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Ring lights, loved by influencers and YouTubers, are now being snatched up by work-from-home employees for Zoom calls and video chats

  • Millions of people have quickly had to adapt to working from home during the pandemic, leading some to scramble to look presentable over video chats with colleagues.
  • One strategy workers have used is the purchase of a ring light, a product that can be used in your video set-up to to improve lighting of your face on-camera.
  • Right lights have already been popular buys for influencers, vloggers, and TikTok creators who adopt various tools to produce professional-quality videos uploaded online.
  • Visit Business Insider's homepage for more stories.

The ring light is beloved by YouTubers and aspiring TikTok creators for casting a flattering, even glow across anyone's face. Now, ring lights are seeing widespread interest among people tuning into Zoom work calls from their poorly lit homes during the pandemic.

Video conferencing software has exponentially grown in use in recent months, and employees now find themselves in situations online creators have been dealing with for years: Looking their best in front of the camera while in the comfort of their own homes.

Lockdown orders have coincided with a recent surge of interest in ring lights, especially in the U.S. where work-from-home rolled out to non-essential employees starting in early March. Twitter users have been sharing with followers their recent ring light purchases for classes, work meetings, and happy hours taking place over Zoom and FaceTime.

Ring light set-ups provide the benefits of a professional photo studio without the cost, casting your face in a shadow-free, flattering hue while you're in front of the camera. Ring lights on Amazon go for between $60 and $150, depending on how powerful of a light or complicated of a set-up you want. Many of these ring-lights come with tripods and pieces to hold your phone or camera.

Although newly work-from-home employees may just be discovering ring lights for the first time, they've long been a trick for creators whose bedrooms have doubled as their studios. While ring lights have been especially vital for makeup tutorials and beauty vloggers, they've since become commonplace to set-ups for young people starting out on YouTube and TikTok. Now, they're just one of the products with appearance-adjusting features catered to influencers, such as specific camera models that come with skin-smoothing filters.

As dates for returning to the office continue to get pushed back at some companies, sales will likely continue to rise for ring lights. However, it's probably on the more expensive side of simple tips and tricks to implement to look for presentable on your video calls. For those that don't want to splash out cash for a ring light, Zoom has a little-known filter on its platform that users can apply to give their faces a softer look and minimize imperfections. The "touch up my appearance" can be turned on directly within the Zoom app (you can find the steps for activating it on Business Insider).

SEE ALSO: WhatsApp is touting steps taken to cut the viral spread of coronavirus misinformation, but experts question whether it's done enough

Join the conversation about this story »

NOW WATCH: What makes 'Parasite' so shocking is the twist that happens in a 10-minute sequence




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oscon: Community Management Training - strategic planning, creating buzz, handling conflict + more http://t.co/eHz9h6VfnU @jonobacon #oscon

oscon: Community Management Training - strategic planning, creating buzz, handling conflict + more http://t.co/eHz9h6VfnU @jonobacon #oscon




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27 SaaS & Subscription Influencers and Experts to Follow into 2019

If you’re an entrepreneur nurturing your own company to a full-blown success, you are always looking for insights and ideas to take your business to the next level, right? But you’re probably super busy as well, and don’t always have the time to figure out where you should be looking for those insights.




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‘Man of God’ NFL Star Points Out Things To Be Grateful for During the Pandemic: ‘There’s So Much’

During times of panic and suffering, it is important to take a step back and remember that “God is always in control.” One NFL star known for proudly displaying his faith made that message quite clear during an episode of the Fox Nation show “Bible Study: Messages of Hope” which debuted this week. Demario Davis,…

The post ‘Man of God’ NFL Star Points Out Things To Be Grateful for During the Pandemic: ‘There’s So Much’ appeared first on The Western Journal.




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Article: Mobile Apps, Influencer Marketing Top Fraud Targets for 2018

Michael Tiffany, co-founder and president of ad verification and fraud prevention firm White Ops, discusses the next evolution of fraudulent practices for 2018.




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BREAKING: Sen Marsha Blackburn Introduces Stop COVID Act…Allowing US Citizens To Sue Communist China For Damage They’ve Inflicted On Our Nation

The following article, BREAKING: Sen Marsha Blackburn Introduces Stop COVID Act…Allowing US Citizens To Sue Communist China For Damage They’ve Inflicted On Our Nation, was first published on 100PercentFedUp.com.

Yesterday, Senator Marsha Blackburn (R-TN), along with Senator Martha McSally (R-AZ) introduced the Stop COVID Act, giving Americans the ability to sue Communist China for the damage they’ve inflicted on our nation. Senator Blackburn appeared on Fox News with host Judge Jeanine where she explained the act to Jeanine Pirro. Blackburn told the Fox News […]

Continue reading: BREAKING: Sen Marsha Blackburn Introduces Stop COVID Act…Allowing US Citizens To Sue Communist China For Damage They’ve Inflicted On Our Nation ...




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The FKH domain in FOXP3 mRNA frequently contains mutations in hepatocellular carcinoma that influence the subcellular localization and functions of FOXP3 [Molecular Bases of Disease]

The transcription factor forkhead box P3 (FOXP3) is a biomarker for regulatory T cells and can also be expressed in cancer cells, but its function in cancer appears to be divergent. The role of hepatocyte-expressed FOXP3 in hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC) is unknown. Here, we collected tumor samples and clinical information from 115 HCC patients and used five human cancer cell lines. We examined FOXP3 mRNA sequences for mutations, used a luciferase assay to assess promoter activities of FOXP3's target genes, and employed mouse tumor models to confirm in vitro results. We detected mutations in the FKH domain of FOXP3 mRNAs in 33% of the HCC tumor tissues, but in none of the adjacent nontumor tissues. None of the mutations occurred at high frequency, indicating that they occurred randomly. Notably, the mutations were not detected in the corresponding regions of FOXP3 genomic DNA, and many of them resulted in amino acid substitutions in the FKH region, altering FOXP3's subcellular localization. FOXP3 delocalization from the nucleus to the cytoplasm caused loss of transcriptional regulation of its target genes, inactivated its tumor-inhibitory capability, and changed cellular responses to histone deacetylase (HDAC) inhibitors. More complex FKH mutations appeared to be associated with worse prognosis in HCC patients. We conclude that mutations in the FKH domain of FOXP3 mRNA frequently occur in HCC and that these mutations are caused by errors in transcription and are not derived from genomic DNA mutations. Our results suggest that transcriptional mutagenesis of FOXP3 plays a role in HCC.




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Reactive dicarbonyl compounds cause Calcitonin Gene-Related Peptide release and synergize with inflammatory conditions in mouse skin and peritoneum [Molecular Bases of Disease]

The plasmas of diabetic or uremic patients and of those receiving peritoneal dialysis treatment have increased levels of the glucose-derived dicarbonyl metabolites like methylglyoxal (MGO), glyoxal (GO), and 3-deoxyglucosone (3-DG). The elevated dicarbonyl levels can contribute to the development of painful neuropathies. Here, we used stimulated immunoreactive Calcitonin Gene–Related Peptide (iCGRP) release as a measure of nociceptor activation, and we found that each dicarbonyl metabolite induces a concentration-, TRPA1-, and Ca2+-dependent iCGRP release. MGO, GO, and 3-DG were about equally potent in the millimolar range. We hypothesized that another dicarbonyl, 3,4-dideoxyglucosone-3-ene (3,4-DGE), which is present in peritoneal dialysis (PD) solutions after heat sterilization, activates nociceptors. We also showed that at body temperatures 3,4-DGE is formed from 3-DG and that concentrations of 3,4-DGE in the micromolar range effectively induced iCGRP release from isolated murine skin. In a novel preparation of the isolated parietal peritoneum PD fluid or 3,4-DGE alone, at concentrations found in PD solutions, stimulated iCGRP release. We also tested whether inflammatory tissue conditions synergize with dicarbonyls to induce iCGRP release from isolated skin. Application of MGO together with bradykinin or prostaglandin E2 resulted in an overadditive effect on iCGRP release, whereas MGO applied at a pH of 5.2 resulted in reduced release, probably due to an MGO-mediated inhibition of transient receptor potential (TRP) V1 receptors. These results indicate that several reactive dicarbonyls activate nociceptors and potentiate inflammatory mediators. Our findings underline the roles of dicarbonyls and TRPA1 receptors in causing pain during diabetes or renal disease.




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Local Pathways Towards De-escalation of Libya's Conflict

Invitation Only Research Event

28 January 2020 - 3:00pm to 4:30pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Usama Otman Essed, Libya Center for Strategic & Future Studies
Chair: Tim Eaton, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham House

A shaky truce remains broadly in place among rival Libyan forces fighting for control of Tripoli. However, a durable ceasefire to bring an end to the current bout of conflict, which was initiated by Khalifa Haftar’s Libyan Arab Armed Forces’ (LAAF) offensive on the capital in April 2019, has not been reached. In recent weeks attention has focused on talks hosted in Moscow and Berlin, with the former aimed at agreeing a ceasefire and the latter seeking to reach agreement among international actors to bring an end to external military support for Libyan warring actors, and to craft a way forward for future intra-Libyan talks. Yet, there has been little emphasis on Libyan actors – beyond Haftar and prime minister Fayez al-Serraj – in this process.
 
This roundtable will bring together experts and policymakers to discuss means of de-escalating the conflict and seeking a lasting resolution through the development of interconnected intra-Libyan social and security negotiation tracks. Mr Usama Otman Essed of the Libya Center for Strategic and Future Studies (LCSFS) will present his research group’s ideas on these issues and discuss their ongoing efforts to promote dialogue among social and security actors.

Attendance at this event is by invitation only. 

Event attributes

Chatham House Rule

Reni Zhelyazkova

Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme
+44 (0)20 7314 3624




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After Latest Turn, Is Muqtada al-Sadr Losing Influence in Iraq?

12 February 2020

Dr Renad Mansour

Senior Research Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme; Project Director, Iraq Initiative

Ben Robin-D'Cruz

Researcher on Iraqi Politics, University of Edinburgh
The populist cleric has repositioned himself in Iraqi politics multiple times, but his recent shift against youth-led protestors may signal his decline as an autonomous political force.

2020-02-12-Sadr.jpg

Muqtada al-Sadr in Najaf in October. Photo: Getty Images.

Following the US strike on Qassem Solaimani and Abu Mehdi al-Muhandis, populist cleric Muqtada al-Sadr has violently cracked down on youth-led protests in Iraq.

His paramilitaries and ‘blue hats’ –  supposedly created to protect protestors from state and allied parastatal security forces – sought to end the months-long demonstrations by attacking the places where protesters have camped since October. In Baghdad’s Tahrir Square, they successfully captured the famous Turkish restaurant which had become a symbol of Iraq’s ‘October revolution’. 

Once the champion of Iraq’s protest movement, Sadr has seemingly changed course and now leads the counter-protests. This reversal has mystified many, from Iraqis who saw Sadr as an ally in their struggle for reform against an impenetrable elite to foreign diplomats who hoped Sadr could help pushback against Iranian influence in Iraq. 

Yet this is not the first time that Sadr has drastically redefined his position. Since 2003, he has gone from Shia sectarian militia leader to pro-democracy reformist and Iraqi nationalist.

And in the past few months, he has given mixed signals, both supporting and criticising the protesters. The most recent incidents of Sadrist violence targeting demonstrators provoked a societal backlash, prompting Sadr to change tack once more and announce that he would disband the blue hats and investigate their crimes against protesters.

Sadr and the paramilitaries

Sadr’s latest change of course may seem to flow directly from the US assassination of Qassem Soleimani and Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis and the ensuing vacuum in the Shia paramilitary sphere. Prior to this move, the Sadrists were on the defensive, outflanked and outgunned by the growing coercive and political power of a constellation of Shia armed groups coalescing under Muhandis’s de facto leadership. Many of these groups competed for Sadr’s base, including Qais al-Khazali’s Asa’ib ahl al-Haq and Akram al-Kaabi’s Harakat Hezbollah al-Nujaba.  

With Muhandis out of the picture, Sadr could reclaim the space by pushing his own right hand, Kadhem al-Issawi (Abu Do’a), to be the new centre of the paramilitary field and forcing competitors, including Khaza’li and Kaabi, to rally around his leadership.

Iran, in the short term, appears to be going along with this solution to bring more coherence to its allied forces in Iraq as it seeks to counter what it regards as US aggression. Iran also hopes that bringing Sadr back in will help neutralize the protest movement which threatens its stake in Iraqi politics. 

The most visible sign of this Iran-brokered rapprochement was the 13 January meeting in Qom attended by Sadr, Issawi and several senior militia commanders including Laith al-Khazali (Qais al-Khazali’s brother). 

Following the Qom meeting, a pattern of tit-for-tat violence and assassinations between the Sadrists’ Saraya al-Salam and Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq – ongoing since the start of the October protests in Iraq – ceased.

A fragmented movement?

However, while the US strikes certainly changed Sadr’s political calculations, there are more persistent fundamentals at work that help explain his change of course. The first of these relates to long-standing fragmentation within the movement. This exists not only within Sadrist paramilitaries, but within the movement’s clerical networks, and also applies to the ties that bind the Sadrist leadership to its popular base. This fragmentation makes it difficult for Sadr to impose a coherent politics on his followers from the top down.

There are signs that Sadr’s recent shift in position has exacerbated this fragmentation. His attempt to reposition the movement’s base within the ‘resistance axis’ that supports the Shia militias in Iraq has only been partially successful. On 24 January, responding to the US assassinations, Sadr called for a million-man march focused on expelling US forces from Iraq. However, turnout was poor, especially given the huge logistical support for the march, and it lasted only a few hours.

Equally revealing, when Sadr called on his supporters to vacate the squares, many refused. One Sadrist protester in Baghdad’s Tahrir Square told the authors: ‘We’ve been camping with our brothers and sisters for four months. Why should we leave them to die?’

Meanwhile, fissures have also opened up within the Sadrists’ clerical elite. One senior Sadrist cleric, for example, is openly defying Sadr’s authority and siding with the revolutionaries in Nasiriyah. 

Sadr’s attempt to dominate the paramilitary sphere is also unlikely to prove any more successful than his many previous failed attempts since 2003. He is neither trusted nor respected by the leaders of other groups. The Iran-brokered rapprochement is already showing signs of weakness. Two recent assassinations of Saraya al-Salam leaders in Basra and Maysan indicate a potential renewal of power struggles between the Sadrist militia and Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq.  

Sadr is not a revolutionary

Sadr has never been a revolutionary, but someone who seeks to leverage a role as both ‘spoiler’ and ‘stabilizer’ to maximise his political leverage. This strategy is ultimately oriented towards sustaining Iraq’s extant political system, not its overthrow. Forced to choose between the roles of revolutionary or maintainer of the status quo, he has opted for the latter. 

The protests that erupted in 2019 were not the same movement that Sadr led from 2015. The 2015 protests were an elite-driven phenomenon, integrated into the political field and carefully calibrated to exert pressure on the elite towards gradual reform. 

By contrast, the 2019 demonstrations spring from a youth-led, bottom-up mobilization that rejects politicization and seeks a more radical form of change. Chatham House surveys in a forthcoming paper reveal that the protesters are younger that those who protested in 2015-16. Fewer have permanent employment. Instead of demanding better services or jobs, they are focusing wholesale transformation of the post-2003 political system.

A Sadrist official told the authors that their movement initially joined the protests in October 2019 expecting a similar reform-orientation to the protests which Sadr had previously led. However, according to him, the protesters failed to come forward with reasonable demands or alternative names for prime minister. He believed the protests would fade, and many would regret the ‘wasted time and blood’. 

Sadr’s relations with Iran

A final long-term factor at play is Sadr’s receding autonomy from Iran. Ever since his movement’s electoral victory in May 2018, Sadr came under enormous pressure to reconcile with the political wing of the Iranian-allied parastatal armed groups in the formation of a new government acceptable to Iran.

Over the last year, Sadr has moved even closer to Iran, spending more time in Qom. Iran has offered Sadr security from his paramilitary rivals (such as Asa’ib ahl al-Haq), convincing Sadr that he is safer in Iran than Iraq. Moreover, Sadr is undertaking religious training in Qom, and may see this as a chance to enhance his standing in the Shia religious field as many look towards a future beyond the elderly Najaf-based marja Ali al-Sistani.

By keeping Sadr in Qom, Iran appears to be trying to isolate him from what they regard as negative influences. As tensions between the Sadrists and other protest groups intensified, efforts were made by some protest leaders and allied political groups to reach Sadr in Qom and try to persuade him to change course or restrain the worst abuses of his forces. However, this delegation was unable to make contact with Sadr. Those involved told the authors they have resorted to communicating with local Sadrist leaders in Najaf, Babil, Basra and Baghdad. 

Crossing a line

This is a transformative moment for the Sadrists. Sadr is now defying the popular sentiments driving protests across central and southern Iraq. The sense of betrayal among former allies and friends of the Sadrists is palpable. One senior activist involved in cooperation with the Sadrists wrote that, no matter what moves Sadr makes next, the cleric has ‘terminated all partnership with the protesters,’ and ‘shattered the framework for cooperation’. A line has thus been crossed that Sadr cannot reverse; he will not be able to recover what he has now lost. 

Iran, also, does not see Sadr as a dependable ally, and will look to isolate and side-line the cleric when the opportunity arises. Thus, in seeking to exploit a crisis for short-term gain, Sadr may well have sealed his fate – in the long term – as a declining force in Iraqi politics.




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Conflict and the Water Crisis in Iraq

Invitation Only Research Event

9 March 2020 - 9:00am to 10:30am

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Dr Azzam Alwash, Founder & CEO, Nature Iraq
Peter Schwartzstein, Independent Journalist; Non-Resident Fellow, Centre for Climate Security
Discussant: Dr Jehan Baban, Founder & President, The Iraqi Environment and Health Society-UK
Chair: Dr Glada Lahn, Senior Research Fellow, Energy, Environment and Resources Department, Chatham House

Water is a critical issue for Iraq’s future stability and prosperity. Only a few decades ago, the country was one of the most fertile in the region, with two major rivers flowing through it. Today, national and transboundary pollution, mismanagement, and debilitating cycles of conflict have contributed to a situation where only half of current water needs are being met, and where an 80% reduction in the flow of water down the Tigris and Euphrates rivers has led to the loss of millions of acres of formerly productive land and the displacement of rural communities.

Water scarcity can be a driver of violence and conflict. Tribal conflicts over water sources have erupted sporadically in the south and the contamination of municipal water which led to the hospitalization of some 118,000 citizens was a trigger for the large-scale protests in Basra in late 2018. Without concerted action by national and local governments, companies and international agencies, the situation will only worsen as higher temperatures and reduced rainfall drive rural-to-urban migration and increase the risk of drought, food insecurity and water-related diseases.

At this roundtable, part of the Chatham House Iraq Initiative, experts will discuss the domestic, regional and international factors that continue to exacerbate the water crisis in Iraq, and propose solutions, including technical innovation, public sector capacity-building and greater international cooperation, that might contribute to effective state-building, build resilience to the effects of climate change and reduce the risk of further conflict.

Event attributes

Chatham House Rule

Georgia Cooke

Project Manager, Middle East and North Africa Programme
+44 (0)20 7957 5740




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Britain should treat Europe as its ‘inner circle’ or risk losing international influence

13 October 2015

20151019BritanEuropeWorld.jpg

British Prime Minister David Cameron sits with other world leaders at the G20 summit in Brisbane, Australia on 15 November 2014. Photo by Getty Images.

Given the international context, it is in Britain’s best interests to treat Europe as the ‘inner circle’ of its foreign, security and international economic policy, argues Dr Robin Niblett, director of Chatham House, in a new paper.

The British government’s approach since 2010 of seeking to enhance the UK's relations with the world’s emerging powers while balancing these with relationships with the United States and Europe has had only limited success. With constrained resources, and in the face of intense global economic competition, mounting security challenges and decaying international institutions, trying to commit the UK equally on all three fronts will not succeed in the future.

Britain, Europe and the World: Rethinking the UK’s Circles of Influence calls for a different mindset and strategy towards the UK’s place in the world – one in which Britain is surrounded by three concentric circles of influence:

  • The first or ‘inner circle’ is the EU, the region with which the UK’s relationships need to be strongest and most active.
  • The ‘second circle’ consists of the protective and enabling set of economic and security relationships with the US.
  • Finally, an ‘outer circle’ comprises the UK’s other key bilateral and institutional relationships.

Should the UK vote to remain in the EU, policy-makers should commit to placing the EU at the centre of Britain's foreign policy, using the country’s economic weight, diplomatic skills and networks to play a leading role in leveraging more effective EU-wide policies.
 
Should the country vote to leave, the UK and the EU would enter an extended period of dislocation before arriving at a new, mutually diminished settlement. British policy-makers would be forced to deal and negotiate with the EU on critical policy issues from the outside. It is hard to see, argues Dr Niblett, how that could lead to EU policies or an international context more in line with British interests.                          

Despite its structural flaws and competing national interests, the EU offers the best prospects for managing the rapidly changing global context, for three main reasons:

First, it allows the UK to leverage the EU’s global economic weight to enhance the UK’s economic interests internationally, including securing beneficial trade agreements and contributing to EU and global standard-setting and rule-writing. Conversely, leaving would require the UK to renegotiate over 100 trade agreements, and would disadvantage UK interests in EU markets, including making EU governments less likely to liberalize services.                          

Second, it gives the UK a say in designing new EU initiatives to strengthen both British and European security in the face of diverse threats, whether managing the flow of refugees and other emigrants; combatting terrorism; or managing a more assertive Russia and the fallout from a disintegrating Middle East.                          

Third, cooperating with other EU members offers a way of maximizing opportunities to find joint solutions to shared problems, whether in terms of responding to climate change; managing growing cyber insecurity; reversing the decay of governance in failing states; or combating the rise of dangerous non-state actors.

Dr Robin Niblett said:

‘Britain is likely to be richer, safer and more influential in the coming decades if it treats Europe as the ‘inner circle’ of its foreign policy. For a mid-sized country like the UK, being a major player in a strong regional institution can offer a critical lever for international influence. In the UK’s case, this means choosing to be a leading player in the world’s principal civilian power, the European Union.’

                          

Editor's notes

Read Britain, Europe and the World: Rethinking the UK's Circles of Influence

Chatham House will host a press briefing with Dr Robin Niblett on Monday 19 October at 11:00-11:45 BST. To register, or for interview requests, please contact the press office.

The views expressed in this paper are those of the author. Chatham House experts will publish a series of papers and commentaries in the run up to the UK’s referendum on its membership of the EU. The institute will also offer a platform for debate on the referendum and Britain’s role in Europe via a series of events and meetings.

Read more about the EU referendum.

Contacts

Press Office

+44 (0)20 7957 5739




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Transatlantic Rifts: Averting a Turkey/Russia Conflict

5 August 2016

Based on a workshop which played out a scenario of rising tensions between Turkey and Russia, this paper finds that the situation would have to escalate dramatically to threaten transatlantic unity.

Xenia Wickett
Former Head, US and the Americas Programme; Former Dean, The Queen Elizabeth II Academy for Leadership in International Affairs

Dr Jacob Parakilas

Former Deputy Head, US and the Americas Programme

2016-08-04-transatlantic-rift-russia-turkey.jpg

A protester waves Turkey's national flag in front of the Russian consulate during a demonstration against Russia's Syria policy on 24 November 24 2015 in Istanbul, Turkey. Photo: Getty Images.

Summary

  • Chatham House brought together 22 participants over a two-day period in May 2016 to discuss US and European responses to a potential conflict between Turkey and Russia. This was the third of four scenario roundtables (the first two involved a conflict between China and Japan and a potential breakdown in the Iran nuclear deal, respectively).
  • The scenario was designed and the roundtable took place before a number of crucial subsequent developments, including the partial restoration of Turkish/Russian relations, the British vote to leave the European Union (EU), and the attempted coup against Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. This paper should be read and understood in that context.
  • In our simulation, the United States and Europe worked closely together, with cooperation particularly in evidence between the US and Germany. While the US was slightly more willing than Europe to threaten sanctions against Russia, transatlantic unity was not seriously threatened by a Turkey/Russia conflict.
  • Western states were wary of bringing NATO into the picture for fear that this would be perceived as militarizing an already tense situation. The EU was also sidelined in favour of more ad hoc negotiating strategies.
  • Russia was effective in using international law to defend its position, even as it took steadily more aggressive action in Syria. Neither the West nor Turkey deployed an effective countermeasure to this tactic.

Department/project




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Kruppel-like factor 3 (KLF3) suppresses NF-{kappa}B-driven inflammation in mice [Immunology]

Bacterial products such as lipopolysaccharides (or endotoxin) cause systemic inflammation, resulting in a substantial global health burden. The onset, progression, and resolution of the inflammatory response to endotoxin are usually tightly controlled to avoid chronic inflammation. Members of the NF-κB family of transcription factors are key drivers of inflammation that activate sets of genes in response to inflammatory signals. Such responses are typically short-lived and can be suppressed by proteins that act post-translationally, such as the SOCS (suppressor of cytokine signaling) family. Less is known about direct transcriptional regulation of these responses, however. Here, using a combination of in vitro approaches and in vivo animal models, we show that endotoxin treatment induced expression of the well-characterized transcriptional repressor Krüppel-like factor 3 (KLF3), which, in turn, directly repressed the expression of the NF-κB family member RELA/p65. We also observed that KLF3-deficient mice were hypersensitive to endotoxin and exhibited elevated levels of circulating Ly6C+ monocytes and macrophage-derived inflammatory cytokines. These findings reveal that KLF3 is a fundamental suppressor that operates as a feedback inhibitor of RELA/p65 and may be important in facilitating the resolution of inflammation.




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Inflammatory and mitogenic signals drive interleukin 23 subunit alpha (IL23A) secretion independent of IL12B in intestinal epithelial cells [Signal Transduction]

The heterodimeric cytokine interleukin-23 (IL-23 or IL23A/IL12B) is produced by dendritic cells and macrophages and promotes the proinflammatory and regenerative activities of T helper 17 (Th17) and innate lymphoid cells. A recent study has reported that IL-23 is also secreted by lung adenoma cells and generates an inflammatory and immune-suppressed stroma. Here, we observed that proinflammatory tumor necrosis factor (TNF)/NF-κB and mitogen-activated protein kinase (MAPK) signaling strongly induce IL23A expression in intestinal epithelial cells. Moreover, we identified a strong crosstalk between the NF-κB and MAPK/ERK kinase (MEK) pathways, involving the formation of a transcriptional enhancer complex consisting of proto-oncogene c-Jun (c-Jun), RELA proto-oncogene NF-κB subunit (RelA), RUNX family transcription factor 1 (RUNX1), and RUNX3. Collectively, these proteins induced IL23A secretion, confirmed by immunoprecipitation of endogenous IL23A from activated human colorectal cancer (CRC) cell culture supernatants. Interestingly, IL23A was likely secreted in a noncanonical form, as it was not detected by an ELISA specific for heterodimeric IL-23 likely because IL12B expression is absent in CRC cells. Given recent evidence that IL23A promotes tumor formation, we evaluated the efficacy of MAPK/NF-κB inhibitors in attenuating IL23A expression and found that the MEK inhibitor trametinib and BAY 11–7082 (an IKKα/IκB inhibitor) effectively inhibited IL23A in a subset of human CRC lines with mutant KRAS or BRAFV600E mutations. Together, these results indicate that proinflammatory and mitogenic signals dynamically regulate IL23A in epithelial cells. They further reveal its secretion in a noncanonical form independent of IL12B and that small-molecule inhibitors can attenuate IL23A secretion.




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Cross-regulation between LUBAC and caspase-1 modulates cell death and inflammation [Signal Transduction]

The linear ubiquitin assembly complex (LUBAC) is an essential component of the innate and adaptive immune system. Modification of cellular substrates with linear polyubiquitin chains is a key regulatory step in signal transduction that impacts cell death and inflammatory signaling downstream of various innate immunity receptors. Loss-of-function mutations in the LUBAC components HOIP and HOIL-1 yield a systemic autoinflammatory disease in humans, whereas their genetic ablation is embryonically lethal in mice. Deficiency of the LUBAC adaptor protein Sharpin results in a multi-organ inflammatory disease in mice characterized by chronic proliferative dermatitis (cpdm), which is propagated by TNFR1-induced and RIPK1-mediated keratinocyte cell death. We have previously shown that caspase-1 and -11 promoted the dermatitis pathology of cpdm mice and mediated cell death in the skin. Here, we describe a reciprocal regulation of caspase-1 and LUBAC activities in keratinocytes. We show that LUBAC interacted with caspase-1 via HOIP and modified its CARD domain with linear polyubiquitin and that depletion of HOIP or Sharpin resulted in heightened caspase-1 activation and cell death in response to inflammasome activation, unlike what is observed in macrophages. Reciprocally, caspase-1, as well as caspase-8, regulated LUBAC activity by proteolytically processing HOIP at Asp-348 and Asp-387 during the execution of cell death. HOIP processing impeded substrate ubiquitination in the NF-κB pathway and resulted in enhanced apoptosis. These results highlight a regulatory mechanism underlying efficient apoptosis in keratinocytes and provide further evidence of a cross-talk between inflammatory and cell death pathways.




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Small-molecule agonists of the RET receptor tyrosine kinase activate biased trophic signals that are influenced by the presence of GFRa1 co-receptors [Neurobiology]

Glial cell line–derived neurotrophic factor (GDNF) is a growth factor that regulates the health and function of neurons and other cells. GDNF binds to GDNF family receptor α1 (GFRa1), and the resulting complex activates the RET receptor tyrosine kinase and subsequent downstream signals. This feature restricts GDNF activity to systems in which GFRa1 and RET are both present, a scenario that may constrain GDNF breadth of action. Furthermore, this co-dependence precludes the use of GDNF as a tool to study a putative functional cross-talk between GFRa1 and RET. Here, using biochemical techniques, terminal deoxynucleotidyl transferase dUTP nick end labeling staining, and immunohistochemistry in murine cells, tissues, or retinal organotypic cultures, we report that a naphthoquinone/quinolinedione family of small molecules (Q compounds) acts as RET agonists. We found that, like GDNF, signaling through the parental compound Q121 is GFRa1-dependent. Structural modifications of Q121 generated analogs that activated RET irrespective of GFRa1 expression. We used these analogs to examine RET–GFRa1 interactions and show that GFRa1 can influence RET-mediated signaling and enhance or diminish AKT Ser/Thr kinase or extracellular signal-regulated kinase signaling in a biased manner. In a genetic mutant model of retinitis pigmentosa, a lead compound, Q525, afforded sustained RET activation and prevented photoreceptor neuron loss in the retina. This work uncovers key components of the dynamic relationships between RET and its GFRa co-receptor and provides RET agonist scaffolds for drug development.




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Inflammatory and mitogenic signals drive interleukin 23 subunit alpha (IL23A) secretion independent of IL12B in intestinal epithelial cells [Signal Transduction]

The heterodimeric cytokine interleukin-23 (IL-23 or IL23A/IL12B) is produced by dendritic cells and macrophages and promotes the proinflammatory and regenerative activities of T helper 17 (Th17) and innate lymphoid cells. A recent study has reported that IL-23 is also secreted by lung adenoma cells and generates an inflammatory and immune-suppressed stroma. Here, we observed that proinflammatory tumor necrosis factor (TNF)/NF-κB and mitogen-activated protein kinase (MAPK) signaling strongly induce IL23A expression in intestinal epithelial cells. Moreover, we identified a strong crosstalk between the NF-κB and MAPK/ERK kinase (MEK) pathways, involving the formation of a transcriptional enhancer complex consisting of proto-oncogene c-Jun (c-Jun), RELA proto-oncogene NF-κB subunit (RelA), RUNX family transcription factor 1 (RUNX1), and RUNX3. Collectively, these proteins induced IL23A secretion, confirmed by immunoprecipitation of endogenous IL23A from activated human colorectal cancer (CRC) cell culture supernatants. Interestingly, IL23A was likely secreted in a noncanonical form, as it was not detected by an ELISA specific for heterodimeric IL-23 likely because IL12B expression is absent in CRC cells. Given recent evidence that IL23A promotes tumor formation, we evaluated the efficacy of MAPK/NF-κB inhibitors in attenuating IL23A expression and found that the MEK inhibitor trametinib and BAY 11–7082 (an IKKα/IκB inhibitor) effectively inhibited IL23A in a subset of human CRC lines with mutant KRAS or BRAFV600E mutations. Together, these results indicate that proinflammatory and mitogenic signals dynamically regulate IL23A in epithelial cells. They further reveal its secretion in a noncanonical form independent of IL12B and that small-molecule inhibitors can attenuate IL23A secretion.




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Ten Conflicts to Watch in 2020

Members Event

12 February 2020 - 1:00pm to 2:00pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Robert Malley, President & CEO, International Crisis Group

Chair: Dr Leslie Vinjamuri, Dean, Queen Elizabeth II Academy for Leadership in International Affairs; Director, US and the Americas Programme

Following a year of protests, extreme politics and the emergence of new and sophisticated security challenges, Robert Malley and Leslie Vinjamuri examine the International Crisis Group’s Ten Conflicts to Watch in 2020.

They identify key challenges for international relations, discuss the potential for national and regional political instability and consider how these issues may impact foreign policy, international security and democratic governance.

Members Events Team




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Civil society perspectives on sexual violence in conflict: patriarchy and war strategy in Colombia

4 March 2020 , Volume 96, Number 2

Anne-Kathrin Kreft

In international policy circles, conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) is commonly viewed as a weapon of war, a framing that researchers have criticized as overly simplistic. Feminist scholars in particular caution that the ‘weapon of war’ framing decontextualizes sexual violence in conflict from the structural factors of gender inequality that underpin its perpetration. In light of these tensions, how do politically relevant local actors perceive the nature and the origins of conflict-related sexual violence? Civil society organizations often actively confront conflict-related sexual violence on the ground. A better understanding of how their perceptions of this violence align or clash with the globally dominant ‘weapon of war’ narratives therefore has important policy implications. Interviews with representatives of Colombian women's organizations and victims' associations reveal that these civil society activists predominantly view conflict-related sexual violence as the result of patriarchal structures. The mobilized women perceive sexual violence as a very gendered violence that exists on a continuum extending through peace, the everyday and war, and which the presence of arms exacerbates. Strategic sexual violence, too, is understood to ultimately have its basis in patriarchal structures. The findings expose a disconnect between the globally dominant ‘weapon of war’ understanding that is decontextualized from structural factors and a local approach to CRSV that establishes clear linkages to societal gender inequality.




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Lesotho’s Domestic Priorities and Global Interests: Small Country Levers for International Influence

Research Event

7 April 2014 - 3:00pm to 4:00pm

Chatham House, London

Event participants

HE Dr Motsoahae Thomas Thabane, Prime Minister of Lesotho
Chair: Ian Lucas MP, Shadow Minister for Africa and the Middle East

The landlocked southern African nation of Lesotho faces a number of domestic challenges in 2014. Reducing reliance on the agricultural sector, containing the prevalence of HIV and improving service delivery are all important issues that must be addressed to ensure sustainable growth. However, social achievements including literacy rates and levels of gender parity among the highest in Africa, the country’s potential for electricity exports, and the booming relationship between its textile industry and the United States, could mean Lesotho is well-placed for future growth and development. 

HE Prime Minister Tom Thabane will discuss how his government seeks to address the Lesotho’s domestic issues and how the country seeks to exert its influence in the regional Southern African Development Community.




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Asfari Forum: The Role of Civil Society in Tackling Sectarian and Interfaith Conflicts in the MENA Region

Invitation Only Research Event

12 November 2015 - 2:00pm to 5:15pm

Chatham House, London

This roundtable will explore the role of and the challenges faced by both the international community and local civil society in countering sectarian narratives in the Middle East and North Africa region. Speakers will draw on their experiences working with communities in Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, and Egypt to discuss potential contributions that can be made at the local, national, and international level in tackling the root causes of religious division and facilitating positive community relations.

This inaugural Asfari Forum is sponsored by the Asfari Foundation.

Attendance at this event is by invitation only.

Event attributes

Chatham House Rule




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Settlers in Contested Lands: Territorial Disputes and Ethnic Conflict

Members Event

21 April 2016 - 1:00pm to 2:00pm

Chatham House London, UK

Event participants

Oded Haklai, Associate Professor, Department of Political Studies, Queen's University, Ontario
Neophytos Loizides, Reader, University of Kent; Leverhulme Trust Research Fellow
Madurika Rasaratnam, Lecturer, International Conflict Analysis, University of Kent
Chair: Evangelos Liaras, IE University, Madrid; Academy Associate, Chatham House

This panel will discuss the phenomenon of settlement and the role of settlers in modern conflicts, drawing from recently published work on Israel and the West Bank, Turkish settlers in Cyprus and government run farmer settlement schemes in Sri Lanka.

The panelists, experts in the respective cases, will analyse the role of settlers in mobilization and violence, the conceptual framing of settlement during negotiations and the clash of legal principles versus pragmatism for the resolution of these conflicts. Looking beyond these specific cases, the panel will also raise larger questions about settlers and settlement in international politics.

Members Events Team




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Thematic review series: The Pathogenesis of Atherosclerosis. Effects of infection and inflammation on lipid and lipoprotein metabolism mechanisms and consequences to the host

Weerapan Khovidhunkit
Jul 1, 2004; 45:1169-1196
Thematic Reviews




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Civil society perspectives on sexual violence in conflict: patriarchy and war strategy in Colombia

4 March 2020 , Volume 96, Number 2

Anne-Kathrin Kreft

In international policy circles, conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) is commonly viewed as a weapon of war, a framing that researchers have criticized as overly simplistic. Feminist scholars in particular caution that the ‘weapon of war’ framing decontextualizes sexual violence in conflict from the structural factors of gender inequality that underpin its perpetration. In light of these tensions, how do politically relevant local actors perceive the nature and the origins of conflict-related sexual violence? Civil society organizations often actively confront conflict-related sexual violence on the ground. A better understanding of how their perceptions of this violence align or clash with the globally dominant ‘weapon of war’ narratives therefore has important policy implications. Interviews with representatives of Colombian women's organizations and victims' associations reveal that these civil society activists predominantly view conflict-related sexual violence as the result of patriarchal structures. The mobilized women perceive sexual violence as a very gendered violence that exists on a continuum extending through peace, the everyday and war, and which the presence of arms exacerbates. Strategic sexual violence, too, is understood to ultimately have its basis in patriarchal structures. The findings expose a disconnect between the globally dominant ‘weapon of war’ understanding that is decontextualized from structural factors and a local approach to CRSV that establishes clear linkages to societal gender inequality.




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Roles of the DOCK-D family proteins in a mouse model of neuroinflammation [Neurobiology]

The DOCK-D (dedicator of cytokinesis D) family proteins are atypical guanine nucleotide exchange factors that regulate Rho GTPase activity. The family consists of Zizimin1 (DOCK9), Zizimin2 (DOCK11), and Zizimin3 (DOCK10). Functions of the DOCK-D family proteins are presently not well-explored, and the role of the DOCK-D family in neuroinflammation is unknown. In this study, we generated three mouse lines in which DOCK9 (DOCK9−/−), DOCK10 (DOCK10−/−), or DOCK11 (DOCK11−/−) had been deleted and examined the phenotypic effects of these gene deletions in MOG35–55 peptide-induced experimental autoimmune encephalomyelitis, an animal model of the neuroinflammatory disorder multiple sclerosis. We found that all the gene knockout lines were healthy and viable. The only phenotype observed under normal conditions was a slightly smaller proportion of B cells in splenocytes in DOCK10−/− mice than in the other mouse lines. We also found that the migration ability of macrophages is impaired in DOCK10−/− and DOCK11−/− mice and that the severity of experimental autoimmune encephalomyelitis was ameliorated only in DOCK10−/− mice. No apparent phenotype was observed for DOCK9−/− mice. Further investigations indicated that lipopolysaccharide stimulation up-regulates DOCK10 expression in microglia and that microglial migration is decreased in DOCK10−/− mice. Up-regulation of C–C motif chemokine ligand 2 (CCL2) expression induced by activation of Toll-like receptor 4 or 9 signaling was reduced in DOCK10−/− astrocytes compared with WT astrocytes. Taken together, our findings suggest that DOCK10 plays a role in innate immunity and neuroinflammation and might represent a potential therapeutic target for managing multiple sclerosis.




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Small-molecule agonists of the RET receptor tyrosine kinase activate biased trophic signals that are influenced by the presence of GFRa1 co-receptors [Neurobiology]

Glial cell line–derived neurotrophic factor (GDNF) is a growth factor that regulates the health and function of neurons and other cells. GDNF binds to GDNF family receptor α1 (GFRa1), and the resulting complex activates the RET receptor tyrosine kinase and subsequent downstream signals. This feature restricts GDNF activity to systems in which GFRa1 and RET are both present, a scenario that may constrain GDNF breadth of action. Furthermore, this co-dependence precludes the use of GDNF as a tool to study a putative functional cross-talk between GFRa1 and RET. Here, using biochemical techniques, terminal deoxynucleotidyl transferase dUTP nick end labeling staining, and immunohistochemistry in murine cells, tissues, or retinal organotypic cultures, we report that a naphthoquinone/quinolinedione family of small molecules (Q compounds) acts as RET agonists. We found that, like GDNF, signaling through the parental compound Q121 is GFRa1-dependent. Structural modifications of Q121 generated analogs that activated RET irrespective of GFRa1 expression. We used these analogs to examine RET–GFRa1 interactions and show that GFRa1 can influence RET-mediated signaling and enhance or diminish AKT Ser/Thr kinase or extracellular signal-regulated kinase signaling in a biased manner. In a genetic mutant model of retinitis pigmentosa, a lead compound, Q525, afforded sustained RET activation and prevented photoreceptor neuron loss in the retina. This work uncovers key components of the dynamic relationships between RET and its GFRa co-receptor and provides RET agonist scaffolds for drug development.




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Reactive dicarbonyl compounds cause Calcitonin Gene-Related Peptide release and synergize with inflammatory conditions in mouse skin and peritoneum [Molecular Bases of Disease]

The plasmas of diabetic or uremic patients and of those receiving peritoneal dialysis treatment have increased levels of the glucose-derived dicarbonyl metabolites like methylglyoxal (MGO), glyoxal (GO), and 3-deoxyglucosone (3-DG). The elevated dicarbonyl levels can contribute to the development of painful neuropathies. Here, we used stimulated immunoreactive Calcitonin Gene–Related Peptide (iCGRP) release as a measure of nociceptor activation, and we found that each dicarbonyl metabolite induces a concentration-, TRPA1-, and Ca2+-dependent iCGRP release. MGO, GO, and 3-DG were about equally potent in the millimolar range. We hypothesized that another dicarbonyl, 3,4-dideoxyglucosone-3-ene (3,4-DGE), which is present in peritoneal dialysis (PD) solutions after heat sterilization, activates nociceptors. We also showed that at body temperatures 3,4-DGE is formed from 3-DG and that concentrations of 3,4-DGE in the micromolar range effectively induced iCGRP release from isolated murine skin. In a novel preparation of the isolated parietal peritoneum PD fluid or 3,4-DGE alone, at concentrations found in PD solutions, stimulated iCGRP release. We also tested whether inflammatory tissue conditions synergize with dicarbonyls to induce iCGRP release from isolated skin. Application of MGO together with bradykinin or prostaglandin E2 resulted in an overadditive effect on iCGRP release, whereas MGO applied at a pH of 5.2 resulted in reduced release, probably due to an MGO-mediated inhibition of transient receptor potential (TRP) V1 receptors. These results indicate that several reactive dicarbonyls activate nociceptors and potentiate inflammatory mediators. Our findings underline the roles of dicarbonyls and TRPA1 receptors in causing pain during diabetes or renal disease.




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Can Entrepreneurship Help Stabilize Conflict Zones?




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Stopping the Use of Chemical Weapons in Modern Conflicts




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A Weapon of War? Sexual Violence in the Syrian Conflict




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Frozen Conflict: The Transnistrian Dispute




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Can Investment Prevent Conflict?




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International Law Podcast: Starvation in Armed Conflict




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Ten Conflicts to Watch in 2019




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Operation Decisive Storm: Analysing Four Years of Conflict in Yemen




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Undercurrents: Episode 32 - Protecting Health Workers in Conflict




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Protection of the Wounded and Medical Care-Givers in Armed Conflict: Is the Law Up to the Job?




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Undercurrents: Episode 34 - Protecting Children in Conflict




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Conflict Economies in the Middle East and North Africa




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Protecting the Environment in Areas Affected by Armed Conflict




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Ten Conflicts to Watch in 2020




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Screening Room: Parts of a Circle - History of the Karabakh Conflict




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How Far Does the European Union’s Influence Extend?




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Protecting the Environment in Areas Affected by Armed Conflict

Members Event

15 October 2019 - 6:00pm to 7:00pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Dr Marja Lehto, Special Rapporteur, International Law Commission, UN
Doug Weir, Research and Policy Director, The Conflict and Environment Observatory
Chair: Elizabeth Wilmshurst CMG, Distinguished Fellow, International Law Programme, Chatham House
 

In 2011, the UN’s International Law Commission first included the ‘protection of the environment in relation to armed conflicts’ in its programme of work. Earlier this year, the Drafting Committee provisionally endorsed 28 legal principles intended to mitigate environmental degradation before, during and after conflicts. These addressed issues ranging from the pillage of natural resources to corporate environmental conduct and the environmental stress caused by population displacement.
 
Special Rapporteur Dr Marja Lehto and a panel of experts will discuss some of the environmental issues arising from armed conflict and how these can be tackled. What are the International Law Commission’s recommendations and to what extent are stakeholders engaging with the work? In what sense are parties to the conflict, including governments, rebel groups and civil society, accountable for environmental devastation?

And, looking beyond the environmental consequences of war, what is the role of climate change in driving insecurity and triggering conflict in the first place?

Members Events Team




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Lipid rafts in glial cells: role in neuroinflammation and pain processing [Thematic Reviews]

Activation of microglia and astrocytes secondary to inflammatory processes contributes to the development and perpetuation of pain with a neuropathic phenotype. This pain state presents as a chronic debilitating condition and affects a large population of patients with conditions like rheumatoid arthritis and diabetes, or after surgery, trauma, or chemotherapy. Here, we review the regulation of lipid rafts in glial cells and the role they play as a key component of neuroinflammatory sensitization of central pain signaling pathways. In this context, we introduce the concept of an inflammaraft (i-raft), enlarged lipid rafts harboring activated receptors and adaptor molecules and serving as an organizing platform to initiate inflammatory signaling and the cellular response. Characteristics of the inflammaraft include increased relative abundance of lipid rafts in inflammatory cells, increased content of cholesterol per raft, and increased levels of inflammatory receptors, such as toll-like receptor (TLR)4, adaptor molecules, ion channels, and enzymes in lipid rafts. This inflammaraft motif serves an important role in the membrane assembly of protein complexes, for example, TLR4 dimerization. Operating within this framework, we demonstrate the involvement of inflammatory receptors, redox molecules, and ion channels in the inflammaraft formation and the regulation of cholesterol and sphingolipid metabolism in the inflammaraft maintenance and disruption. Strategies for targeting inflammarafts, without affecting the integrity of lipid rafts in noninflammatory cells, may lead to developing novel therapies for neuropathic pain states and other neuroinflammatory conditions.





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CBD Notification SCBD/NPU/DC/WY/BG/RKi/88360 (2020-012): Survey on pathogen sharing, including for influenza, and access and benefit-sharing arrangements




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The FKH domain in FOXP3 mRNA frequently contains mutations in hepatocellular carcinoma that influence the subcellular localization and functions of FOXP3 [Molecular Bases of Disease]

The transcription factor forkhead box P3 (FOXP3) is a biomarker for regulatory T cells and can also be expressed in cancer cells, but its function in cancer appears to be divergent. The role of hepatocyte-expressed FOXP3 in hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC) is unknown. Here, we collected tumor samples and clinical information from 115 HCC patients and used five human cancer cell lines. We examined FOXP3 mRNA sequences for mutations, used a luciferase assay to assess promoter activities of FOXP3's target genes, and employed mouse tumor models to confirm in vitro results. We detected mutations in the FKH domain of FOXP3 mRNAs in 33% of the HCC tumor tissues, but in none of the adjacent nontumor tissues. None of the mutations occurred at high frequency, indicating that they occurred randomly. Notably, the mutations were not detected in the corresponding regions of FOXP3 genomic DNA, and many of them resulted in amino acid substitutions in the FKH region, altering FOXP3's subcellular localization. FOXP3 delocalization from the nucleus to the cytoplasm caused loss of transcriptional regulation of its target genes, inactivated its tumor-inhibitory capability, and changed cellular responses to histone deacetylase (HDAC) inhibitors. More complex FKH mutations appeared to be associated with worse prognosis in HCC patients. We conclude that mutations in the FKH domain of FOXP3 mRNA frequently occur in HCC and that these mutations are caused by errors in transcription and are not derived from genomic DNA mutations. Our results suggest that transcriptional mutagenesis of FOXP3 plays a role in HCC.




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Cross-regulation between LUBAC and caspase-1 modulates cell death and inflammation [Signal Transduction]

The linear ubiquitin assembly complex (LUBAC) is an essential component of the innate and adaptive immune system. Modification of cellular substrates with linear polyubiquitin chains is a key regulatory step in signal transduction that impacts cell death and inflammatory signaling downstream of various innate immunity receptors. Loss-of-function mutations in the LUBAC components HOIP and HOIL-1 yield a systemic autoinflammatory disease in humans, whereas their genetic ablation is embryonically lethal in mice. Deficiency of the LUBAC adaptor protein Sharpin results in a multi-organ inflammatory disease in mice characterized by chronic proliferative dermatitis (cpdm), which is propagated by TNFR1-induced and RIPK1-mediated keratinocyte cell death. We have previously shown that caspase-1 and -11 promoted the dermatitis pathology of cpdm mice and mediated cell death in the skin. Here, we describe a reciprocal regulation of caspase-1 and LUBAC activities in keratinocytes. We show that LUBAC interacted with caspase-1 via HOIP and modified its CARD domain with linear polyubiquitin and that depletion of HOIP or Sharpin resulted in heightened caspase-1 activation and cell death in response to inflammasome activation, unlike what is observed in macrophages. Reciprocally, caspase-1, as well as caspase-8, regulated LUBAC activity by proteolytically processing HOIP at Asp-348 and Asp-387 during the execution of cell death. HOIP processing impeded substrate ubiquitination in the NF-κB pathway and resulted in enhanced apoptosis. These results highlight a regulatory mechanism underlying efficient apoptosis in keratinocytes and provide further evidence of a cross-talk between inflammatory and cell death pathways.