iraq

Secrets and Spies: UK Intelligence Accountability After Iraq and Snowden

20 January 2020

How can democratic governments hold intelligence and security agencies to account when what they do is largely secret? Jamie Gaskarth explores how intelligence professionals view accountability in the context of 21st century politics. 

Jamie Gaskarth

Senior Lecturer, University of Birmingham

Using the UK as a case study, this book provides the first systematic exploration of how accountability is understood inside the secret world. It is based on new interviews with current and former UK intelligence practitioners, as well as extensive research into the performance and scrutiny of the UK intelligence machinery.

The result is the first detailed analysis of how intelligence professionals view their role, what they feel keeps them honest, and how far external overseers impact on their work.

The UK gathers material that helps inform global decisions on such issues as nuclear proliferation, terrorism, transnational crime, and breaches of international humanitarian law. On the flip side, the UK was a major contributor to the intelligence failures leading to the Iraq war in 2003, and its agencies were complicit in the widely discredited U.S. practices of torture and 'rendition' of terrorism suspects. UK agencies have come under greater scrutiny since those actions, but it is clear that problems remain.

Secrets and Spies is the result of a British Academy funded project (SG151249) on intelligence accountability.

Open society is increasingly defended by secret means. For this reason, oversight has never been more important. This book offers a new exploration of the widening world of accountability for UK intelligence, encompassing informal as well as informal mechanisms. It substantiates its claims well, drawing on an impressive range of interviews with senior figures. This excellent book offers both new information and fresh interpretations. It will have a major impact.

Richard Aldrich, Professor of International Security, University of Warwick, UK

Gaskarth’s novel approach, interpreting interviews with senior figures from the intelligence world, brings fresh insight on a significant yet contested topic. He offers an impressively holistic account of intelligence accountability—both formal and informal—and, most interestingly of all, of how those involved understand it. This is essential reading for those wanting to know what accountability means and how it is enacted.

Rory Cormac, Professor of International Relations, University of Nottingham

About the author

Jamie Gaskarth is senior lecturer at the University of Birmingham, where he teaches strategy and decision-making. His research looks at the ethical dilemmas of leadership and accountability in intelligence, foreign policy, and defence. He is author/editor or co-editor of six books and served on the Academic Advisory panel for the 2015 UK National Security Strategy and Strategic Defence and Security Review.

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Insights: Critical Thinking on International Affairs

Department/project




iraq

Iraq Tribunal: US Pulling Out

1 May 2008 , Number 3

Rowdy sessions of the Iraq High Tribunal attracted sensational daily news coverage while Saddam Hussein was being tried. However, following his grim execution in December 2006, coverage all but evaporated. The foreign press and most western monitors packed their bags and left, and television reporting in Iraq dwindled. Now even the United States Department of Justice, which initially provided key financial and political support, is quietly withdrawing its advisers. So what is happening at the Tribunal and why are the Americans pulling out?

Sonya Sceats

Associate Fellow, International Law Programme




iraq

Same Old Politics Will Not Solve Iraq Water Crisis

15 April 2020

Georgia Cooke

Project Manager, Middle East and North Africa Programme

Dr Renad Mansour

Senior Research Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme; Project Director, Iraq Initiative

Glada Lahn

Senior Research Fellow, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme
Addressing Iraq’s water crisis should be a priority for any incoming prime minister as it is damaging the country’s attempts to rebuild. But successive governments have allowed the problem to fester.

2020-04-15-Iraq-Water

Punting in the marshes south of the Iraqi city of Ammarah. Photo by Ghaith Abdul-Ahad/Getty Images.

Historically, Iraq lay claim to one of the most abundant water supplies in the Middle East. But the flow of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers has reduced by up to 40% since the 1970s, due in part to the actions of neighbouring countries, in particular Turkey, upstream.

Rising temperatures and reduced rainfall due to climate change are also negatively impacting Iraq’s water reserves. Evaporation from dams and reservoirs is estimated to lose the country up to 8 billion cubic metres of water every year.

A threat to peace and stability

Shortages have dried up previously fertile land, increasing poverty in agricultural areas. Shortages have also served to fuel conflict: communities faced with successive droughts and government inertia proved to be easy targets for ISIS recruiters, who lured farmers into joining them by offering money and food to feed their families. Economic hardship for those whose livelihoods relied upon river water has also driven rural to urban migration, putting significant strain on already over-populated towns and cities, exacerbating housing, job and electricity shortages, and widening the gap between haves and have-nots.

But scarcity isn’t the most crucial element of Iraq’s water crisis – contamination is. Decades of local government mismanagement, corrupt practices and a lack of regulation of dumping (it is estimated up to 70% of Iraq’s industrial waste is dumped directly into water) has left approximately three in every five citizens without a reliable source of potable water.

In 2018, 118,000 residents of Basra province were hospitalised with symptoms brought on by drinking contaminated water, which not only put a spotlight on the inadequacies of a crumbling healthcare system but sparked mass protests and a subsequent violent crackdown.

The water crisis is also undermining the stability of the country’s federal governance model, by occasionally sparking disputes between Baghdad and the Kurdistan Regional Government, as well as between governorates in the south.

The crisis is both a symptom and a cause of poor governance. Iraq is stuck in a cycle whereby government inaction causes shortages and contamination, which result in economic losses, reduced food supply, increased prices and widespread poor health. This in turn leads to increasing levels of poverty, higher demand on services and civil unrest, increasing the pressure on a weak, dysfunctional system of government.

What can be done?

The first priority should be modernising existing water-management infrastructure - a relic of a time when the problem was an excess rather than a shortage of water (the last time Iraq’s flood defences were required was 1968). Bureaucratic hurdles, widespread corruption and an endless cycle of other crises taking precedent prevent good initiatives from being implemented or scaled up.

Diversifying energy sources to improve provision is crucial. Baghdad has a sewage treatment plant that originally ran on its own electricity source, but this capacity was destroyed in 1991 and was never replaced. The city continues to suffer from dangerous levels of water pollution because the electricity supply from the grid is insufficient to power the plant. Solar energy has great potential in sun-drenched Iraq to bridge the gaping hole in energy provision, but successive governments have chosen to focus on fossil fuels rather than promoting investment to grow the renewables sector.

Heightened tension with upstream Turkey could turn water into another cause of regional conflict. But, if approached differently, collaboration between Iraq and its neighbour could foster regional harmony.

Turkey’s elevated geography and cooler climate mean its water reserves suffer 75% less evaporation than Iraq’s. Given that Turkey’s top energy priority is the diversification of its supply of imported hydrocarbons, a win-win deal could see Turkey exchange access to its water-management infrastructure for delivery of reduced cost energy supplies from Iraq.

German-French cooperation on coal and steel in the 1950s and the evolution of economic integration that followed might provide a model for how bilateral cooperation over one issue could result in cooperation with other regional players (in this case Iran and Syria) on a range of other issues. This kind of model would need to consider the future of energy, whereby oil and gas would be replaced by solar-power exports.

These solutions have been open to policymakers for years and yet they have taken little tangible action. While there are leaders and bureaucrats with the will to act, effective action is invariably blocked by a complex and opaque political system replete with vested interests in maintaining power and wealth via a weak state and limited services from central government.

Breaking the cycle

To break this cycle, Iraq needs a group of professional and able actors outside of government to work with willing elements of the state bureaucracy as a taskforce to pressure for action and accountability. Publishing the recommendations from a hitherto withheld report produced in the aftermath of Basra’s 2018 heath crisis would be a great start.

In time, this taskforce could champion the prioritisation of water on the national agenda, the implementation of infrastructure upgrades, and hold more productive conversations with neighbour states.

With such a high degree of state fragmentation and dysfunction in Iraq, looking to the central government to provide leadership will not yield results. Engagement with a coalition of non-state actors can begin to address the water crisis and also open a dialogue around new models of governance for other critical issues. This might even be a starting point for rewriting the tattered social contract in Iraq.

This piece is based on insights and discussion at a roundtable event, Conflict and the Water Crisis in Iraq, held at Chatham House on March 9 as part of the Iraq Initiative.




iraq

Former intelligence chief Mustafa al-Kadhini named Iraqi prime minister

Former intelligence chief Mustafa al-Kadhini was named prime minister of Iraq on Thursday, after five months of political instability in the Middle Eastern nation.




iraq

DoD releases name of soldier who died in 'non-combat-related' incident in Iraq

The Pentagon announced Tuesday that Sgt. Christopher Wesley Curry died Monday in Iraq in what officials describe as a non-combat-related incident.




iraq

Iraq War Naysayers May Have Hindsight Bias

Antiwar liberals last week got to savor the four most satisfying words in the English language: "I told you so."




iraq

Disagree About Iraq? You're Not Just Wrong -- You're Evil.

The conviction of I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby last week gave Americans a chance to pick at the scab of what has become a favored obsession -- the debate over the motives of the Bush administration in the run-up to the war in Iraq.




iraq

One Thing We Can't Build Alone in Iraq

When Columbia University sociologist Peter Bearman dived into the world of the white-gloved workers who open the front doors of expensive New York apartment buildings, he found that most people who applied for jobs as doormen never got one. Most doormen, however, had not applied for their jobs.




iraq

9/11, Iraq and the Desensitization of the Victimized

In the days after the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, with the twin towers vanished from Manhattan's skyline, a poem by W.H. Auden could have been the song of a wounded nation. "September 1, 1939," written on the eve of World War II, seemed eerily prescient:




iraq

Opinion: Struan Stevenson: As Iraq's corrupt elite squabble, young protesters could sweep them away

IRAQ’S prime ministerial merry-go-round continues to spin apace. Spy chief Mustafa al-Kadhimi, director of the country’s National Intelligence Service, is now the third prime minister designate this year, following the withdrawal of the two previous prospective candidates.




iraq

Aid workers kidnapped in Iraq released

CNA Staff, Mar 27, 2020 / 11:19 am (CNA).- Four men working in Iraq for the French humanitarian organization SOS Chrétiens d'Orient who went missing in Baghdad in January have been released by their kidnappers, the French president announced Thursday.

Emmanuel Macron announced March 26 that he “welcomes the release of our three nationals Antoine Brochon, Julien Dittmar, Alexandre Goodarzy and Iraqi Tariq Mattoka.”

The men disappeared Jan. 20 after they made a trip to an appointment by car. SOS Chrétiens d'Orient tried to contact them the following day, unsuccessfully.

The missing employees had gone to Baghdad “to renew their visas and the registration of association with the Iraqi authorities and to monitor the association's operations” in the country.

Macron's office said it had made “every effort” to secure their release, and he expressed “gratitude to the Iraqi authorities for their co-operation.”

SOS Chrétiens d'Orient said last week that they had received no ransom demand, and no group had claimed responsibility for the abduction.

The organization works to support Eastern Christians with humanitarian material aid; it has permanent missions in Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, and Egypt.

Christians in Iraq have suffered persecution in recent years, especially during the invasion of the Islamic State.

Prior to the United States invasion of Iraq in 2003, there were about 1.5 million Iraqi Christians. Today, that number is believed to be fewer than 500,000.



  • Middle East - Africa

iraq

Pandemic may revive Islamic State and hurt Iraq’s minorities, say NGOs

Rome Newsroom, Apr 22, 2020 / 12:00 pm (CNA).- For Iraqi Christian and Yazidi communities still recovering from the destruction wreaked by the Islamic State, the coronavirus poses significant risks, NGOs have said in a joint statement. 

“The public health system in Sinjar and the wider Nineveh Governorate was decimated by ISIS during its brutal occupation and genocidal campaign in Iraq, beginning in 2014,” the letter stated.

“An impending humanitarian and security disaster looms large in Iraq. … There is a significant attendant threat to global security if ISIS uses this opportunity to regroup and return, but it does not have to be this way. Iraqi authorities and the United Nations must act now,” it continued.

Twenty-five NGOs working in northern Iraq issued a joint statement April 16 calling on the World Health Organization to undertake an assessment mission in the area, where testing has been limited, and urging Iraqi authorities to prevent the Islamic State from regrouping.

Signed by the Iraqi Christian Relief Council, Free Yezidi Foundation, Genocide Alert, and the Religious Freedom Institute, the statement described how the pandemic is exacerbating existing security, humanitarian, and health risks among displaced and rebuilding Iraqi minority communities. It highlighted, in particular, the global risk of a potential resurgence of the Islamic State.

Security threat

“COVID-19 and the precipitous drop in oil prices have caused the Iraqi economy to collapse, leaving a dangerous security vacuum for ISIS to exploit. Indeed, the resultant political turmoil and social strife recall the very conditions that earlier incarnations of ISIS and its supporters capitalized on during its initial surge almost a decade ago,” it stated.

“According to International Crisis Group, ISIS in its weekly newsletter Al-Naba called on its fighters to attack and weaken its enemies while they are distracted by the pandemic,” it added.

U.S. military officials have expressed concern that the Islamic State could use adverse conditions to its advantage in it recruitment efforts.

“COVID-19 has also hastened the departure of some coalition forces from Iraq, weakening counter-terrorism operations, while some ISIS detainees have recently escaped prison in Syria,” the letter stated.

On March 30, Islamic State fighters imprisoned in northwestern Syria revolted. The rioting prisoners took over one wing of the prison before Kurdish forces intervened.

“There is an urgent need for reform in the civilian security sector, in order to integrate regional militias into a unified Federal Police that upholds the rule of law and protects all citizens, regardless of religion or clan affiliation,” the letter said.

Health infrastructure needs

The economic strain has also hindered Iraqi minorities’ efforts to rebuild their communities, including medical infrastructure needs.

“Many Yazidis (Ezidis/Yezidis) want to return to Sinjar, but security, reconstruction and basic services are still lacking to allow a dignified return. There are currently only two hospitals and just one ventilator to assist the current population of around 160,000 people in the region,” the NGOs’ statement explained.

Iraq’s healthcare system, which has suffered for decades from the effects of sanctions and war, currently faces a critical shortage of doctors and medicine, according to a Reuters investigation. Hospitals in Iraq are already overcrowded and doctors overworked, while the healthcare situation is slightly better in the semi-autonomous Kurdistan Region of Iraq, which has its own health ministry.

There have been at least 1,600 cases of COVID-19 documented in Iraq, which is under pressure to reopen its border with Iran, which has had more than 85,000 confirmed coronavirus cases, according to Johns Hopkins University Coronavirus Resource Center.

Humanitarian workers have also had trouble reaching those in need due to movement restrictions, and have raised concerns about the risk of an outbreak in internally displaced persons (IDP) camps.

Social distancing is very difficult in these high-density IDP camps in Iraq, where 1.8 million people remain displaced due to insecurity and reconstruction needs, according to the UN.

The 25 NGOs called for the government of Iraq and the United Nations to provide testing capacity in the IDP camps in Sinjar, Tel Afar and the Nineveh Plains.

“At present, it is impossible to apprehend the extent of the spread of the virus because no testing for the disease is taking place in the camps, while restrictions of movement impede the work of humanitarian actors who provide basic essentials such as food, water and medicine,” they stated.

Psychological risk for trauma survivors

Genocide survivors with trauma also face increased personal risk of psychological harm amid isolation imposed by coronavirus measures.

As in much of the world, authorities in Iraqi Kurdistan have ordered people to stay home, imposed a curfew, and have closed places of worship, schools, restaurants, and most businesses. 

“Another alarming corollary of the COVID-19 pandemic in Iraq is the psychological impact on at-risk communities, including Yazidis, Turkmen and Christians, such as Assyrians,” it said.

This is a particular concern for the Yazidi communities in which thousands of women were victims of sexual violence by the Islamic State.

“Prior to the outbreak, Médecins Sans Frontières reported on a debilitating mental health crisis among Yazidis in Iraq, including a rising number of suicides,” it stated.

Suicides in this community have already been reported since social distancing measures were put into place, the NGOs reported. They called on the World Health Organization to address this “acute mental health crisis.”

In their appeal to the WHO and Iraqi government, the NGOs insisted that the stakes were high: 

“COVID-19 is a pandemic the likes of which we have not seen before. Survivors of genocide and other mass atrocity crimes are now waiting for this silent death to pass through the camps and their homes, unable to fight back.”



  • Middle East - Africa

iraq

Iraqis turn to sketches and songs to contain virus

Artists in Iraq’s southern port city of Basra have adapted the beloved characters of Bab al-Hara (The Neighborhood Gate) -- a 10-season period drama widely watched across the Arab world -- to convince their compatriots to take the pandemic seriously



  • Movies & TV

iraq

Seychellois Rupee(SCR)/Iraqi Dinar(IQD)

1 Seychellois Rupee = 69.3146 Iraqi Dinar




iraq

Trinidad and Tobago Dollar(TTD)/Iraqi Dinar(IQD)

1 Trinidad and Tobago Dollar = 176.0988 Iraqi Dinar



  • Trinidad and Tobago Dollar

iraq

Swedish Krona(SEK)/Iraqi Dinar(IQD)

1 Swedish Krona = 121.7778 Iraqi Dinar




iraq

Slovak Koruna(SKK)/Iraqi Dinar(IQD)

1 Slovak Koruna = 53.5891 Iraqi Dinar




iraq

Serbian Dinar(RSD)/Iraqi Dinar(IQD)

1 Serbian Dinar = 10.9723 Iraqi Dinar




iraq

Polish Zloty(PLN)/Iraqi Dinar(IQD)

1 Polish Zloty = 283.0133 Iraqi Dinar




iraq

Qatari Rial(QAR)/Iraqi Dinar(IQD)

1 Qatari Rial = 326.8297 Iraqi Dinar




iraq

Indian Rupee(INR)/Iraqi Dinar(IQD)

1 Indian Rupee = 15.7608 Iraqi Dinar




iraq

Pakistani Rupee(PKR)/Iraqi Dinar(IQD)

1 Pakistani Rupee = 7.4538 Iraqi Dinar




iraq

Sierra Leonean Leone(SLL)/Iraqi Dinar(IQD)

1 Sierra Leonean Leone = 0.1207 Iraqi Dinar



  • Sierra Leonean Leone

iraq

New Taiwan Dollar(TWD)/Iraqi Dinar(IQD)

1 New Taiwan Dollar = 39.8567 Iraqi Dinar



  • New Taiwan Dollar

iraq

Thai Baht(THB)/Iraqi Dinar(IQD)

1 Thai Baht = 37.1638 Iraqi Dinar




iraq

Turkish Lira(TRY)/Iraqi Dinar(IQD)

1 Turkish Lira = 167.8633 Iraqi Dinar




iraq

Singapore Dollar(SGD)/Iraqi Dinar(IQD)

1 Singapore Dollar = 842.3586 Iraqi Dinar




iraq

Mauritian Rupee(MUR)/Iraqi Dinar(IQD)

1 Mauritian Rupee = 29.967 Iraqi Dinar




iraq

Nepalese Rupee(NPR)/Iraqi Dinar(IQD)

1 Nepalese Rupee = 9.8399 Iraqi Dinar




iraq

Bangladeshi Taka(BDT)/Iraqi Dinar(IQD)

1 Bangladeshi Taka = 14.0009 Iraqi Dinar




iraq

Moldovan Leu(MDL)/Iraqi Dinar(IQD)

1 Moldovan Leu = 66.737 Iraqi Dinar




iraq

Colombian Peso(COP)/Iraqi Dinar(IQD)

1 Colombian Peso = 0.3054 Iraqi Dinar




iraq

Uruguayan Peso(UYU)/Iraqi Dinar(IQD)

1 Uruguayan Peso = 27.5849 Iraqi Dinar




iraq

Uzbekistan Som(UZS)/Iraqi Dinar(IQD)

1 Uzbekistan Som = 0.1177 Iraqi Dinar




iraq

Russian Ruble(RUB)/Iraqi Dinar(IQD)

1 Russian Ruble = 16.2117 Iraqi Dinar




iraq

Iraqi Dinar(IQD)/Zambian Kwacha(ZMK)

1 Iraqi Dinar = 4.3609 Zambian Kwacha




iraq

Iraqi Dinar(IQD)/South African Rand(ZAR)

1 Iraqi Dinar = 0.0154 South African Rand




iraq

Iraqi Dinar(IQD)/Yemeni Rial(YER)

1 Iraqi Dinar = 0.2104 Yemeni Rial




iraq

Iraqi Dinar(IQD)/CFA Franc BCEAO(XOF)

1 Iraqi Dinar = 0.5084 CFA Franc BCEAO




iraq

Iraqi Dinar(IQD)/Vietnamese Dong(VND)

1 Iraqi Dinar = 19.6643 Vietnamese Dong




iraq

Iraqi Dinar(IQD)/Venezuelan Bolivar Fuerte(VEF)

1 Iraqi Dinar = 0.0084 Venezuelan Bolivar Fuerte




iraq

Iraqi Dinar(IQD)/Uzbekistan Som(UZS)

1 Iraqi Dinar = 8.495 Uzbekistan Som




iraq

Iraqi Dinar(IQD)/Uruguayan Peso(UYU)

1 Iraqi Dinar = 0.0363 Uruguayan Peso




iraq

Iraqi Dinar(IQD)/US Dollar(USD)

1 Iraqi Dinar = 0.0008 US Dollar




iraq

Iraqi Dinar(IQD)/Ugandan Shilling(UGX)

1 Iraqi Dinar = 3.1935 Ugandan Shilling




iraq

Iraqi Dinar(IQD)/Ukrainian Hryvnia(UAH)

1 Iraqi Dinar = 0.0226 Ukrainian Hryvnia




iraq

Iraqi Dinar(IQD)/Tanzanian Shilling(TZS)

1 Iraqi Dinar = 1.9447 Tanzanian Shilling




iraq

Iraqi Dinar(IQD)/New Taiwan Dollar(TWD)

1 Iraqi Dinar = 0.0251 New Taiwan Dollar




iraq

Iraqi Dinar(IQD)/Trinidad and Tobago Dollar(TTD)

1 Iraqi Dinar = 0.0057 Trinidad and Tobago Dollar




iraq

Iraqi Dinar(IQD)/Turkish Lira(TRY)

1 Iraqi Dinar = 0.006 Turkish Lira