. NSG-mice that had received renal-subcapsular human islet-allografts and were transfused with 1x107 of human-spleen-mononuclear-cells (hSPMCs), reconstituted human CD45+ cells that were predominantly CD3+ T cells and rejected their grafts with a median survival time of 27 days. IL-2 alone (0.3x106 IU/m2 or 1x106 IU/m2), or rapamycin alone (0.5-1mg/kg) for 3 weeks did not prolong survival. However, the combination of rapamycin with IL-2 for 3 weeks significantly prolonged human islet-allograft survival. Graft survival was associated with expansion of CD4+CD25+FOXP3+ Tregs and enhanced TGF-β production by CD4+ T cells. CD8+ T cells showed reduced IFN- production and reduced expression of perforin-1. The combination of IL-2 and rapamycin has the potential to inhibit human islet-allograft rejection by expanding CD4+FOXP3+ Tregs in vivo and supressing effector cell function, and could be the basis of effective tolerance-based regimens.




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The FKH domain in FOXP3 mRNA frequently contains mutations in hepatocellular carcinoma that influence the subcellular localization and functions of FOXP3 [Molecular Bases of Disease]

The transcription factor forkhead box P3 (FOXP3) is a biomarker for regulatory T cells and can also be expressed in cancer cells, but its function in cancer appears to be divergent. The role of hepatocyte-expressed FOXP3 in hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC) is unknown. Here, we collected tumor samples and clinical information from 115 HCC patients and used five human cancer cell lines. We examined FOXP3 mRNA sequences for mutations, used a luciferase assay to assess promoter activities of FOXP3's target genes, and employed mouse tumor models to confirm in vitro results. We detected mutations in the FKH domain of FOXP3 mRNAs in 33% of the HCC tumor tissues, but in none of the adjacent nontumor tissues. None of the mutations occurred at high frequency, indicating that they occurred randomly. Notably, the mutations were not detected in the corresponding regions of FOXP3 genomic DNA, and many of them resulted in amino acid substitutions in the FKH region, altering FOXP3's subcellular localization. FOXP3 delocalization from the nucleus to the cytoplasm caused loss of transcriptional regulation of its target genes, inactivated its tumor-inhibitory capability, and changed cellular responses to histone deacetylase (HDAC) inhibitors. More complex FKH mutations appeared to be associated with worse prognosis in HCC patients. We conclude that mutations in the FKH domain of FOXP3 mRNA frequently occur in HCC and that these mutations are caused by errors in transcription and are not derived from genomic DNA mutations. Our results suggest that transcriptional mutagenesis of FOXP3 plays a role in HCC.




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Inhibition of the erythropoietin-producing receptor EPHB4 antagonizes androgen receptor overexpression and reduces enzalutamide resistance [Molecular Bases of Disease]

Prostate cancer (PCa) cells heavily rely on an active androgen receptor (AR) pathway for their survival. Enzalutamide (MDV3100) is a second-generation antiandrogenic drug that was approved by the Food and Drug Administration in 2012 to treat patients with castration-resistant prostate cancer (CRPC). However, emergence of resistance against this drug is inevitable, and it has been a major challenge to develop interventions that help manage enzalutamide-resistant CRPC. Erythropoietin-producing human hepatocellular (Eph) receptors are targeted by ephrin protein ligands and have a broad range of functions. Increasing evidence indicates that this signaling pathway plays an important role in tumorigenesis. Overexpression of EPH receptor B4 (EPHB4) has been observed in multiple types of cancer, being closely associated with proliferation, invasion, and metastasis of tumors. Here, using RNA-Seq analyses of clinical and preclinical samples, along with several biochemical and molecular methods, we report that enzalutamide-resistant PCa requires an active EPHB4 pathway that supports drug resistance of this tumor type. Using a small kinase inhibitor and RNAi-based gene silencing to disrupt EPHB4 activity, we found that these disruptions re-sensitize enzalutamide-resistant PCa to the drug both in vitro and in vivo. Mechanistically, we found that EPHB4 stimulates the AR by inducing proto-oncogene c-Myc (c-Myc) expression. Taken together, these results provide critical insight into the mechanism of enzalutamide resistance in PCa, potentially offering a therapeutic avenue for enhancing the efficacy of enzalutamide to better manage this common malignancy.




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Cell-specific expression of the transcriptional regulator RHAMM provides a timing mechanism that controls appropriate wound re-epithelialization [Glycobiology and Extracellular Matrices]

Prevention of aberrant cutaneous wound repair and appropriate regeneration of an intact and functional integument require the coordinated timing of fibroblast and keratinocyte migration. Here, we identified a mechanism whereby opposing cell-specific motogenic functions of a multifunctional intracellular and extracellular protein, the receptor for hyaluronan-mediated motility (RHAMM), coordinates fibroblast and keratinocyte migration speed and ensures appropriate timing of excisional wound closure. We found that, unlike in WT mice, in Rhamm-null mice, keratinocyte migration initiates prematurely in the excisional wounds, resulting in wounds that have re-surfaced before the formation of normal granulation tissue, leading to a defective epidermal architecture. We also noted aberrant keratinocyte and fibroblast migration in the Rhamm-null mice, indicating that RHAMM suppresses keratinocyte motility but increases fibroblast motility. This cell context–dependent effect resulted from cell-specific regulation of extracellular signal-regulated kinase 1/2 (ERK1/2) activation and expression of a RHAMM target gene encoding matrix metalloprotease 9 (MMP-9). In fibroblasts, RHAMM promoted ERK1/2 activation and MMP-9 expression, whereas in keratinocytes, RHAMM suppressed these activities. In keratinocytes, loss of RHAMM function or expression promoted epidermal growth factor receptor–regulated MMP-9 expression via ERK1/2, which resulted in cleavage of the ectodomain of the RHAMM partner protein CD44 and thereby increased keratinocyte motility. These results identify RHAMM as a key factor that integrates the timing of wound repair by controlling cell migration.




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Prominins control ciliary length throughout the animal kingdom: New lessons from human prominin-1 and zebrafish prominin-3 [Cell Biology]

Prominins (proms) are transmembrane glycoproteins conserved throughout the animal kingdom. They are associated with plasma membrane protrusions, such as primary cilia, as well as extracellular vesicles derived thereof. Primary cilia host numerous signaling pathways affected in diseases known as ciliopathies. Human PROM1 (CD133) is detected in both somatic and cancer stem cells and is also expressed in terminally differentiated epithelial and photoreceptor cells. Genetic mutations in the PROM1 gene result in retinal degeneration by impairing the proper formation of the outer segment of photoreceptors, a modified cilium. Here, we investigated the impact of proms on two distinct examples of ciliogenesis. First, we demonstrate that the overexpression of a dominant-negative mutant variant of human PROM1 (i.e. mutation Y819F/Y828F) significantly decreases ciliary length in Madin–Darby canine kidney cells. These results contrast strongly to the previously observed enhancing effect of WT PROM1 on ciliary length. Mechanistically, the mutation impeded the interaction of PROM1 with ADP-ribosylation factor–like protein 13B, a key regulator of ciliary length. Second, we observed that in vivo knockdown of prom3 in zebrafish alters the number and length of monocilia in the Kupffer's vesicle, resulting in molecular and anatomical defects in the left-right asymmetry. These distinct loss-of-function approaches in two biological systems reveal that prom proteins are critical for the integrity and function of cilia. Our data provide new insights into ciliogenesis and might be of particular interest for investigations of the etiologies of ciliopathies.




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The cytochrome P450 enzyme CYP24A1 increases proliferation of mutant KRAS-dependent lung adenocarcinoma independent of its catalytic activity [Cell Biology]

We previously reported that overexpression of cytochrome P450 family 24 subfamily A member 1 (CYP24A1) increases lung cancer cell proliferation by activating RAS signaling and that CYP24A1 knockdown inhibits tumor growth. However, the mechanism of CYP24A1-mediated cancer cell proliferation remains unclear. Here, we conducted cell synchronization and biochemical experiments in lung adenocarcinoma cells, revealing a link between CYP24A1 and anaphase-promoting complex (APC), a key cell cycle regulator. We demonstrate that CYP24A1 expression is cell cycle–dependent; it was higher in the G2-M phase and diminished upon G1 entry. CYP24A1 has a functional destruction box (D-box) motif that allows binding with two APC adaptors, CDC20-homologue 1 (CDH1) and cell division cycle 20 (CDC20). Unlike other APC substrates, however, CYP24A1 acted as a pseudo-substrate, inhibiting CDH1 activity and promoting mitotic progression. Conversely, overexpression of a CYP24A1 D-box mutant compromised CDH1 binding, allowing CDH1 hyperactivation, thereby hastening degradation of its substrates cyclin B1 and CDC20, and accumulation of the CDC20 substrate p21, prolonging mitotic exit. These activities also occurred with a CYP24A1 isoform 2 lacking the catalytic cysteine (Cys-462), suggesting that CYP24A1's oncogenic potential is independent of its catalytic activity. CYP24A1 degradation reduced clonogenic survival of mutant KRAS-driven lung cancer cells, and calcitriol treatment increased CYP24A1 levels and tumor burden in Lsl-KRASG12D mice. These results disclose a catalytic activity-independent growth-promoting role of CYP24A1 in mutant KRAS-driven lung cancer. This suggests that CYP24A1 could be therapeutically targeted in lung cancers in which its expression is high.




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SUMOylation of the transcription factor ZFHX3 at Lys-2806 requires SAE1, UBC9, and PIAS2 and enhances its stability and function in cell proliferation [Protein Synthesis and Degradation]

SUMOylation is a posttranslational modification (PTM) at a lysine residue and is crucial for the proper functions of many proteins, particularly of transcription factors, in various biological processes. Zinc finger homeobox 3 (ZFHX3), also known as AT motif-binding factor 1 (ATBF1), is a large transcription factor that is active in multiple pathological processes, including atrial fibrillation and carcinogenesis, and in circadian regulation and development. We have previously demonstrated that ZFHX3 is SUMOylated at three or more lysine residues. Here, we investigated which enzymes regulate ZFHX3 SUMOylation and whether SUMOylation modulates ZFHX3 stability and function. We found that SUMO1, SUMO2, and SUMO3 each are conjugated to ZFHX3. Multiple lysine residues in ZFHX3 were SUMOylated, but Lys-2806 was the major SUMOylation site, and we also found that it is highly conserved among ZFHX3 orthologs from different animal species. Using molecular analyses, we identified the enzymes that mediate ZFHX3 SUMOylation; these included SUMO1-activating enzyme subunit 1 (SAE1), an E1-activating enzyme; SUMO-conjugating enzyme UBC9 (UBC9), an E2-conjugating enzyme; and protein inhibitor of activated STAT2 (PIAS2), an E3 ligase. Multiple analyses established that both SUMO-specific peptidase 1 (SENP1) and SENP2 deSUMOylate ZFHX3. SUMOylation at Lys-2806 enhanced ZFHX3 stability by interfering with its ubiquitination and proteasomal degradation. Functionally, Lys-2806 SUMOylation enabled ZFHX3-mediated cell proliferation and xenograft tumor growth of the MDA-MB-231 breast cancer cell line. These findings reveal the enzymes involved in, and the functional consequences of, ZFHX3 SUMOylation, insights that may help shed light on ZFHX3's roles in various cellular and pathophysiological processes.




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A kinesin adapter directly mediates dendritic mRNA localization during neural development in mice [Neurobiology]

Motor protein-based active transport is essential for mRNA localization and local translation in animal cells, yet how mRNA granules interact with motor proteins remains poorly understood. Using an unbiased yeast two–hybrid screen for interactions between murine RNA-binding proteins (RBPs) and motor proteins, here we identified protein interaction with APP tail-1 (PAT1) as a potential direct adapter between zipcode-binding protein 1 (ZBP1, a β-actin RBP) and the kinesin-I motor complex. The amino acid sequence of mouse PAT1 is similar to that of the kinesin light chain (KLC), and we found that PAT1 binds to KLC directly. Studying PAT1 in mouse primary hippocampal neuronal cultures from both sexes and using structured illumination microscopic imaging of these neurons, we observed that brain-derived neurotrophic factor (BDNF) enhances co-localization of dendritic ZBP1 and PAT1 within granules that also contain kinesin-I. PAT1 is essential for BDNF-stimulated neuronal growth cone development and dendritic protrusion formation, and we noted that ZBP1 and PAT1 co-locate along with β-actin mRNA in actively transported granules in living neurons. Acute disruption of the PAT1–ZBP1 interaction in neurons with PAT1 siRNA or a dominant-negative ZBP1 construct diminished localization of β-actin mRNA but not of Ca2+/calmodulin-dependent protein kinase IIα (CaMKIIα) mRNA in dendrites. The aberrant β-actin mRNA localization resulted in abnormal dendritic protrusions and growth cone dynamics. These results suggest a critical role for PAT1 in BDNF-induced β-actin mRNA transport during postnatal development and reveal a new molecular mechanism for mRNA localization in vertebrates.




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Structural and mutational analyses of the bifunctional arginine dihydrolase and ornithine cyclodeaminase AgrE from the cyanobacterium Anabaena [Enzymology]

In cyanobacteria, metabolic pathways that use the nitrogen-rich amino acid arginine play a pivotal role in nitrogen storage and mobilization. The N-terminal domains of two recently identified bacterial enzymes: ArgZ from Synechocystis and AgrE from Anabaena, have been found to contain an arginine dihydrolase. This enzyme provides catabolic activity that converts arginine to ornithine, resulting in concomitant release of CO2 and ammonia. In Synechocystis, the ArgZ-mediated ornithine–ammonia cycle plays a central role in nitrogen storage and remobilization. The C-terminal domain of AgrE contains an ornithine cyclodeaminase responsible for the formation of proline from ornithine and ammonia production, indicating that AgrE is a bifunctional enzyme catalyzing two sequential reactions in arginine catabolism. Here, the crystal structures of AgrE in three different ligation states revealed that it has a tetrameric conformation, possesses a binding site for the arginine dihydrolase substrate l-arginine and product l-ornithine, and contains a binding site for the coenzyme NAD(H) required for ornithine cyclodeaminase activity. Structure–function analyses indicated that the structure and catalytic mechanism of arginine dihydrolase in AgrE are highly homologous with those of a known bacterial arginine hydrolase. We found that in addition to other active-site residues, Asn-71 is essential for AgrE's dihydrolase activity. Further analysis suggested the presence of a passage for substrate channeling between the two distinct AgrE active sites, which are situated ∼45 Å apart. These results provide structural and functional insights into the bifunctional arginine dihydrolase–ornithine cyclodeaminase enzyme AgrE required for arginine catabolism in Anabaena.




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Structure of an ancestral mammalian family 1B1 cytochrome P450 with increased thermostability [Enzymology]

Mammalian cytochrome P450 enzymes often metabolize many pharmaceuticals and other xenobiotics, a feature that is valuable in a biotechnology setting. However, extant P450 enzymes are typically relatively unstable, with T50 values of ∼30–40 °C. Reconstructed ancestral cytochrome P450 enzymes tend to have variable substrate selectivity compared with related extant forms, but they also have higher thermostability and therefore may be excellent tools for commercial biosynthesis of important intermediates, final drug molecules, or drug metabolites. The mammalian ancestor of the cytochrome P450 1B subfamily was herein characterized structurally and functionally, revealing differences from the extant human CYP1B1 in ligand binding, metabolism, and potential molecular contributors to its thermostability. Whereas extant human CYP1B1 has one molecule of α-naphthoflavone in a closed active site, we observed that subtle amino acid substitutions outside the active site in the ancestor CYP1B enzyme yielded an open active site with four ligand copies. A structure of the ancestor with 17β-estradiol revealed only one molecule in the active site, which still had the same open conformation. Detailed comparisons between the extant and ancestor forms revealed increases in electrostatic and aromatic interactions between distinct secondary structure elements in the ancestral forms that may contribute to their thermostability. To the best of our knowledge, this represents the first structural evaluation of a reconstructed ancestral cytochrome P450, revealing key features that appear to contribute to its thermostability.




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A Legionella effector kinase is activated by host inositol hexakisphosphate [Enzymology]

The transfer of a phosphate from ATP to a protein substrate, a modification known as protein phosphorylation, is catalyzed by protein kinases. Protein kinases play a crucial role in virtually every cellular activity. Recent studies of atypical protein kinases have highlighted the structural similarity of the kinase superfamily despite notable differences in primary amino acid sequence. Here, using a bioinformatics screen, we searched for putative protein kinases in the intracellular bacterial pathogen Legionella pneumophila and identified the type 4 secretion system effector Lpg2603 as a remote member of the protein kinase superfamily. Employing an array of biochemical and structural biology approaches, including in vitro kinase assays and isothermal titration calorimetry, we show that Lpg2603 is an active protein kinase with several atypical structural features. Importantly, we found that the eukaryote-specific host signaling molecule inositol hexakisphosphate (IP6) is required for Lpg2603 kinase activity. Crystal structures of Lpg2603 in the apo-form and when bound to IP6 revealed an active-site rearrangement that allows for ATP binding and catalysis. Our results on the structure and activity of Lpg2603 reveal a unique mode of regulation of a protein kinase, provide the first example of a bacterial kinase that requires IP6 for its activation, and may aid future work on the function of this effector during Legionella pathogenesis.




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Affinity maturation, humanization, and co-crystallization of a rabbit anti-human ROR2 monoclonal antibody for therapeutic applications [Immunology]

Antibodies are widely used as cancer therapeutics, but their current use is limited by the low number of antigens restricted to cancer cells. A receptor tyrosine kinase, receptor tyrosine kinase-like orphan receptor 2 (ROR2), is normally expressed only during embryogenesis and is tightly down-regulated in postnatal healthy tissues. However, it is up-regulated in a diverse set of hematologic and solid malignancies, thus ROR2 represents a candidate antigen for antibody-based cancer therapy. Here we describe the affinity maturation and humanization of a rabbit mAb that binds human and mouse ROR2 but not human ROR1 or other human cell-surface antigens. Co-crystallization of the parental rabbit mAb in complex with the human ROR2 kringle domain (hROR2-Kr) guided affinity maturation by heavy-chain complementarity-determining region 3 (HCDR3)-focused mutagenesis and selection. The affinity-matured rabbit mAb was then humanized by complementarity-determining region (CDR) grafting and framework fine tuning and again co-crystallized with hROR2-Kr. We show that the affinity-matured and humanized mAb retains strong affinity and specificity to ROR2 and, following conversion to a T cell–engaging bispecific antibody, has potent cytotoxicity toward ROR2-expressing cells. We anticipate that this humanized affinity-matured mAb will find application for antibody-based cancer therapy of ROR2-expressing neoplasms.




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Zinc promotes liquid-liquid phase separation of tau protein [Protein Structure and Folding]

Tau is a microtubule-associated protein that plays a major role in Alzheimer's disease (AD) and other tauopathies. Recent reports indicate that, in the presence of crowding agents, tau can undergo liquid–liquid phase separation (LLPS), forming highly dynamic liquid droplets. Here, using recombinantly expressed proteins, turbidimetry, fluorescence microscopy imaging, and fluorescence recovery after photobleaching (FRAP) assays, we show that the divalent transition metal zinc strongly promotes this process, shifting the equilibrium phase boundary to lower protein or crowding agent concentrations. We observed no tau LLPS-promoting effect for any other divalent transition metal ions tested, including Mn2+, Fe2+, Co2+, Ni2+, and Cu2+. We also demonstrate that multiple zinc-binding sites on tau are involved in the LLPS-promoting effect and provide insights into the mechanism of this process. Zinc concentration is highly elevated in AD brains, and this metal ion is believed to be an important player in the pathogenesis of this disease. Thus, the present findings bring a new dimension to understanding the relationship between zinc homeostasis and the pathogenic process in AD and related neurodegenerative disorders.




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Diabetes in China: Epidemiology and Genetic Risk Factors and Their Clinical Utility in Personalized Medication

Cheng Hu
Jan 1, 2018; 67:3-11
Perspectives in Diabetes




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Zaidi: 'Mutual interest' between Giants, Harper

Giants president of baseball operations Farhan Zaidi would prefer to stay mum when it comes to his forays into the free-agent market, but he realized there was no use in attempting to obscure the club's meeting with superstar Bryce Harper in Las Vegas earlier this week.




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Developing a vaccine against Zika




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Babies with microcephaly in Brazil are struggling to access care




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Thiazide diuretics seem to protect against fracture




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Zika related microcephaly may appear after birth, study finds




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First case of Zika virus spread through sexual contact is detected in UK




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Democratize Trade Policymaking to Better Protect Human Rights

12 June 2019

Dr Jennifer Ann Zerk

Associate Fellow, International Law Programme
There is growing interest in the use of human rights impact assessment to screen proposed trade agreements for human rights risks, and to ensure appropriate risk mitigation steps are taken.

2019-02-15-HumanRightsTradeAgreements-Smaller.jpg

Tea pickers walk at dawn through the tea plantations of Munnar, Kerala, on 7 May 2017. Copyright: Pardeep Singh Gill/Getty Images

With international trade discourse taking an increasingly transactional and sometimes belligerent tone, it would be easy to overlook the quiet revolution currently under way to bring new voices into trade policy development and monitoring. The traditional division of responsibilities between the executive and legislature – whereby treaties are negotiated and signed by the executive, and the legislature does what is necessary to implement them – may be undergoing some change.

Growing awareness of the implications of trade and investment treaties for many aspects of day-to-day life – food standards, employment opportunities, environmental quality, availability of medicines and data protection, just to name a few – is fuelling demands by people and businesses for more of a say in the way these rules are formulated and developed.

Various options for enhancing public and parliamentary scrutiny of trading proposals have recently been examined by two UK parliamentary select committees.[1] The reason for this interest is obviously Brexit, which has presented UK civil servants and parliamentarians with the unusual (some would say exciting) opportunity to design an approval and scrutiny process for trade agreements from scratch.

Doubtless, EU authorization, liaison and approval procedures (which include a scrutinizing role for the European Parliament) will be influential,[2] as will the European Commission’s experience with stakeholder engagement on trade issues.[3] The recommendations of both UK select committees to include human rights impact assessment processes as part of pre-negotiation preparations[4] echo calls from UN agencies and NGOs for more rigorous and timely analysis of the human rights risks that may be posed by new trading relationships.[5] Again, EU practice with what it terms ‘sustainability impact assessment’ of future trade agreements provides a potential model to draw from.[6] 

However, process is no substitute for action. Human rights impact assessment is never an end in itself; rather, it is a means to a positive end, in this case a trade agreement which is aligned with the trading partners’ respective human rights obligations and aspirations. It bears remembering, though, that the idea of assessing trade proposals for future human rights risks is a relatively recent one. Do we have the tools and resources to make sure that this is a meaningful compliance and risk management exercise?

Thus far there is little evidence that human rights impact assessment and stakeholder engagement exercises are having any real impact on the content of trade agreements.[7] This is the case even in the EU, where practice in these areas is the most advanced and systematic.[8]

There are several possible reasons for this. First, the methodological challenges are enormous. Aside from the crystal-ball gazing needed to forecast the social, economic and environmental effects of a trade intervention well into the future, demonstrating causal links between a trade agreement and a predicted adverse impact is often highly problematic given the number of other economic and political factors that may be in play.[9]

Secondly, there are many challenges around the need to engage with affected people and listen to their views.[10] The sheer number of possible impacts of a trade agreement on different individuals and communities, as well as the range of rights potentially engaged, makes this a difficult (some would say impossible) task. Some prioritization is always necessary.

This makes for difficult decisions about who to engage with and how. Perceived bias or an apparent lack of even-handedness – favouring business compared to civil society, for instance – can sow mistrust about the true aims of such a process, undermining its future effectiveness as participants begin to question whether it is genuine or worthwhile.[11]

The challenges are even more acute where impact assessment practitioners are tasked with investigating potential human rights impacts in other countries. Even if it is possible to get past the inevitable political sensitivities,[12] the sort of in-depth consultations required will be beyond the budget and time constraints of most assignments.[13]

There are good reasons why trade policy should be subject to greater public and parliamentary scrutiny, and why there should be more opportunities for public participation in the formation of new trading regimes. By building more opportunities for stakeholder consultation at these stages, we can acquire perspectives on trade that are not available from other forms of assessment and analysis.

However, policymakers should be wary of overstating the benefits of existing procedural models. Human rights impact assessment processes are still struggling to provide compelling analyses of the relationships between trade agreements and the enjoyment of human rights, let alone a roadmap for policymakers and trade negotiators as to what should be done.[14]

And financial and practical barriers to participation in stakeholder engagement exercises mean that, at best, these will provide only a partial picture of stakeholder impacts and views.

Experiences with human rights impact assessment of trade agreements so far demonstrate the need for realism about two things: first, the extent to which one can sensibly anticipate and analyse human rights-related risks and opportunities in the preparation stages for a new trading agreement; and, second, the extent to which problems identified in this way can be headed off with the right form of words in the treaty itself.

Both recent UK select committee reports place considerable faith in the ability of pre-project transparency and scrutiny processes to flush out potential problems and prescribe solutions. Of course, there may be cases where frontloading the analysis in this way could be useful, for instance where the human rights implications are so clear that they can readily be addressed through upfront commitments by the parties concerned, whether by bespoke or standardized approaches.

More often, though, for a trade agreement running many years into the future, human rights impacts and implications will take time to emerge, suggesting the need for robust monitoring and mitigation frameworks designed with longevity in mind. Ideally, pre-signing approval and assessment processes would lay the groundwork for future action by both trading partners, either jointly or separately (though preferably both).

To this end, as well as developing ideas for more robust substantive provisions on human rights, policymakers should consider the institutional arrangements required – whether pursuant to the trade agreement or by complementary processes – to ensure that human rights-related risks identified during the planning stages are properly and proactively followed up, that emerging risks are tackled in a timely fashion, and that there are opportunities for meaningful stakeholder contributions to these processes.

What needs to happen

  • Trade policymakers can use human rights impact assessment to screen proposed trade treaties for human rights-related risks and to identify possible ways of mitigating those risks, whether through the terms of the agreement itself, domestic law reform or flanking measures.
  • Building more opportunities for stakeholder consultations can enable perspectives on trade to be highlighted that are not available from other forms of assessment.
  • Assessment is complicated, however, by methodological challenges and the difficulties of forecasting a trade agreement’s future impacts. Policymakers need to be realistic about the risks that can be anticipated, and the extent to which many of those identified can be addressed upfront in trade agreements’ terms.
  • These inherent limitations may be overcome to some extent by better ongoing monitoring. Future trade agreements should include more robust human rights risk monitoring and mitigation frameworks, designed with longevity in mind.

Notes

[1] UK Joint Committee on Human Rights (2019), ‘Human Rights Protections in International Agreements, Seventeenth Report of Session 2017–19’, HC 1833 HL paper 310, 12 March 2019, https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/jt201719/jtselect/jtrights/1833/1833.pdf; and House of Commons International Trade Committee (2018), ‘UK Trade Policy Transparency and Scrutiny, Sixth Report of Session 2017-2019’, HC 1043, 29 December 2018.

[2] European Parliament and Directorate General for External Policies (2019), Parliamentary scrutiny of trade policies across the western world, study paper, March 2019, http://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/STUD/2019/603477/EXPO_STU(2019)603477_EN.pdf.

[3] European Commission (2019), ‘Trade policy and you’, http://ec.europa.eu/trade/trade-policy-and-you/index_en.htm.

[4] See UK Joint Committee on Human Rights (2019), ‘Human Rights Protections in International Agreements’, para 12; and House of Commons International Trade Committee (2018), ‘UK Trade Policy Transparency and Scrutiny’, paras 124–34.

[5] OHCHR (2003), Report of the High Commissioner for Human Rights on Human Rights, Trade and Investment, 2 July 2003, E/CN.4/Sub.2/2003/9, Annex, at para 63; UN Economic and Social Council (2017), ‘General Comment No 24 (2017) of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights on State obligations under the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in the context of business activities’, UN Doc. E/C.12/GC/24, 10 August 2017, para 13; and UN General Assembly (2011), ‘Guiding principles on human rights impact assessment of trade and investment agreements’, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food, Olivier De Schutter, UN Doc. A/HRC/19/59/Add.5, 19 December 2011.

[6] European Commission (2016), Handbook for Sustainability Impact Assessment (2nd ed.), Brussels: European Union, http://trade.ec.europa.eu/doclib/docs/2016/april/tradoc_154464.PDF.

[7] Zerk, J. (2019), Human Rights Impact Assessment of Trade Agreements, Chatham House Research Paper, London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, https://www.chathamhouse.org/publication/human-rights-impact-assessment-trade-agreements.

[8] Ibid., pp. 11–13. For a detailed explanation of the EU’s approach to human rights impact assessment, see European Commission (2016), Handbook for Sustainability Impact Assessment.

[9] Zerk (2019), Human Rights Impact Assessment of Trade Agreements, pp. 14–21.

[10] Ibid., pp. 21–22.

[11] Ergon Associates (2011), Trade and Labour: Making effective use of trade sustainability impact assessments and monitoring mechanisms, Final Report to DG Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion European Commission, September 2011; and Gammage, C. (2010), ‘A Sustainability Impact Assessment of the Economic Partnership Agreements: Challenging the Participatory Process’, Law and Development Review, 3(1): pp. 107–34. For a civil society view, see Trade Justice Movement (undated), ‘Trade Justice Movement submission to the International Trade Committee inquiry into UK Trade Policy Transparency and Scrutiny’, https://www.tjm.org.uk/resources/briefings/tjm-submission-to-the-international-trade-committee-inquiry-into-uk-trade-policy-transparency-and-scrutiny, esp. paras 23–32.

[12] Zerk (2019), Human Rights Impact Assessment of Trade Agreements, pp. 20–21.

[13] Ibid., pp. 21–22.

[14] Ibid.

This essay was produced for the 2019 edition of Chatham House Expert Perspectives – our annual survey of risks and opportunities in global affairs – in which our researchers identify areas where the current sets of rules, institutions and mechanisms for peaceful international cooperation are falling short, and present ideas for reform and modernization.




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Courageously critiquing sexual violence: responding to the 2018 Nobel Peace Prize

6 November 2019 , Volume 95, Number 6

Maria Stern

Marysia Zalewski's work has taught us, as a collective of feminist scholars, to be cautious of neat instruction manuals and coherently set out plans of action; of claims to sure knowledge about danger, violence, and its subjects and remedies; of the fanfare of grand arrivals; and of the quieter staking of ground that has been seemingly won. Zalewski has persistently reminded us in different ways that we/she does ‘not even know what gender is or does’. Far from a flippant response to the emptiness of gender mainstreaming policies, this seemingly simple statement instead serves as a glaring post-it note on the margins of our texts about International Relations theory, feminism, sex/gender and violence— both those that we read, as well as those that we write. However, this lesson is often forgotten in our rush to understand and establish gendered harms as valid and important, and to seek their redress. Gleaning insights from Zalewski's work, this article critically considers possible responses to the 2018 Nobel Peace Prize. Its aim is not to delve into a discussion of the politics or effects of the Peace Prize as such, but to instead use the 2018 Peace Prize as a marker—a moment to consider the possibility for critique in relation to sexual violence.




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Hillel Furstenberg & Grigoriĭ Margulis win Abel Prize

Hillel Furstenberg and Grigoriĭ Margulis have been announced as the winners of the 2020 Abel Prize.  You can read the official announcement here.   There is a news item about the prize on the AMS website.  Needless to say, they have … Continue reading



  • Prizes and awards

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Elena Lazarou

Associate Fellow, US and the Americas Programme (based in Brussels)

Biography

Elena Lazarou is an associate fellow in the US and the Americas Programme, providing insights on themes relates to Brazilian politics and foreign policy and EU relations with Latin America. Her research focuses on EU relations with Brazil and Latin America, regionalism, and foreign policy analysis.

Dr Lazarou is assistant professor of international relations at the Getulio Vargas Foundation (FGV) in Brazil. Between 2012 and 2015 she was head of FGV’s Centre of International Relations. She is currently on extended leave, working as a policy analyst at the European Parliament’s Research Service since 2015.

Dr. Lazarou is a frequent panellist at conferences and events on international affairs and Latin America. She received her MPhil and PhD from the University of Cambridge and has held post-doctoral research positions at the University of Cambridge and the LSE.

Areas of expertise

  • Brazilian foreign policy
  • Brazilian politics
  • Latin America
  • EU foreign policy
  • Global governance

Past experience

2015 - presentPolicy analyst, European Parliamentary Research Service 
2012-15Head, Centre of International Relations, FGV Brazil 
2010 - presentAssistant professor of International Relations, FGV Brazil 




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The UK, US and Mauritius: Decolonization, Security, Chagos and the ICJ

Invitation Only Research Event

30 January 2020 - 8:15am to 9:15am

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Professor Philippe Sands QC, Professor of Law, UCL 
Richard Burt, Managing Partner, McLarty Associates
Chair: Dr Leslie Vinjamuri, Director, US and Americas Programme; Dean, Queen Elizabeth II Academy, Chatham House

The Chagos archipelago in the Indian Ocean has garnered media attention recently after the UK failed to abide by a UN deadline to return the islands to Mauritius. The US has landed in the middle of the dispute as a 1965 agreement with the UK has allowed the US to establish a military base on one of the islands, Diego Garcia, which has since become instrumental in US missions in the Asia-Pacific and the Middle East. 

In February 2019, an Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) found that the Chagos archipelago was unlawfully dismembered from Mauritius, in violation of the right to self-determination and that the United Kingdom is under an obligation to end its administration of the Chagos archipelago ‘as rapidly as possible’. The UN General Assembly subsequently voted overwhelmingly in favour of the UK leaving the islands by the end of November 2019 and the right of the former residents who were removed by the UK to return. The UK does not accept the ICJ and UN rulings and argues that the islands are needed to protect Britain from security threats while Mauritius has made clear the base can remain.

Professor Philippe Sands QC, professor of law at University College London and lead counsel for Mauritius on the ICJ case on Legal Consequences of the Separation of the Chagos archipelago from Mauritius in 1965, will be joining Ambassador Richard Burt, US chief negotiator in the Strategic Arms Reduction Talks with the former Soviet Union for a discussion on the fate of the archipelago including the future of the military base and the right of return of former residents.  

Attendance at this event is by invitation only. 

Event attributes

Chatham House Rule

Department/project

US and Americas Programme




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Implications of AMLO and Bolsonaro for Mexican and Brazilian Foreign Policy

Invitation Only Research Event

26 February 2020 - 12:15pm to 1:15pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Ambassador Andrés Rozental, Senior Adviser, Chatham House; Founding President, Mexican Council on Foreign Relations
Dr Elena Lazarou, Associate Fellow, US and the Americas Programme, Chatham House
Chair: Dr Christopher Sabatini, Senior Research Fellow for Latin America, US and the Americas Programme, Chatham House

The end of 2018 was a monumental year for Latin America’s two biggest economies. In December 2018, Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) was inaugurated as Mexico’s 58th president. The following month saw another political shift further south, as Jair Bolsonaro became Brazil’s 38th president. While sitting on opposite ends of the political spectrum, both AMLO and Bolsonaro were considered to be political outsiders and have upended the status quo through their election to office. 

To what extent does the election of AMLO in Mexico and Bolsonaro in Brazil represent a shift in those countries’ definitions of national interest and foreign policy priorities? How will this affect these states’ policies regarding international commitments and cooperation on issues such as human rights, environment and climate change, migration, and trade? To what extent do possible shifts reflect changing domestic opinions?  Will any changes represent a long-term shift in state priorities and policies past these administrations?

US and Americas Programme




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Webinar: Does COVID-19 Spell the End of America's Interest in Globalization?

Research Event

19 May 2020 - 2:00pm to 3:00pm
Add to Calendar
Dr Anne-Marie Slaughter, CEO, New America
Professor Stephen Walt, Robert and Renee Belfer Professor of International Affairs, Harvard Kennedy School
Chair: Dr Leslie Vinjamuri, Director, US and Americas Programme, Chatham House
This  event is  part of the US and Americas Programme Inaugural Virtual Roundtable Series on the US and the State of the World and will take place virtually only.
 
Please note this event is taking place between 2pm to 3pm BST.

US and Americas Programme

Department/project




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POTENZOL OBAT PERANGSANG WANITA CAIR ALAMI - Rahasia Pria

Potenzol Obat Perangsang Wanita produk jerman menyandang predikat obat perangsang dengan reaksi spontan menaikkan libido wanita menjadi lebih bergairah



  • Sports and Health

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MEIZITANG OBAT PELANGSING BADAN HERBAL ALAMI - Rahasia Pria

Meizitang Obat Pelangsing Badan Herbal Merupakan Suplemen Diet Herbal Berbentuk SOFTGEL Yang Sangat Berkhasiat Melangsingkan Tubuh Dengan Cepat Dan Aman,



  • Sports and Health

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Obat Perangsang Libido Wanita Blue Wizard - Rahasia Pria

Obat Perangsang Libido Wanita Blue Wizard Adalah Obat Perangsang Wanita Alami Yang Berasal Dari Jerman, Sangat Manjur Untuk Wanita Kurang Bergairah (Firgid)



  • Sports and Health

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US$10,000 gofundme launched to support animals at Hope Zoo

A gofundme account has been launched with the hope of keeping animals feed and to preserve endangered wildlife at the Hope Zoo in St Andrew. Curator, Joey Brown, organiser of the fundraiser, indicated that as a non-profit organisation,...




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Thirty Years of Armenian-Azerbaijani Rivalry: Dynamics, Problems and Prospects

Invitation Only Research Event

20 November 2019 - 10:00am to 11:30am

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Laurence Broers, Associate Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme, Chatham House
Chair: Lubica Pollakova, Senior Programme Manager, Russia and Eurasia Programme

The Armenian–Azerbaijani conflict for control of the mountainous territory of Nagorny Karabakh is the longest-running dispute in post-Soviet Eurasia.

Laurence Broers, author of Armenia and Azerbaijan: Anatomy of a Rivalry, will discuss how decades of dynamic territorial politics, shifting power relations, international diffusion and unsuccessful mediation efforts have contributed to the resilience of this stubbornly unresolved dispute.

Department/project

Anna Morgan

Administrator, Ukraine Forum
+44 (0)20 7389 3274




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Corporate Raiding in Russia, Ukraine and Kazakhstan

Invitation Only Research Event

5 November 2019 - 9:00am to 1:00pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

John Patton, Argentem Creek
Rachel Cook, Peters & Peters
Tom Mayne, University of Exeter
Olga Bischof, Brown Rudnick LLP
Isobel Koshiw, Global Witness
Anton Moiseienko, RUSI

The widespread practice of illicit acquisition of a business or part of a business in the former Soviet states, known as ‘reiderstvo’ or asset-grabbing, is a major risk that disincentivises investment in the region.

It is distinct from the way corporate raiding occurs in the West and enabled by factors such as corruption and weak protection of property rights.

This roundtable will assess the practice of corporate raiding in Russia, Ukraine and Kazakhstan: its evolution over time, knock-on effects and potential solutions. The speakers will also address the implications for the UK legal system and possible policy responses.

Event attributes

Chatham House Rule

Department/project

Anna Morgan

Administrator, Ukraine Forum
+44 (0)20 7389 3274




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Zelenskyy Finds That There Are No Easy Solutions in Donbas

23 October 2019

Duncan Allan

Associate Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme

Leo Litra

Senior Research Fellow, New Europe Center
The president has attempted to use the so-called Steinmeier Formula to find a compromise on holding elections in the east of Ukraine. But he has run into a stark reality: Moscow and Kyiv’s interests remain irreconcilable.

2019-10-23-Ukraine.jpg

A banner reading 'No capitulation!' is unfurled above the entrance to the city hall in Kyiv as part of protests against implementation of the so-called Steinmeier Formula. Photo: Getty Images.

In 2016, the then-German foreign minister, Frank-Walter Steinmeier, suggested a way around the impasse in east Ukraine.

He proposed that elections in the areas held by Russian-backed insurgents – the ‘Donetsk People’s Republic’ (DNR) and the ‘Luhansk People’s Republic’ (LNR) –   could be held under Ukrainian legislation, with Kyiv adopting a temporary law on ‘special status’, the main disagreement between Russia and Ukraine in the Minsk Agreements. This law would become permanent once the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) had declared that elections correspond with OSCE standards.

The reaction in Ukraine was strongly negative. The so-called Steinmeier Formula contradicted Kyiv’s position that elections in the occupied Donbas should only go ahead in a secure environment – requiring the prior withdrawal of Russian forces and the return of the eastern border to Ukraine’s control. It also did not address the differing views of ‘special status’; Russia demands a much greater devolution of constitutional powers to the DNR and LNR regimes than Ukraine will grant.

But on 1 October, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the new Ukrainian president, announced that he was signing up to the Steinmeier Formula. He also announced a conditional withdrawal of Ukrainian forces from two frontline areas in the east.

Quick reversal

During the 2019 presidential election campaign, Zelenskyy repeatedly promised that, if elected, he would re-energize efforts to end the war. This appealed to many Ukrainians, who understandably want the conflict over, although Zelenskyy’s eventual electoral victory was largely won on domestic issues.

But his initiative quickly ran into two problems.

First, following a major prisoner swap in September, Russian President Vladimir Putin appeared to judge that Zelenskyy was in a hurry to deliver his election promises and was acting without consulting France and Germany. Russia had earlier demanded that Ukraine formally agree to elections in the Donbas as the precondition for a summit of the ‘Normandy’ powers (the diplomatic format comprising leaders of Ukraine, Russia, Germany and France, which has not met since 2016).

Moreover, the US, which is not part of the ‘Normandy’ group, has seemed disengaged because of domestic controversies. Concluding that Zelenskyy was vulnerable, the Kremlin welcomed his announcement about the Steinmeier Formula but declined to assent to a summit, hoping to extract further concessions.

Second, Zelenskyy’s action triggered protests in Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities. Critics feared that he intended to make unilateral concessions over ‘special status’. Though he tried to assure Ukrainians that ‘there won't be any elections there if the [Russian] troops are still there’, concerns were fuelled by what many saw as his lack of openness about what the Steinmeier Formula really meant. Ukrainian public opinion wants an end to the war, but apparently not at any price.

Zelenskyy duly rowed back. During a marathon 14-hour press conference on 10 October, he emphasized that he would not surrender Ukraine’s vital interests. He also acknowledged that he had been insufficiently open with the Ukrainian public. For the time being at least, he seems to have been given pause.

A situation resistant to compromise

Instead, Zelenskyy may now attempt to ‘freeze’ the conflict by ending active operations. This is not Ukraine’s favoured outcome but could be the most realistic one in current conditions.  

Russia still calculates that time is on its side. It believes that Western support for Ukraine is lukewarm and that Kyiv will eventually have to give it what it wants. Russia clearly felt no pressure to respond positively to Zelenskyy’s overture, which it probably read as a weakness to be exploited.    

For these reasons, Zelenskyy now appears less optimistic that rapid progress to end the war is possible. A new summit of the ‘Normandy’ powers may happen but looks unlikely in the near future. This may act as an incentive for further bilateral negotiations between Ukraine and Russia, such as those which delivered the prisoner swap. However, a diplomatic process managed by Zelenskyy and Putin alone risks reducing Ukraine’s leverage. 

Finally, the main obstacles to implementation of the Minsk Agreements – radically different views of elections in, and ‘special status’ for, the DNR and LNR – remain. The Kremlin’s versions of both would gravely limit Ukraine’s sovereignty; Kyiv’s would facilitate the re-establishment of its control over the east. It is hard to see how this gap can be bridged.

Tellingly, the Steinmeier Formula offers no answer to this conundrum. Some conflicts, it seems, are resistant to diplomatic compromises that aim to satisfy everyone equally.




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Kazakhstan: Tested by Transition

Invitation Only Research Event

28 November 2019 - 1:30pm to 3:30pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Annette Bohr, Associate Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme, Chatham House
Kassymkhan Kapparov, Founder, Economist.kz
Joanna Lillis, Reporter, The Guardian, The Economist and The Independent
Kate Mallinson, Associate Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme, Chatham House
Dossym Satpayev, Director, Kazakhstan Risk Assessment Group; Member of the Presidium, Kazakhstan Council on International Relations
Chair: James Nixey, Head, Russia and Eurasia Programme, Chatham House

At face value at least, Central Asia’s wealthiest state has embarked on a bold experiment following the March 2019 decision by its founding father and long-standing ruler, Nursultan Nazarbayev, to resign from the presidency and initiate a managed political succession. A generational transition of this nature, untried in other former Soviet republics, brings with it high stakes.
 
As well as seeking to secure his own legacy, having dominated the country since before independence in 1991, Nazarbayev wants to ensure Kazakhstan does not depart from the course he has set while safeguarding Kazakhstan’s stability in the context of multiple and evolving domestic and international challenges. But this is easier said than done. Is Kazakhstan ready for the challenges of the future?
 
This event marks the launch of Chatham House’s major report Kazakhstan: Tested by Transition.

Department/project

Anna Morgan

Administrator, Ukraine Forum
+44 (0)20 7389 3274




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Kazakhstan: Tested by Transition

27 November 2019

A partial handover of political power through an orchestrated transition takes Kazakhstan into uncharted territory. Will it be able to pursue modernization and reform, and break from its authoritarian past?

Annette Bohr

Associate Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme

Dr Nigel Gould-Davies

Associate Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme, Chatham House

Kate Mallinson

Associate Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme

James Nixey

Director, Russia and Eurasia Programme

Birgit Brauer

Analyst, Writer and Journalist Covering Central Asia

Nargis Kassenova

Senior Fellow, Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies, Harvard University

Joanna Lillis

Kazakhstan-Based Journalist Reporting on Central Asia

Dosym Satpayev

Independent Political Analyst and the Director of the Kazakhstan Risks Assessment Group

Kazakhstan is at a turning point in its history. At face value, at least, Central Asia’s wealthiest state has embarked on a bold experiment following the March 2019 decision by its founding father and long-standing ruler, Nursultan Nazarbayev, to resign from the presidency and initiate a managed political succession. A generational transition of this nature, untried in other former Soviet republics, brings with it high stakes. As well as looking to secure his own legacy, having dominated the country since before independence in 1991, Nazarbayev seeks to ensure Kazakhstan does not depart from the course he has set, while safeguarding regime stability in the context of multiple and evolving domestic and international challenges. This is easier said than done.

The uncertainty around this project is substantial, especially considering a ‘rowback’ decree just seven months after Nazarbayev’s resignation, limiting the powers of his anointed successor, Kassym-Jomart Tokayev. How long can Tokayev credibly remain president considering such a transparent undermining of his authority? Is Nazarbayev, in fact, grooming his daughter, Dariga Nazarbayeva, another relative or a power player from outside the family for the leadership in the longer term? Will the ‘Kazakh tandem’ of Nazarbayev and Tokayev function effectively, or will tensions and conflicts arise between them as many claim is happening already? How will the leadership cope with the protest mood now manifest on the streets of Kazakhstan, and address the political and socio-economic grievances fuelling this discontent? How might the political transition play out if Nazarbayev were to suddenly exit the political scene altogether?And what is the long-term transition plan for the time when Nazarbayev has departed, and how effective will it be?

As Kazakhstan enters uncharted territory, the purpose of this report is twofold. First, to make the case for the West to devote more attention to Kazakhstan. The country’s relative importance in Central Asia, and as the constant focus of intense attention from China and Russia, suggests that the West is wrong to direct so little time and diplomatic effort and so few resources towards it. This is not so much a miscalculation (that would be to assume there had been a calculation in the first place) as a misstep through neglect, presupposing that the future will resemble the present – with Kazakhstan remaining stable internally, relatively inconsequential geopolitically but nevertheless a friendly ally to the West. In fact, the country’s trajectory over the next few years is of potentially strategic import. This is because even its political semi-transition presents the West with a rare opportunity to push back against the global rise of authoritarianism, in a state that is open to rational argument and economic logic.

The second function of the report is to serve as a well-intentioned message to the leadership of Kazakhstan. The research undertaken by the report’s eight authors shows that Kazakhstan is at risk of failing to achieve the goals its leadership has set for the country. As significant as it has been, the partial stepping aside of Nazarbayev by no means guarantees the modernization and renewal that he and his successor have promised. Far deeper political, economic and social reforms will be needed if Kazakhstan is to meet the growing challenges to its stability, prosperity and development. Street protests since Nazarbayev’s resignation have demonstrated a level of popular disaffection far higher than the authorities acknowledge. The leadership needs to bridge the disconnect between the rulers and the ruled and start listening to its people.

To avoid slipping into decline, and to resist external pressures and geopolitical overtures that could diminish the sovereignty that its leadership is so determined to safeguard, Kazakhstan needs new faces – innovators and reformers – throughout every level of the administration, as well as new ideas. This report is intended to help with the ‘ideas’ part of that proposition. It also includes a series of recommendations for Western governments and institutions and for the Kazakhstan government. 




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Kazakhstan: Reaching Out to Central Asian Neighbours

4 December 2019

Annette Bohr

Associate Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme
Despite its regional outreach, Kazakhstan’s diplomatic priority will remain Russia, China, and Europe.

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Kazakhstan's President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, Kazakh Majilis Chairman Nurlan Nigmatulin and ex-president Nursultan Nazarbayev at an inauguration ceremony in parliament. Photo: Pavel AleksandrovTASS via Getty Images.

Leaders of the resource-rich Central Asian region have the propensity to remain in power until mortality dictates otherwise. Much like the UK and Brexit, however, few wanted to see Central Asia’s longest reigning ruler, Kazakhstan’s septuagenarian president Nursultan Nazarbayev, crash out without a deal.

The sudden departure of the country’s official leader of the nation with no clear succession plan could have led to investment chaos, intra-elite fighting and the unravelling in a matter of months of a system he had built over decades, à la Uzbekistan following the death of long-serving autocrat Islam Karimov in 2016.

In order to avoid just such a ‘no-deal’ scenario and ensure the continuity of his policies, in March Nazarbayev carefully choreographed his own resignation and the election of a hand-picked successor, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, while retaining plum positions and powers for himself.

Tokayev’s assumption of the presidency was accompanied by protesters in the streets, increasing wealth inequality, rising Sinophobia among rank-and-file Kazakhstanis, a hard-to-kick economic dependence on oil revenues and a lack of clarity as to which leader—the old or the new president—would actually be calling the shots. But, amidst this plethora of concerns, as argued in a recent Chatham House report, Kazakhstan: Tested by Transition, one bright spot has been the tangible growth of intra-Central Asian cooperation, with the Nazarbayev-Tokayev ruling duo appearing eager to improve the regional dialogue.

Kazakhstan has long shaped its identity as a Eurasian state that has acted as more of an intermediary between Russia and Central Asia than as an integral part of the Central Asian region. But since 2017, in particular, Kazakhstan has been increasingly looking for opportunities to boost hitherto weak cooperation with its Central Asian neighbours. While this is first and foremost owing to the liberalization of Uzbekistan’s large market, there are other factors at work that get less airplay.

One such factor is a perceptible disentangling from the Kremlin’s policy directions as Kazakhstan has come to view Russia’s foreign policy as increasingly neo-colonial. The example of the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union is in many respects more off-putting than inspiring, and Nur-Sultan does not want to be locked tightly into the union’s economic orbit. And in distancing itself slightly from Moscow in order to limit Russian leverage in its affairs, Nur-Sultan has shown itself to be more open to Central Asian regional initiatives.

As part of the leadership’s plan to offset oil dependence, Kazakhstan aspires to become the transport, telecommunications and investment hub for Eurasian integration. The intense focus on connectivity and the development of logistical arteries and infrastructure could have the knock-on effect of boosting trade within the Central Asian region and reducing transit times, which are currently greater than in most other parts of the globe.

In addition, demographic trends and educational shifts that favour ethnic Kazakhs, together with a growing ethno-nationalist narrative, have allowed the state’s leadership to identify more closely with Kazakhstan’s common Central Asian heritage and, by extension, a common Central Asian region—although Kazakhstan’s leadership still remains eager to demonstrate that the country is not just another ‘stan’. The coming to power of President Mirziyoyev in Uzbekistan appears to have made Kazakhstan more aware of the interconnectedness of the two countries in terms of geographical location and potential economic complementarities, as well as culture and history.

Not least, there is a growing recognition among the Central Asian states themselves—including isolationist Turkmenistan to a degree—that deepening regional trade is mutually beneficial, especially given the constraints associated with Russia’s economic problems. The strengthening of Kazakhstan’s ties with Uzbekistan has slowly kick-started regional cooperation as a whole: trade turnover between the Central Asian states in 2018 grew by 35 per cent on the previous year.

But both Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are keen to stress that there is no discussion of integration or institutionalization, not least because previous attempts at integration have been overtaken by Russia, leaving Central Asia without its own coordinating body.

The official consensus in Kazakhstan is that Uzbekistan’s economic reforms after years of isolation will spur ‘a healthy rivalry’ and ultimately boost Kazakhstan’s own economy, in so far as the competition for foreign investment will require both countries to work harder to improve their respective business and regulatory environments.

At the unofficial level, however, some Kazakhstani analysts view Uzbekistan’s rise as potentially unprofitable, given the possible diversion of some investments and market activity from Kazakhstan to Uzbekistan. Moreover, Uzbekistan has the advantage of having undergone a clear change of executive, while it remains unclear which developments await Kazakhstan once First President Nazarbayev leaves the scene for good.

It can certainly be argued that Uzbekistan does pose a potential threat in the long-term to Kazakhstan’s entrenched position as Central Asia’s economic powerhouse: Uzbekistan’s population is one-and-a-half times bigger, even if its nominal GDP is three times smaller. Uzbekistan has a bigger market and a well-developed industrial sector, and is already the regional leader in terms of security. But it is not as though the world’s interest is moving from Kazakhstan to Uzbekistan; rather, Uzbekistan is in the process of trying to catch up.

Despite this relatively upbeat picture, Kazakhstan’s combined trade with the other Central Asian states accounts for less than 5 per cent of its total volume of foreign trade—a figure that cannot begin to equal its trade with Russia, China, and Europe. As a result, Kazakhstan will continue to give greater importance to positioning itself as a global player than as a regional leader.

This article was originally published in The Diplomat.