alli Police identify three teens responsible for 'appalling prank' in Innisfil By barrie.ctvnews.ca Published On :: Thu, 7 May 2020 13:55:00 -0400 An "appalling prank" in Innisfil sent South Simcoe Police officers on a mission to identify the culprits involved. Full Article
alli Alliston Honda plant to resume production with new safety protocols on production lines By barrie.ctvnews.ca Published On :: Fri, 8 May 2020 12:06:03 -0400 After seven weeks, Honda Canada in Alliston will gradually begin operations next week. Full Article
alli Egypt and the Gulf: Allies and Rivals By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Sun, 19 Apr 2020 20:38:18 +0000 20 April 2020 There is and will continue to be an edge of rivalry in Egypt’s relations with the dominant Gulf Arab powers. This paper will focus primarily on the Egypt–Gulf relationship during the Sisi era. Read online Download PDF David Butter Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme @DavidCButter 2020-04-20-Egypt-Gulf.jpg Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi Mohammed bin Zayed is welcomed by Egypt’s President Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi in Cairo on 19 June 2017. Photo: Getty Images. Summary Egypt and the Gulf Arab region have long been important poles of political, military economic and cultural power and influence in the Middle East. Under the presidency of Gamal Abdel-Nasser, Egypt was the dominant force in the region, but the balance of power shifted towards the Gulf in the 1970s, as Egypt’s economy faltered and the Gulf Arab states reaped the benefits of resurgent oil prices in the wake of the 1973 OPEC embargo. The popular uprising against President Hosni Mubarak’s regime in 2011 elicited divergent reactions in the Gulf. The leaders of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) were concerned about the risks of a movement for revolutionary change spreading to their own region, while Qatar saw an opportunity to strengthen its regional role through supporting the Muslim Brotherhood.The forcible removal of Egypt’s elected president, Mohammed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood, in July 2013 by the army commander, Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi, ushered in a new era in Egypt–Gulf relations. The UAE, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait quickly mobilized financial support for the new administration. Abu Dhabi’s crown prince, Mohammed bin Zayed, known for his intense opposition to the Muslim Brotherhood, signalled his strong support for the new regime by visiting Cairo only weeks after hundreds of Morsi’s supporters were killed.Between July 2013 and August 2016, the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait provided about $30 billion in aid to the Sisi regime through placing deposits with the Central Bank of Egypt and supplying petroleum products as grants. The UAE sought to link its aid to a programme of economic reforms, but the Egyptian government finally decided in mid-2016 to negotiate a loan agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Since the signing of the $12 billion loan with the IMF in November 2016, Egypt has no longer been reliant on Gulf Arab financial support, although some of the deposits placed previously have been rolled over on reaching maturity.During the Sisi era, Egypt has benefited from its economic links to the Gulf over a wide spectrum of activities. The UAE and Saudi Arabia in particular are increasingly important export markets for Egyptian companies, as well as major sources of foreign direct investment. The financial aid provided by Sisi’s Gulf allies in 2013–16 has also helped to underpin the surge in Egypt’s arms procurement. Another critical element in the economic relationship is the presence of millions of expatriate Egyptian workers in the Gulf, who are responsible for a large share of the annual inflow of about $25 billion in remittances.Egypt’s most important political relationships in the Gulf have been with Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Ties with Saudi Arabia were affected by the death of King Abdullah at the start of 2015 and by the subsequent emergence of Mohammed bin Salman as the most influential figure in the kingdom. During a visit by King Abdullah’s successor, King Salman, to Cairo in April 2016, Egypt announced a decision to cede sovereignty over two Red Sea islands, Tiran and Sanafir, to Saudi Arabia. Relations soured after this decision was challenged in the Egyptian courts, but the issue was resolved in favour of the deal. Egypt played no active role in the Saudi- and UAE-led intervention in Yemen, but joined its two principal Gulf allies and Bahrain in imposing sanctions on Qatar in mid-2017. Relations between Sisi and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed have remained close throughout the past seven years. The UAE and Egypt have been among the most important external supporters of the Libyan National Army, commanded by Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar, although they have not created an overt alliance in this arena. Egypt has adopted a more prominent diplomatic profile in relation to Libya, while the UAE has been more deeply engaged militarily, to judge from assessments by the panel of experts tasked to monitor adherence to the UN embargo on the supply of weapons to Libya. The relationship between the Egyptian and Emirati leaders is underpinned by a strong shared ideological antipathy to the Muslim Brotherhood.Following the completion of the IMF programme in 2019, the Egyptian economy is in a much stronger position than it was in the early period of Sisi’s rule, even though this has exacted a harsh toll on the 60 per cent of the population classified by the World Bank as poor or vulnerable. There is no pressing need for direct financial support from the Gulf, but Egypt still depends on economic linkages through trade, investment, tourism and remittances. In this respect, the balance of power has tilted marginally back towards Egypt. However, Egypt is still beset by deep internal political contradictions, as reflected in the regime’s heavy reliance on coercion and repression, and the economy remains vulnerable to external shocks – of which the coronavirus pandemic is a prime example. Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme Full Article
alli Webinar: Egypt and the Gulf: Allies and Rivals By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 21 Apr 2020 08:25:01 +0000 Research Event 23 April 2020 - 1:00pm to 2:00pm Event participants Speaker: David Butter, Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham HouseModerator: Mohamed El Dahshan, Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham House The webinar will be livestreamed on the MENA Programme Facebook page.Egypt and the Gulf Arab region have long been important poles of political, military, economic and cultural power and influence in the Middle East. A recently published Chatham House paper examines the strategic and economic relationship between Egypt and the Gulf, focusing in particular on the period since Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi came to power in Egypt. Author David Butter offers a detailed evaluation of these economic relationships, in the broader context of a strategic alliance that, since 2013, has been informed by a common commitment between Egypt and the UAE in particular to keep in check the Muslim Brotherhood and its regional state supporters, primarily Turkey and Qatar.In this webinar, the author will discuss the paper’s main argument, namely, that the degree of Egypt’s dependence on Gulf countries has fluctuated, and that by 2019, Egypt’s direct financial dependence on the Gulf was significantly reduced by comparison with the initial three years of the Sisi era, although other economic linkages such as investment, trade, remittances and tourism remained strong, with potential for growth. The speaker will also discuss the impact of the global crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic on Egypt’s and Gulf countries’ economies and will explore the implications for the relationship between Egypt and the Gulf.This webinar is part of the Chatham House Middle East and North Africa Programme's Online Event Series. The event will be held on the record. Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email Full Article
Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email
alli Collective Defence and Common Security: Twin Pillars of the Atlantic Alliance By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 10 Jun 2014 09:04:44 +0000 10 June 2014 Robin Niblett Director and Chief Executive, Chatham House @RobinNiblett Martin Butora, Ivo Daalder, Camille Grand, Ana Palacio, Roland Paris, Volker Perthes, Nathalie Tocci, Sinan Ülgen and Marcin Zaborowski 20140609NATOFoghRasmussenHagel.jpg NATO Secretary-General Anders Fogh Rasmussen, right, greets US Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel, center, before the start of their joint meeting at North Atlantic Council (NATO) on June 2 2014 in Brussels. Photo by Pablo Martinez Monsivais - Pool/Getty Images. Dr Robin Niblett, director of Chatham House, is chair of the NATO Group of Policy Experts, tasked with providing NATO Secretary-General Anders Fogh Rasmussen and the North Atlantic Council with ideas on how to strengthen the Alliance's transatlantic bond ahead of September's NATO summit in Wales. The group's report Collective Defence and Common Security: Twin Pillars of the Atlantic Alliance was published on 10 June for discussion at a NATO conference in Brussels on the transatlantic bond. Executive Summary Key points from the Policy Experts report to NATO Secretary-General Anders Fogh Rasmussen, released at the Conference on Strengthening the Transatlantic Bond in Brussels on 10 June 2014:Transatlantic security cannot be taken for granted. Following its withdrawal from Afghanistan, NATO needs to reaffirm its value around the twin objectives of collective defence and common security. Upholding peace and stability in Europe The commitment under NATO’s Article V to treat an attack against one as an attack against all must be credible, and NATO members should take concrete steps together to make it so. Tallinn should be as secure as Toronto. There can be no return to a ‘strategic partnership’ between NATO and Russia so long as Russia’s actions threaten European security.European governments bear particular responsibility for ensuring their own territorial security. They must invest in the necessary R&D, equipment and deployable capabilities. No amount of ‘smarter’ defence will compensate for a failure to reverse falling defence spending.NATO needs to develop effective responses to the ‘non-linear’ forms of aggression seen during the crisis in Ukraine. But the EU should take the lead in helping its members and neighbours embed good governance practices that will lessen their vulnerability to external destabilization. European countries should reduce their dependence on Russian energy. Russia’s main strength should no longer be Europe’s main vulnerability. NATO’s door should remain open to all European democracies that share the values of the Alliance. However, existing members must be ready, willing and able to extend the full benefits of Alliance membership to them, including those in Article V. Confronting international insecurity NATO should not turn inwards after 2014. Much of the Middle East, and North Africa face a decade of turmoil which will pose direct threats to NATO members. In Asia, unresolved territorial disputes and historical animosities are driving dramatic rises in defence spending. It must be remembered that the Pacific Ocean is the western flank of NATO. In this context, it should not be left to the United States and a handful of others to deploy hard power beyond NATO’s borders. An over-reliance on US power projection will erode the foundations of the transatlantic bond over time. NATO and the EU must also cooperate closely to deliver their comprehensive range of capabilities to manage international crises, from market access and development assistance to military intervention and post-conflict civilian support. Completion of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) will strengthen the transatlantic community strategically as well as economically.NATO needs to differentiate its approach to working with its international partners. In particular, it should develop long-term cooperative arrangements with the small number of countries in Europe and beyond which have contributed actively alongside NATO to international security in recent years. The NATO–Russia Council should continue to operate at ambassadorial and higher levels. This will help the two sides coordinate responses to international crises and potentially rebuild trust on European security. NATO publics are increasingly sceptical about the value of any form of external intervention. Political leaders need to communicate better the deterioration of the security situation in Europe; the importance of international security to their nations' welfare and prosperity; and the need to protect the core values that underpin the Alliance, especially democratic governance, open economies and the rule of law. Chatham House press release: Director of Chatham House to Chair New NATO Group of Policy Experts NATO press release: NATO Secretary General to attend conference on Strengthening the Transatlantic Bond Related documents Report: Collective Defence and Common Security: Twin Pillars of the Atlantic Alliancepdf | 153.13 KB Executive Summary: Collective Defence and Common Security: Twin Pillars of the Atlantic Alliancepdf | 22.1 KB Full Article
alli The Future of NATO: A Strong Alliance in an Unpredictable World By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 10 Jun 2014 11:00:03 +0000 Members Event 19 June 2014 - 11:00am to 12:00pm Chatham House, London Transcriptpdf | 51.86 KB Transcript Q&Apdf | 75.72 KB Event participants Anders Fogh Rasmussen, Secretary-General, North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)Chair: Robin Niblett, Director, Chatham House In September, the UK will host a summit on the future of NATO. The Wales Summit will chart the course of the alliance as it deals with the long-term implications of Russia’s policy towards Ukraine and prepares to complete its longest combat mission in Afghanistan. The secretary-general will outline the decisions that need to be taken to ensure that the alliance remains fit to face the future. He will set out NATO’s readiness action plan, address the debate on declining defence budgets, and explain how NATO intends to turn a new page in Afghanistan. Members Events Team Email Full Article
alli Renewing the Transatlantic Alliance By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 22 Sep 2015 09:30:01 +0000 John C Whitehead Lecture Members Event 29 October 2015 - 1:30pm to 2:30pm Chatham House, London Transcriptpdf | 114.77 KB Transcript: Q&Apdf | 131.4 KB Event participants Dr Condoleezza Rice, Director of the Global Center for Business and the Economy, Stanford University; United States Secretary of State (2005-09)Chair: Dr Robin Niblett CMG, Director, Chatham House Against the backdrop of continuing conflict in Libya, the Middle East and Ukraine and rising tensions in the South China Sea, Condoleezza Rice will discuss the importance of reenergizing NATO capabilities and ensuring a strong transatlantic alliance.The ballot for entries to this event has now closed. Successful registrants will be sent e-tickets on Monday 26 October.LIVE STREAM: This event will be live streamed. The live stream will be made available at 13:30 BST on Thursday 29 October.ASK A QUESTION: We endeavour to put questions from our online audience, as well as from those in the auditorium, to the speaker. Questions can be submitted in advance to questions@chathamhouse.org or asked during the event on Twitter using #CHEvents. About the John C Whitehead LectureThe annual John C Whitehead Lecture has been a fixture of the Chatham House schedule for over a decade, honouring the many contributions Mr Whitehead made to Anglo-American relations in the public and private sectors.Mr Whitehead was US deputy secretary of state to George Shultz and was awarded the Presidential Citizens Medal by Ronald Reagan. He was a chairman emeritus of the Brookings Institution and served as chairman of the Lower Manhattan Development Corporation, the organization responsible for rebuilding and rejuvenating New York following the 2001 terrorist attacks. John C Whitehead sadly passed away in February of this year but the annual lecture at Chatham House will continue to provide a forum for prominent and distinguished speakers to address the subject of transatlantic relations. Event attributes Livestream Members Events Team Email Full Article
alli NATO Hopes to Assure Allies While Saving Refugees By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Fri, 11 Mar 2016 10:05:37 +0000 11 March 2016 Dr Beyza Unal Senior Research Fellow, International Security Programme @beyzaunal Google Scholar NATO’s mission in the Aegean Sea seems aimed as much at deterring Russia as saving lives. It could lead to confrontation. 2016-03-11-BundesmarineB.jpg Early last month NATO launched a new maritime security mission, ostensibly to prevent people smuggling across the Aegean Sea. This mission, however, was not originally a reaction to the humanitarian catastrophe at sea. Instead, it was a response to growing Russian assertiveness.A maritime patrol unit was first discussed in the North Atlantic Council in December 2015, when the Alliance agreed to provide a ‘tailored package of assurances’ to Ankara in a period of heightened tensions after Turkey shot down a Russian jet. The package included measures such as early reconnaissance planes (AWACS), air policing, naval presence in the Eastern Mediterranean, provisions for Maritime Patrol Aircrafts (MPA) and Intelligence, Surveillance & Reconnaissance (ISR), and port visits. None of the discussion at the time linked it with protecting refugees. Now framing this decision in that light creates a new mission for NATO’s Maritime Command (MARCOM), a mission that it has never conducted before.Neither NATO’s founding documents or the most recent 2010 Strategic Concept provide for this type of mission, and NATO units are not trained to carry out an actual rescue mission. Protecting strategic assets and goods, such as oil tankers, escorting naval vessels providing food into conflict zones, deterring piracy and monitoring the Mediterranean for terrorist activity have been the main priorities for MARCOM in the post-Cold War period. These activities and maritime exercises were aimed at defence against non-state actors.The positioning of NATO’s maritime fleet in the Aegean Sea to save refugees, however, has the potential to be used as a deterrent against Russia’s Anti Access/Anti-Denial capacity in the eastern Mediterranean. Russia, meanwhile, has increased its naval presence at the Tartus naval base in Syria, which it has used to support its air campaigns in Syria. This level of reciprocated military build-up is hard to sustain in the long-run. NATO−Russia tensionsOver the past few years, Russia’s assertive policies – its multiple military operations, the continuing modernization of its army and ‘simulated attacks’ such as the one in 2013 that tested Sweden’s air defence response mechanisms − have increasingly worried the Alliance and its partners. Clashing interests over Syria’s future and Russia’s attacks against the Western-supported rebel groups have also served to increase tensions between NATO member states and Russia. Recent analysis logged 60 dangerous incidents in the Euro-Atlantic area between Russia and NATO counties in the period between March 2014 and March 2015. NATO’s preparedness has been severely tested by these incidents, and has led the alliance to strengthen its presence on Europe’s southern flank.Such increased tensions could create a situation whereby accidents and miscalculations lead to escalation. NATO forces and Russia are already engaged in further force posturing − the decision to accelerate Montenegro’s accession to NATO and the increased conduct of wartime exercises, such as NATO’s search for submarines in open waters (Dynamic Manta 2016), reconnaissance operations (Cold Operation 16) or Russia’s simulated exercises, for instance – which could undermine global stability. Three weeks after the Russian jet was shot down, a Russian patrol ship fired warning shots at a Turkish vessel to attract attention and avoid a collision. This event did not escalate but given the heightened tensions, similar events may spiral out of control. The tentative cease-fire in Syria is a confidence building measure that could normalize and rebuild relations. But further steps should be taken to establish political dialogue, open up the channels for potential meetings at the NATO−Russia Council, and increase transparency and risk mitigation in exercises and activities. The longer both sides wait, the more likely a confrontation will be.To comment on this article, please contact Chatham House Feedback Full Article
alli Allies Beware: Americans Support a More Limited Role for the US By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 11 May 2016 12:45:03 +0000 12 May 2016 Bruce Stokes Associate Fellow, US and the Americas Programme (based in the US) @bruceestokes Xenia Wickett Former Head, US and the Americas Programme; Former Dean, The Queen Elizabeth II Academy for Leadership in International Affairs @xeniawickett LinkedIn While not as isolationist or unilateralist as some campaign rhetoric might suggest, new polling shows the American public broadly supports less engagement with the rest of the world. 2016-05-11-US-Philippines.jpg US military personnel take part in joint military exercises with the Philippines, Australia and Japan in Crow Valley on 14 April 2016. Photo by Getty Images. While the American election cycle could be perceived as an occasionally amusing distraction, the rise of new factions and sentiments among the electorate will have an impact not just in America’s domestic politics but also with respect to its role in the world. Recent polling by the Pew Research Center shows clearly the desire among many Americans for a different international engagement for the US, one that could have significant implications for America’s allies.PollingTo date, the campaign rhetoric of both the Republican and Democratic contenders for the White House has raised questions about America’s continuing global commitment.But what does the public think? The Pew Research Center has recently released its periodic survey of how Americans view America’s place in the world. The results suggest that stereotypes of Americans’ isolationism or protectionism do not capture the nuance in public sentiment. Wariness of international engagement coexists with assertiveness on some issues and a belief that the US is a force for good in the world. And these views often divide along partisan lines and between generations.A majority of Americans (57%) think the U.S. should deal with its own problems and let other countries deal with theirs as best they can, a sentiment that has increased from 46% in 2010. Moreover, roughly two-thirds say ‘we should not think so much in international terms but concentrate more on our own national problems’. In part this may be the case because a plurality of Americans thinks the United States does too much (41% too much, 27% too little) in helping solve world problems.The fact that six-in-ten Americans believe that problems in the world would be even worse without US involvement will not reassure many non-Americans who care deeply about how and where the US is engaged, not just that it is.American isolationism is a partisan affair. Republicans (62%) are far more likely than Democrats (47%) to voice the view that the US should deal with its own problems. Notably, about two-thirds of registered Republicans or Republican-leaning independents who favour Donald Trump (68%) express such isolationist sentiments, as do more than half of the Democratic backers of Sen. Bernie Sanders (54%). At the same time, over half of registered Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents who favour Hillary Clinton (52%) believe the US should help other countries deal with their problems.The US has often been seen by its allies as acting in a unilateralist fashion, but the polling is more nuanced than this. About half (51%) believe that the US should take into account the views of its major allies when deciding its foreign policies. However, of more concern for America’s allies (and potentially adversaries), roughly four-in-ten (42%) believe Washington should go it alone in international matters.Despite Trump’s criticisms, 53% of the American public holds a positive view of NATO and 77% voice the view that US membership in the security alliance has been a good thing for the United States.In addition to some wariness with regards to engaging internationally in security arenas, Americans are also generally wary of global economic engagement – protectionist sentiment is rising. Only 44% believe such US involvement is a good thing; more (49%) say such engagement is bad, lowering wages and costing jobs. These views also differ along partisan lines with more on the right than left thinking US involvement in the world economy has been a bad thing. Trump supporters are even more against economic globalization.Rising scepticismThe results do not show an unambiguous move towards more American isolationism or unilateralism. But the trends broadly show that the American public is moving towards, as President Obama put it in 2012, a focus on ‘nation building at home’. It should come as no surprise – President Obama has presided over a period in which the US has increasingly limited its extraterritorial ambitions to those that more directly affect its vital national interests. It is therefore worth noting that this more limited engagement is one that is, broadly, supported by the public on both sides of the aisle.There are, as have been noted, partisan differences. But the next president will govern over all Americans not just those from their own party. They will have to function in the context of an American public, the majority of whom wants the US to deal with its own problems, letting other countries manage as best they can. While who becomes president clearly matters – they have the capacity to lead their populations in certain directions - the rising scepticism among many Americans for investing in the globalized world will resonate regardless of who takes office.The implications for America’s allies are significant. For those issues that are not directly of concern to the United States, longstanding partners are going to have to find ways to manage on their own or with less American support. And even on those issues that are of direct national interest, they might find the US less sensitive to their interests and concerns. This could hold true not just in the realm of security but on economic issues also – if America becomes more protectionist, others will surely follow. Many of America’s allies have perceived the United States to be an unreliable ally in recent years. Asian partners, such as Japan and South Korea, have started to take more responsibility for their own security and are working to build additional partnerships with neighbours. European allies have been, at times, disappointed by what they perceive to be a less engaged America, such as in Libya and Syria. If the next president follows the public majority, these allies will need to get used to this new role for the United States.This article has been published jointly with Real Clear World.To comment on this article, please contact Chatham House Feedback Full Article
alli Webinar: Egypt and the Gulf: Allies and Rivals By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 21 Apr 2020 08:25:01 +0000 Research Event 23 April 2020 - 1:00pm to 2:00pm Event participants Speaker: David Butter, Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham HouseModerator: Mohamed El Dahshan, Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham House The webinar will be livestreamed on the MENA Programme Facebook page.Egypt and the Gulf Arab region have long been important poles of political, military, economic and cultural power and influence in the Middle East. A recently published Chatham House paper examines the strategic and economic relationship between Egypt and the Gulf, focusing in particular on the period since Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi came to power in Egypt. Author David Butter offers a detailed evaluation of these economic relationships, in the broader context of a strategic alliance that, since 2013, has been informed by a common commitment between Egypt and the UAE in particular to keep in check the Muslim Brotherhood and its regional state supporters, primarily Turkey and Qatar.In this webinar, the author will discuss the paper’s main argument, namely, that the degree of Egypt’s dependence on Gulf countries has fluctuated, and that by 2019, Egypt’s direct financial dependence on the Gulf was significantly reduced by comparison with the initial three years of the Sisi era, although other economic linkages such as investment, trade, remittances and tourism remained strong, with potential for growth. The speaker will also discuss the impact of the global crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic on Egypt’s and Gulf countries’ economies and will explore the implications for the relationship between Egypt and the Gulf.This webinar is part of the Chatham House Middle East and North Africa Programme's Online Event Series. The event will be held on the record. Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email Full Article
Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email
alli Undercurrents: Summer Special - Allison Gardner on Artificial Intelligence By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Thu, 08 Aug 2019 00:00:00 +0100 Full Article
alli Webinar: OPEC, Falling Oil Prices and COVID-19 By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 31 Mar 2020 12:00:01 +0000 Corporate Members Event Webinar 7 April 2020 - 1:00pm to 2:00pm Online Event participants Julian Lee, Oil Strategist, Bloomberg LP LondonDr John Sfakianakis, Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham House; Chief Economist and Head of Research, Gulf Research CenterProfessor Paul Stevens, Distinguished Fellow, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme, Chatham HouseEmily Stromquist, Director, Castlereagh AssociatesChair: Dr Sanam Vakil, Deputy Director and Senior Research Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham House In early March, global oil prices fell sharply, hitting lows of under $30 a barrel. Two factors explain this collapse: firstly the decrease in global demand for oil as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic and, secondly, the breakdown in OPEC-Russian relations and the subsequent Saudi-Russian price war which has seen both countries move to flood the market with cheap oil. Against this backdrop, the panellists will reflect on the challenges currently facing OPEC as well as the oil industry as a whole. How are OPEC countries affected by the ever-evolving Covid-19 pandemic? What are the underlying causes behind the Saudi-Russian price war? Is the conflict likely to be resolved soon? And what are the implications of these challenges for the oil industry?This event is part of a fortnightly series of 'Business in Focus' webinars reflecting on the impact of COVID-19 on areas of particular professional interest for our corporate members and giving circles.Not a corporate member? Find out more. Full Article
alli Closing the Global Access Gap in Palliative Care and Pain Relief: A Top Priority in Achieving Universal Health Coverage By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 26 Jun 2019 13:50:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 17 July 2019 - 12:30pm to 5:00pm Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE Event participants Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, Director-General, World Health Organization The Lancet Commission on Palliative Care and Pain Relief estimated that in 2015, 61 million people experienced serious health-related suffering (SHS) that could have been ameliorated by palliative care. A large proportion of this burden – more than 80 per cent – fell on low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) despite an essential package of palliative care and pain relief services being cost-effective and affordable. As the director general of the World Health Organization (WHO) argues, there cannot be UHC without palliative care and thus, closing this coverage gap should be a top priority for the global UHC movement.The Centre on Global Health Security at Chatham House, building on the momentum of the Lancet Commission, is hosting a roundtable focused on the global unmet need for palliative care and effective pain relief. The primary purpose of this roundtable is to convene leading experts, palliative care service users and advocates with key figures from the UHC movement and global health to highlight the importance of prioritizing this vital part of the continuum of care in UHC reform processes. The roundtable will serve as a scholarly discourse in translating the recommendations of the Lancet Commission into concrete actions, focusing on the political and economic dimensions. Department/project Global Health Programme, Universal Health Coverage Policy Forum Alexandra Squires McCarthy Programme Coordinator, Global Health Programme +44 (0)207 314 2789 Email Full Article
alli China hawks are calling coronavirus their smoking gun. Don't buy it By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 06 May 2020 17:37:27 +0000 Source Newsweek URL https://www.newsweek.com/china-hawks-are-calling-coronavirus-their-smoking-gun-d... Release date 14 April 2020 Expert Professor Kerry Brown In the news type Op-ed Hide date on homepage Full Article
alli Secrecy, spies and the global South: intelligence studies beyond the 'Five Eyes' alliance By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 06 Nov 2019 09:08:36 +0000 6 November 2019 , Volume 95, Number 6 Zakia Shiraz and Richard J. Aldrich Read online The study of secrecy and spies remain subjects dominated by Anglo-American experiences. In recent years there has been some effort to refocus the lens of research upon ‘intelligence elsewhere’, including the global South. This is partly because of intense interest in the Arab Spring and ‘managed democracy’, placing a wider range of secret services under the spotlight. However, the approach to research is still dominated by concepts and methods derived from studying the English-speaking states of the ‘Five Eyes’ alliance and their European outriders. This article calls for a re-examination of research strategies for Intelligence Studies and for those theorizing surveillance, suggesting that both fields have much to learn from area studies and development studies, especially in the realm of research practice and ethics. If the growing number of academics specializing in intelligence genuinely wish to move forward and examine the global South they will need to rethink their tool-kit and learn from other disciplines. We suggest there is a rich tradition to draw upon. Full Article
alli Ever Closer Alliance? New Developments in Russia-China Relations By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 20 Nov 2019 13:45:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 11 December 2019 - 9:00am to 1:00pm Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE Agendapdf | 125.8 KB Event participants Yang Cheng, Professor of International Relations, Assistant Dean, School of International Relations and Public Affairs, Shanghai International Studies UniversityYu Jie, Senior Research Fellow, Asia-Pacific Programme, Chatham HouseMarcin Kaczmarski, Lecturer in Security Studies, University of GlasgowNatasha Kuhrt, Lecturer, Department of War Studies, King’s College LondonBobo Lo, Non-Resident Fellow, Lowy InstituteAlexey Maslov, Professor, School of Asian Studies, National Research University, Higher School of Economics, Moscow At face value, recent years have seen a deepening in Sino-Russian cooperation, from energy agreements, to the recent Huawei-MTS deal developing a 5G network in Russia. Ever larger-in-scale joint military exercises add to fears by some that the 'axis of convenience' is now a more genuine – and threatening – partnership.This workshop will offer a sober assessment of the latest developments in Sino-Russian relations, shedding light on the underpinnings and practical realities of the relationship as well as on the long-term challenges of upholding cooperation.The panel will discuss the different and potentially diverging interpretations of contemporary Sino-Russian relations as well as the implications for the rules-based international order.This event is co-organized by the Chatham House Russia and Eurasia Programme and the University of Exeter and is supported by the British International Studies Association.Attendance at this event is by invitation only. Department/project Asia-Pacific Programme, Russia and Eurasia Programme Anna Morgan Administrator, Ukraine Forum +44 (0)20 7389 3274 Email Full Article
alli CBD News: A new Universal Global Alliance for Biodiversity Protection established in Bonn. By www.cbd.int Published On :: Fri, 30 May 2008 00:00:00 GMT Full Article
alli CBD Press Release: Alliance for Zero Extinction and the Convention on Biological Diversity Join Forces. By www.cbd.int Published On :: Fri, 11 Jun 2010 00:00:00 GMT Full Article
alli CBD Communiqué: Global alliance of cities and governments to save biodiversity of the Mediterranean region By www.cbd.int Published On :: Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT Full Article
alli CBD Restoring the Earth: Botanic Gardens join forces to launch Ecological Restoration Alliance By www.cbd.int Published On :: Mon, 21 May 2012 00:00:00 GMT Full Article
alli CBD News: The Mexican Alliance for Biodiversity and Business, with the aim of promoting the protection, conservation and restoration of biodiversity and ecosystems, was launched 17 October 2016 in Mexico City. By www.cbd.int Published On :: Wed, 26 Oct 2016 00:00:00 GMT Full Article
alli CBD News: Statement of the Executive Secretary of the Convention on Biological Diversity on the occasion of the Sustainable Ocean Initiative / Pacific Ocean Alliance Regional Workshop for the Pacific Islands, 31 October to 4 November 2016, Apia, Samoa By www.cbd.int Published On :: Mon, 31 Oct 2016 00:00:00 GMT Full Article
alli CBD News: The Executive Secretaries of the Biological Diversity, Climate Change, and Desertification Conventions are calling for the establishment of a Facility to secure finance for large projects that will help to address common issues. By www.cbd.int Published On :: Mon, 13 Nov 2017 00:00:00 GMT Full Article
alli CBD News: As we all know, the business and environment communities were historically not close allies. It was long believed that economic growth could not be compatible with a healthy environment. Thankfully, that has changed. We now know that the conserv By www.cbd.int Published On :: Wed, 29 Nov 2017 00:00:00 GMT Full Article
alli CBD News: The film highlights the importance of nature in tackling climate change, calling for the need to protect, restore and fund nature and mobilizing attention to scale nature-based solutions. By www.youtube.com Published On :: Fri, 20 Sep 2019 00:00:00 GMT Full Article
alli Glycation-mediated inter-protein cross-linking is promoted by chaperone-client complexes of {alpha}-crystallin: Implications for lens aging and presbyopia [Glycobiology and Extracellular Matrices] By www.jbc.org Published On :: 2020-04-24T06:08:45-07:00 Lens proteins become increasingly cross-linked through nondisulfide linkages during aging and cataract formation. One mechanism that has been implicated in this cross-linking is glycation through formation of advanced glycation end products (AGEs). Here, we found an age-associated increase in stiffness in human lenses that was directly correlated with levels of protein–cross-linking AGEs. α-Crystallin in the lens binds to other proteins and prevents their denaturation and aggregation through its chaperone-like activity. Using a FRET-based assay, we examined the stability of the αA-crystallin–γD-crystallin complex for up to 12 days and observed that this complex is stable in PBS and upon incubation with human lens–epithelial cell lysate or lens homogenate. Addition of 2 mm ATP to the lysate or homogenate did not decrease the stability of the complex. We also generated complexes of human αA-crystallin or αB-crystallin with alcohol dehydrogenase or citrate synthase by applying thermal stress. Upon glycation under physiological conditions, the chaperone–client complexes underwent greater extents of cross-linking than did uncomplexed protein mixtures. LC-MS/MS analyses revealed that the levels of cross-linking AGEs were significantly higher in the glycated chaperone–client complexes than in glycated but uncomplexed protein mixtures. Mouse lenses subjected to thermal stress followed by glycation lost resilience more extensively than lenses subjected to thermal stress or glycation alone, and this loss was accompanied by higher protein cross-linking and higher cross-linking AGE levels. These results uncover a protein cross-linking mechanism in the lens and suggest that AGE-mediated cross-linking of α-crystallin–client complexes could contribute to lens aging and presbyopia. Full Article
alli Affinity maturation, humanization, and co-crystallization of a rabbit anti-human ROR2 monoclonal antibody for therapeutic applications [Immunology] By www.jbc.org Published On :: 2020-05-01T00:06:09-07:00 Antibodies are widely used as cancer therapeutics, but their current use is limited by the low number of antigens restricted to cancer cells. A receptor tyrosine kinase, receptor tyrosine kinase-like orphan receptor 2 (ROR2), is normally expressed only during embryogenesis and is tightly down-regulated in postnatal healthy tissues. However, it is up-regulated in a diverse set of hematologic and solid malignancies, thus ROR2 represents a candidate antigen for antibody-based cancer therapy. Here we describe the affinity maturation and humanization of a rabbit mAb that binds human and mouse ROR2 but not human ROR1 or other human cell-surface antigens. Co-crystallization of the parental rabbit mAb in complex with the human ROR2 kringle domain (hROR2-Kr) guided affinity maturation by heavy-chain complementarity-determining region 3 (HCDR3)-focused mutagenesis and selection. The affinity-matured rabbit mAb was then humanized by complementarity-determining region (CDR) grafting and framework fine tuning and again co-crystallized with hROR2-Kr. We show that the affinity-matured and humanized mAb retains strong affinity and specificity to ROR2 and, following conversion to a T cell–engaging bispecific antibody, has potent cytotoxicity toward ROR2-expressing cells. We anticipate that this humanized affinity-matured mAb will find application for antibody-based cancer therapy of ROR2-expressing neoplasms. Full Article
alli Palliative care for patients with cancer in COVID-19 era By www.eurekalert.org Published On :: Thu, 07 May 2020 00:00:00 EDT (JAMA Network) The considerations and challenges affecting the palliative care specialty and delivery of palliative care in the COVID-19 era, as well as potential solutions, are discussed in this Viewpoint. Full Article
alli Webinar: OPEC, Falling Oil Prices and COVID-19 By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 31 Mar 2020 12:00:01 +0000 Corporate Members Event Webinar 7 April 2020 - 1:00pm to 2:00pm Online Event participants Julian Lee, Oil Strategist, Bloomberg LP LondonDr John Sfakianakis, Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham House; Chief Economist and Head of Research, Gulf Research CenterProfessor Paul Stevens, Distinguished Fellow, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme, Chatham HouseEmily Stromquist, Director, Castlereagh AssociatesChair: Dr Sanam Vakil, Deputy Director and Senior Research Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham House In early March, global oil prices fell sharply, hitting lows of under $30 a barrel. Two factors explain this collapse: firstly the decrease in global demand for oil as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic and, secondly, the breakdown in OPEC-Russian relations and the subsequent Saudi-Russian price war which has seen both countries move to flood the market with cheap oil. Against this backdrop, the panellists will reflect on the challenges currently facing OPEC as well as the oil industry as a whole. How are OPEC countries affected by the ever-evolving Covid-19 pandemic? What are the underlying causes behind the Saudi-Russian price war? Is the conflict likely to be resolved soon? And what are the implications of these challenges for the oil industry?This event is part of a fortnightly series of 'Business in Focus' webinars reflecting on the impact of COVID-19 on areas of particular professional interest for our corporate members and giving circles.Not a corporate member? Find out more. Full Article
alli Egypt and the Gulf: Allies and Rivals By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Sun, 19 Apr 2020 20:38:18 +0000 20 April 2020 There is and will continue to be an edge of rivalry in Egypt’s relations with the dominant Gulf Arab powers. This paper will focus primarily on the Egypt–Gulf relationship during the Sisi era. Read online Download PDF David Butter Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme @DavidCButter 2020-04-20-Egypt-Gulf.jpg Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi Mohammed bin Zayed is welcomed by Egypt’s President Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi in Cairo on 19 June 2017. Photo: Getty Images. Summary Egypt and the Gulf Arab region have long been important poles of political, military economic and cultural power and influence in the Middle East. Under the presidency of Gamal Abdel-Nasser, Egypt was the dominant force in the region, but the balance of power shifted towards the Gulf in the 1970s, as Egypt’s economy faltered and the Gulf Arab states reaped the benefits of resurgent oil prices in the wake of the 1973 OPEC embargo. The popular uprising against President Hosni Mubarak’s regime in 2011 elicited divergent reactions in the Gulf. The leaders of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) were concerned about the risks of a movement for revolutionary change spreading to their own region, while Qatar saw an opportunity to strengthen its regional role through supporting the Muslim Brotherhood.The forcible removal of Egypt’s elected president, Mohammed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood, in July 2013 by the army commander, Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi, ushered in a new era in Egypt–Gulf relations. The UAE, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait quickly mobilized financial support for the new administration. Abu Dhabi’s crown prince, Mohammed bin Zayed, known for his intense opposition to the Muslim Brotherhood, signalled his strong support for the new regime by visiting Cairo only weeks after hundreds of Morsi’s supporters were killed.Between July 2013 and August 2016, the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait provided about $30 billion in aid to the Sisi regime through placing deposits with the Central Bank of Egypt and supplying petroleum products as grants. The UAE sought to link its aid to a programme of economic reforms, but the Egyptian government finally decided in mid-2016 to negotiate a loan agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Since the signing of the $12 billion loan with the IMF in November 2016, Egypt has no longer been reliant on Gulf Arab financial support, although some of the deposits placed previously have been rolled over on reaching maturity.During the Sisi era, Egypt has benefited from its economic links to the Gulf over a wide spectrum of activities. The UAE and Saudi Arabia in particular are increasingly important export markets for Egyptian companies, as well as major sources of foreign direct investment. The financial aid provided by Sisi’s Gulf allies in 2013–16 has also helped to underpin the surge in Egypt’s arms procurement. Another critical element in the economic relationship is the presence of millions of expatriate Egyptian workers in the Gulf, who are responsible for a large share of the annual inflow of about $25 billion in remittances.Egypt’s most important political relationships in the Gulf have been with Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Ties with Saudi Arabia were affected by the death of King Abdullah at the start of 2015 and by the subsequent emergence of Mohammed bin Salman as the most influential figure in the kingdom. During a visit by King Abdullah’s successor, King Salman, to Cairo in April 2016, Egypt announced a decision to cede sovereignty over two Red Sea islands, Tiran and Sanafir, to Saudi Arabia. Relations soured after this decision was challenged in the Egyptian courts, but the issue was resolved in favour of the deal. Egypt played no active role in the Saudi- and UAE-led intervention in Yemen, but joined its two principal Gulf allies and Bahrain in imposing sanctions on Qatar in mid-2017. Relations between Sisi and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed have remained close throughout the past seven years. The UAE and Egypt have been among the most important external supporters of the Libyan National Army, commanded by Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar, although they have not created an overt alliance in this arena. Egypt has adopted a more prominent diplomatic profile in relation to Libya, while the UAE has been more deeply engaged militarily, to judge from assessments by the panel of experts tasked to monitor adherence to the UN embargo on the supply of weapons to Libya. The relationship between the Egyptian and Emirati leaders is underpinned by a strong shared ideological antipathy to the Muslim Brotherhood.Following the completion of the IMF programme in 2019, the Egyptian economy is in a much stronger position than it was in the early period of Sisi’s rule, even though this has exacted a harsh toll on the 60 per cent of the population classified by the World Bank as poor or vulnerable. There is no pressing need for direct financial support from the Gulf, but Egypt still depends on economic linkages through trade, investment, tourism and remittances. In this respect, the balance of power has tilted marginally back towards Egypt. However, Egypt is still beset by deep internal political contradictions, as reflected in the regime’s heavy reliance on coercion and repression, and the economy remains vulnerable to external shocks – of which the coronavirus pandemic is a prime example. Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme Full Article
alli Webinar: Egypt and the Gulf: Allies and Rivals By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 21 Apr 2020 08:25:01 +0000 Research Event 23 April 2020 - 1:00pm to 2:00pm Event participants Speaker: David Butter, Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham HouseModerator: Mohamed El Dahshan, Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham House The webinar will be livestreamed on the MENA Programme Facebook page.Egypt and the Gulf Arab region have long been important poles of political, military, economic and cultural power and influence in the Middle East. A recently published Chatham House paper examines the strategic and economic relationship between Egypt and the Gulf, focusing in particular on the period since Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi came to power in Egypt. Author David Butter offers a detailed evaluation of these economic relationships, in the broader context of a strategic alliance that, since 2013, has been informed by a common commitment between Egypt and the UAE in particular to keep in check the Muslim Brotherhood and its regional state supporters, primarily Turkey and Qatar.In this webinar, the author will discuss the paper’s main argument, namely, that the degree of Egypt’s dependence on Gulf countries has fluctuated, and that by 2019, Egypt’s direct financial dependence on the Gulf was significantly reduced by comparison with the initial three years of the Sisi era, although other economic linkages such as investment, trade, remittances and tourism remained strong, with potential for growth. The speaker will also discuss the impact of the global crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic on Egypt’s and Gulf countries’ economies and will explore the implications for the relationship between Egypt and the Gulf.This webinar is part of the Chatham House Middle East and North Africa Programme's Online Event Series. The event will be held on the record. Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email Full Article
Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email
alli Early Detection in a Mouse Model of Pancreatic Cancer by Imaging DNA Damage Response Signalling By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-12-20T13:25:42-08:00 Rationale: Despite its widespread use in oncology, the PET radiotracer 18F-FDG is ineffective for improving early detection of pancreatic ductal adenocarcinoma (PDAC). An alternative strategy for early detection of pancreatic cancer involves visualisation of high-grade pancreatic intraepithelial neoplasias (PanIN-3), generally regarded as the non-invasive precursors of PDAC. The DNA damage response is known to be hyper-activated in late-stage PanINs. Therefore, we investigated whether the SPECT imaging agent, 111In-anti-H2AX-TAT, allows visualisation of the DNA damage repair marker H2AX in PanIN-3s in an engineered mouse model of PDAC, to facilitate early detection of PDAC. Methods: Genetically engineered KPC mice (KRasLSL.G12D/+; p53LSL.R172H/+; PdxCre) were imaged with 18F-FDG and 111In-anti-H2AX-TAT. PanIN/PDAC presence visualised by histology was compared with autoradiography and immunofluorescence. Separately, the survival of KPC mice imaged with 111In-anti-H2AX-TAT was evaluated. Results: In KPC mouse pancreata, H2AX expression was increased in high-grade PanINs, but not in PDAC, corroborating earlier results obtained from human pancreas sections. Uptake of 111In-anti-H2AX-TAT, but not 111In-IgG-TAT or 18F-FDG, within the pancreas was positively correlated with the age of KPC mice, which was correlated with the number of high-grade PanINs. 111In-anti-H2AX-TAT localises preferentially in high-grade PanIN lesions, but not in established PDAC. Younger, non-tumour-bearing KPC mice that show uptake of 111In-anti-H2AX-TAT in the pancreas survive significantly shorter than mice with physiological 111In-anti-H2AX-TAT uptake. Conclusion: 111In-anti-H2AX-TAT imaging allows non-invasive detection of DNA damage repair signalling upregulation in pre-invasive PanIN lesions and is a promising new tool to aid in the early detection and staging of pancreatic cancer. Full Article
alli Intraoperative 68Gallium-PSMA Cerenkov Luminescence Imaging for surgical margins in radical prostatectomy - a feasibility study By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-02-14T14:01:21-08:00 Objective: To assess the feasibility and accuracy of Cerenkov Luminescence Imaging (CLI) for assessment of surgical margins intraoperatively during radical prostatectomy (RPE). Methods: A single centre feasibility study included 10 patients with high-risk primary prostate cancer (PC). 68Ga-PSMA PET/CT scans were performed followed by RPE and intraoperative CLI of the excised prostate. In addition to imaging the intact prostate, in the first two patients the prostate gland was incised and imaged with CLI to visualise the primary tumour. We compared the tumour margin status on CLI to postoperative histopathology. Measured CLI intensities were determined as tumour to background ratio (TBR). Results: Tumour cells were successfully detected on the incised prostate CLI images as confirmed by histopathology. 3 of 10 men had histopathological positive surgical margins (PSMs), and 2 of 3 PSMs were accurately detected on CLI. Overall, 25 (72%) out of 35 regions of interest (ROIs) proved to visualize a tumour signal according to standard histopathology. The median tumour radiance in these areas was 11301 photons/s/cm2/sr (range 3328 - 25428 photons/s/cm2/sr) and median TBR was 4.2 (range 2.1 – 11.6). False positive signals were seen mainly at the prostate base with PC cells overlaid by benign tissue. PSMA-immunohistochemistry (PSMA-IHC) revealed strong PSMA staining of benign gland tissue, which impacts measured activities. Conclusion: This feasibility showed that 68Ga-PSMA CLI is a new intraoperative imaging technique capable of imaging the entire specimen’s surface to detect PC tissue at the resection margin. Further optimisation of the CLI protocol, or the use of lower-energetic imaging tracers such as 18F-PSMA, are required to reduce false positives. A larger study will be performed to assess diagnostic performance. Full Article
alli Secrecy, spies and the global South: intelligence studies beyond the 'Five Eyes' alliance By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 06 Nov 2019 09:08:36 +0000 6 November 2019 , Volume 95, Number 6 Zakia Shiraz and Richard J. Aldrich Read online The study of secrecy and spies remain subjects dominated by Anglo-American experiences. In recent years there has been some effort to refocus the lens of research upon ‘intelligence elsewhere’, including the global South. This is partly because of intense interest in the Arab Spring and ‘managed democracy’, placing a wider range of secret services under the spotlight. However, the approach to research is still dominated by concepts and methods derived from studying the English-speaking states of the ‘Five Eyes’ alliance and their European outriders. This article calls for a re-examination of research strategies for Intelligence Studies and for those theorizing surveillance, suggesting that both fields have much to learn from area studies and development studies, especially in the realm of research practice and ethics. If the growing number of academics specializing in intelligence genuinely wish to move forward and examine the global South they will need to rethink their tool-kit and learn from other disciplines. We suggest there is a rich tradition to draw upon. Full Article
alli Egypt and the Gulf: Allies and Rivals By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Sun, 19 Apr 2020 20:38:18 +0000 20 April 2020 There is and will continue to be an edge of rivalry in Egypt’s relations with the dominant Gulf Arab powers. This paper will focus primarily on the Egypt–Gulf relationship during the Sisi era. Read online Download PDF David Butter Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme @DavidCButter 2020-04-20-Egypt-Gulf.jpg Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi Mohammed bin Zayed is welcomed by Egypt’s President Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi in Cairo on 19 June 2017. Photo: Getty Images. Summary Egypt and the Gulf Arab region have long been important poles of political, military economic and cultural power and influence in the Middle East. Under the presidency of Gamal Abdel-Nasser, Egypt was the dominant force in the region, but the balance of power shifted towards the Gulf in the 1970s, as Egypt’s economy faltered and the Gulf Arab states reaped the benefits of resurgent oil prices in the wake of the 1973 OPEC embargo. The popular uprising against President Hosni Mubarak’s regime in 2011 elicited divergent reactions in the Gulf. The leaders of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) were concerned about the risks of a movement for revolutionary change spreading to their own region, while Qatar saw an opportunity to strengthen its regional role through supporting the Muslim Brotherhood.The forcible removal of Egypt’s elected president, Mohammed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood, in July 2013 by the army commander, Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi, ushered in a new era in Egypt–Gulf relations. The UAE, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait quickly mobilized financial support for the new administration. Abu Dhabi’s crown prince, Mohammed bin Zayed, known for his intense opposition to the Muslim Brotherhood, signalled his strong support for the new regime by visiting Cairo only weeks after hundreds of Morsi’s supporters were killed.Between July 2013 and August 2016, the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait provided about $30 billion in aid to the Sisi regime through placing deposits with the Central Bank of Egypt and supplying petroleum products as grants. The UAE sought to link its aid to a programme of economic reforms, but the Egyptian government finally decided in mid-2016 to negotiate a loan agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Since the signing of the $12 billion loan with the IMF in November 2016, Egypt has no longer been reliant on Gulf Arab financial support, although some of the deposits placed previously have been rolled over on reaching maturity.During the Sisi era, Egypt has benefited from its economic links to the Gulf over a wide spectrum of activities. The UAE and Saudi Arabia in particular are increasingly important export markets for Egyptian companies, as well as major sources of foreign direct investment. The financial aid provided by Sisi’s Gulf allies in 2013–16 has also helped to underpin the surge in Egypt’s arms procurement. Another critical element in the economic relationship is the presence of millions of expatriate Egyptian workers in the Gulf, who are responsible for a large share of the annual inflow of about $25 billion in remittances.Egypt’s most important political relationships in the Gulf have been with Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Ties with Saudi Arabia were affected by the death of King Abdullah at the start of 2015 and by the subsequent emergence of Mohammed bin Salman as the most influential figure in the kingdom. During a visit by King Abdullah’s successor, King Salman, to Cairo in April 2016, Egypt announced a decision to cede sovereignty over two Red Sea islands, Tiran and Sanafir, to Saudi Arabia. Relations soured after this decision was challenged in the Egyptian courts, but the issue was resolved in favour of the deal. Egypt played no active role in the Saudi- and UAE-led intervention in Yemen, but joined its two principal Gulf allies and Bahrain in imposing sanctions on Qatar in mid-2017. Relations between Sisi and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed have remained close throughout the past seven years. The UAE and Egypt have been among the most important external supporters of the Libyan National Army, commanded by Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar, although they have not created an overt alliance in this arena. Egypt has adopted a more prominent diplomatic profile in relation to Libya, while the UAE has been more deeply engaged militarily, to judge from assessments by the panel of experts tasked to monitor adherence to the UN embargo on the supply of weapons to Libya. The relationship between the Egyptian and Emirati leaders is underpinned by a strong shared ideological antipathy to the Muslim Brotherhood.Following the completion of the IMF programme in 2019, the Egyptian economy is in a much stronger position than it was in the early period of Sisi’s rule, even though this has exacted a harsh toll on the 60 per cent of the population classified by the World Bank as poor or vulnerable. There is no pressing need for direct financial support from the Gulf, but Egypt still depends on economic linkages through trade, investment, tourism and remittances. In this respect, the balance of power has tilted marginally back towards Egypt. However, Egypt is still beset by deep internal political contradictions, as reflected in the regime’s heavy reliance on coercion and repression, and the economy remains vulnerable to external shocks – of which the coronavirus pandemic is a prime example. Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme Full Article
alli Ever Closer Alliance? New Developments in Russia-China Relations By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 20 Nov 2019 13:45:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 11 December 2019 - 9:00am to 1:00pm Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE Agendapdf | 125.8 KB Event participants Yang Cheng, Professor of International Relations, Assistant Dean, School of International Relations and Public Affairs, Shanghai International Studies UniversityYu Jie, Senior Research Fellow, Asia-Pacific Programme, Chatham HouseMarcin Kaczmarski, Lecturer in Security Studies, University of GlasgowNatasha Kuhrt, Lecturer, Department of War Studies, King’s College LondonBobo Lo, Non-Resident Fellow, Lowy InstituteAlexey Maslov, Professor, School of Asian Studies, National Research University, Higher School of Economics, Moscow At face value, recent years have seen a deepening in Sino-Russian cooperation, from energy agreements, to the recent Huawei-MTS deal developing a 5G network in Russia. Ever larger-in-scale joint military exercises add to fears by some that the 'axis of convenience' is now a more genuine – and threatening – partnership.This workshop will offer a sober assessment of the latest developments in Sino-Russian relations, shedding light on the underpinnings and practical realities of the relationship as well as on the long-term challenges of upholding cooperation.The panel will discuss the different and potentially diverging interpretations of contemporary Sino-Russian relations as well as the implications for the rules-based international order.This event is co-organized by the Chatham House Russia and Eurasia Programme and the University of Exeter and is supported by the British International Studies Association.Attendance at this event is by invitation only. Department/project Asia-Pacific Programme, Russia and Eurasia Programme Anna Morgan Administrator, Ukraine Forum +44 (0)20 7389 3274 Email Full Article
alli Glycation-mediated inter-protein cross-linking is promoted by chaperone-client complexes of {alpha}-crystallin: Implications for lens aging and presbyopia [Glycobiology and Extracellular Matrices] By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-04-24T06:08:45-07:00 Lens proteins become increasingly cross-linked through nondisulfide linkages during aging and cataract formation. One mechanism that has been implicated in this cross-linking is glycation through formation of advanced glycation end products (AGEs). Here, we found an age-associated increase in stiffness in human lenses that was directly correlated with levels of protein–cross-linking AGEs. α-Crystallin in the lens binds to other proteins and prevents their denaturation and aggregation through its chaperone-like activity. Using a FRET-based assay, we examined the stability of the αA-crystallin–γD-crystallin complex for up to 12 days and observed that this complex is stable in PBS and upon incubation with human lens–epithelial cell lysate or lens homogenate. Addition of 2 mm ATP to the lysate or homogenate did not decrease the stability of the complex. We also generated complexes of human αA-crystallin or αB-crystallin with alcohol dehydrogenase or citrate synthase by applying thermal stress. Upon glycation under physiological conditions, the chaperone–client complexes underwent greater extents of cross-linking than did uncomplexed protein mixtures. LC-MS/MS analyses revealed that the levels of cross-linking AGEs were significantly higher in the glycated chaperone–client complexes than in glycated but uncomplexed protein mixtures. Mouse lenses subjected to thermal stress followed by glycation lost resilience more extensively than lenses subjected to thermal stress or glycation alone, and this loss was accompanied by higher protein cross-linking and higher cross-linking AGE levels. These results uncover a protein cross-linking mechanism in the lens and suggest that AGE-mediated cross-linking of α-crystallin–client complexes could contribute to lens aging and presbyopia. Full Article
alli Affinity maturation, humanization, and co-crystallization of a rabbit anti-human ROR2 monoclonal antibody for therapeutic applications [Immunology] By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-05-01T00:06:09-07:00 Antibodies are widely used as cancer therapeutics, but their current use is limited by the low number of antigens restricted to cancer cells. A receptor tyrosine kinase, receptor tyrosine kinase-like orphan receptor 2 (ROR2), is normally expressed only during embryogenesis and is tightly down-regulated in postnatal healthy tissues. However, it is up-regulated in a diverse set of hematologic and solid malignancies, thus ROR2 represents a candidate antigen for antibody-based cancer therapy. Here we describe the affinity maturation and humanization of a rabbit mAb that binds human and mouse ROR2 but not human ROR1 or other human cell-surface antigens. Co-crystallization of the parental rabbit mAb in complex with the human ROR2 kringle domain (hROR2-Kr) guided affinity maturation by heavy-chain complementarity-determining region 3 (HCDR3)-focused mutagenesis and selection. The affinity-matured rabbit mAb was then humanized by complementarity-determining region (CDR) grafting and framework fine tuning and again co-crystallized with hROR2-Kr. We show that the affinity-matured and humanized mAb retains strong affinity and specificity to ROR2 and, following conversion to a T cell–engaging bispecific antibody, has potent cytotoxicity toward ROR2-expressing cells. We anticipate that this humanized affinity-matured mAb will find application for antibody-based cancer therapy of ROR2-expressing neoplasms. Full Article
alli Ever Closer Alliance? New Developments in Russia-China Relations By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 20 Nov 2019 13:45:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 11 December 2019 - 9:00am to 1:00pm Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE Agendapdf | 125.8 KB Event participants Yang Cheng, Professor of International Relations, Assistant Dean, School of International Relations and Public Affairs, Shanghai International Studies UniversityYu Jie, Senior Research Fellow, Asia-Pacific Programme, Chatham HouseMarcin Kaczmarski, Lecturer in Security Studies, University of GlasgowNatasha Kuhrt, Lecturer, Department of War Studies, King’s College LondonBobo Lo, Non-Resident Fellow, Lowy InstituteAlexey Maslov, Professor, School of Asian Studies, National Research University, Higher School of Economics, Moscow At face value, recent years have seen a deepening in Sino-Russian cooperation, from energy agreements, to the recent Huawei-MTS deal developing a 5G network in Russia. Ever larger-in-scale joint military exercises add to fears by some that the 'axis of convenience' is now a more genuine – and threatening – partnership.This workshop will offer a sober assessment of the latest developments in Sino-Russian relations, shedding light on the underpinnings and practical realities of the relationship as well as on the long-term challenges of upholding cooperation.The panel will discuss the different and potentially diverging interpretations of contemporary Sino-Russian relations as well as the implications for the rules-based international order.This event is co-organized by the Chatham House Russia and Eurasia Programme and the University of Exeter and is supported by the British International Studies Association.Attendance at this event is by invitation only. Department/project Asia-Pacific Programme, Russia and Eurasia Programme Anna Morgan Administrator, Ukraine Forum +44 (0)20 7389 3274 Email Full Article
alli Webinar: OPEC, Falling Oil Prices and COVID-19 By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 31 Mar 2020 12:00:01 +0000 Corporate Members Event Webinar 7 April 2020 - 1:00pm to 2:00pm Online Event participants Julian Lee, Oil Strategist, Bloomberg LP LondonDr John Sfakianakis, Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham House; Chief Economist and Head of Research, Gulf Research CenterProfessor Paul Stevens, Distinguished Fellow, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme, Chatham HouseEmily Stromquist, Director, Castlereagh AssociatesChair: Dr Sanam Vakil, Deputy Director and Senior Research Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham House In early March, global oil prices fell sharply, hitting lows of under $30 a barrel. Two factors explain this collapse: firstly the decrease in global demand for oil as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic and, secondly, the breakdown in OPEC-Russian relations and the subsequent Saudi-Russian price war which has seen both countries move to flood the market with cheap oil. Against this backdrop, the panellists will reflect on the challenges currently facing OPEC as well as the oil industry as a whole. How are OPEC countries affected by the ever-evolving Covid-19 pandemic? What are the underlying causes behind the Saudi-Russian price war? Is the conflict likely to be resolved soon? And what are the implications of these challenges for the oil industry?This event is part of a fortnightly series of 'Business in Focus' webinars reflecting on the impact of COVID-19 on areas of particular professional interest for our corporate members and giving circles.Not a corporate member? Find out more. Full Article
alli Falling from the sky By kolembo.wordpress.com Published On :: Sat, 13 Jun 2015 17:03:32 +0000 The machines do not run us. We are responsible for; Giraffes, Elephants, Rhinos, And Flaura and Fauna. Dried, Sparkly flowers may be intelligent, As the case may be. We may have to look after the galaxy next door, We hope they are thinking the same. Smells orange, like wheat, like oxygen like, Slippers when you […] Full Article Poetry environment exploration forgiveness move poetry progress short space words
alli Palliative care is about life, not death By feeds.bmj.com Published On :: Fri, 03 Mar 2017 17:04:51 +0000 Scott Murray, professor of primary palliative care at the University of Edinburgh, has written, and talked in this podcast before, about the benefits of early palliative care - and today he’s back to explain how illness trajectory, and the pattern of decline at the end of life, affects 4 main areas of wellness - physical, social, psychological and... Full Article
alli Report: South Korea tested new ballistic missile with larger warhead By www.upi.com Published On :: Thu, 07 May 2020 09:35:46 -0400 South Korea's military tested a ballistic missile capable of carrying a 2-ton warhead in March, according to local reports on Thursday. Full Article
alli ADA seeks nominations for representation on Dental Quality Alliance By www.ada.org Published On :: Fri, 10 Jan 2020 13:01:00 -0600 The ADA is calling for nominations for two seats to represent the Association in the Dental Quality Alliance. Full Article
alli Alliance of the ADA offers education, entertainment at Conference 2020 By www.ada.org Published On :: Tue, 21 Jan 2020 10:14:00 -0600 From courses on burnout, vaping and more to golf and a low-country boil, the Alliance of the American Dental Association's upcoming Conference 2020 in Charleston, South Carolina, will offer a variety of educational and entertainment opportunities. Full Article
alli Dental Quality Alliance to help dentists make connection between everyday dentistry, quality measures By www.ada.org Published On :: Wed, 29 Jan 2020 11:15:00 -0600 The Dental Quality Alliance will help dentists learn more about how quality measure domains can be best used to drive quality improvement at the practice level through a free webinar in March. Full Article
alli ADA joins coalition calling for vaping regulation By www.ada.org Published On :: Thu, 06 Feb 2020 08:51:00 -0600 The American Dental Association, along with 75 organizations, is urging Congress to support legislation to regulate vaping devices and liquids in the same manner the Food and Drug Administration regulates cigarettes and other tobacco products. Full Article
alli Dental Trade Alliance appoints new CEO By www.ada.org Published On :: Thu, 19 Mar 2020 16:04:00 -0500 Arlington, Va. — The Dental Trade Alliance announced March 10 that it appointed Gregory Chavez as CEO. Mr. Chavez, formerly the executive vice president of operations and membership at The Vision Council, will be taking over for Gary Price. Full Article
alli Chocolate brownies with crystallised ginger and macadamia nuts By www.abc.net.au Published On :: Wed, 27 Apr 2016 10:05:00 +0800 140g unsalted butter 200g dark chocolate 100g light brown sugar 100g caster sugar 2 teaspoons vanilla extract 2 eggs 1 egg yolk 85g plain flour 55g macadamia nuts, lightly toasted, chopped 30g crystallised ginger, chopped Sifted cocoa powder, to dust Full Article ABC Local wheatbelt Lifestyle and Leisure:Recipes:Biscuits and Slices Australia:WA:Geraldton 6530
alli Medallions of Beef, with pan juice sauce, wilted cherry tomatoes, wine and basil By www.abc.net.au Published On :: Thu, 06 Oct 2016 10:07:00 +1100 Medallions of Beef, with pan juice sauce, wilted cherry tomatoes, any old wine and basil. Really nice with a potato salad, with fresh spring peas and crispy bacon pieces. Something I do very often is knock up quick tasty dinner utilising your favourite heavy-based frying pan. Full Article ABC Local northcoast Lifestyle and Leisure:Food and Cooking:All Lifestyle and Leisure:Recipes:All Lifestyle and Leisure:Recipes:Main Australia:NSW:Lismore 2480