hong_kong

Tax-News.com: Hong Kong Tables Tax Law Administration Bill

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hong_kong

Tax-News.com: Hong Kong Issues 2020-21 Tax Returns

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hong_kong

Tax-News.com: Hong Kong Issues Tax Returns For Individuals

On May 3, 2021, the Hong Kong Inland Revenue Department issued over 2.62 million tax returns for individuals for the year of assessment 2020-21.




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Tax-News.com: Hong Kong Enhances Tax Rules For Amalgamations

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Tax-News.com: Hong Kong Again Slashes Interest On Early Tax Payments

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Tax-News.com: Hong Kong, Georgia Tax Deal To Enter Into Force

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hong_kong

Tax-News.com: Hong Kong Explains COVID-19 Reliefs For Tax Debtors

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hong_kong

Tax-News.com: Hong Kong Sets Out Response To Int'l Tax Reform Plans

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hong_kong

Tax-News.com: Hong Kong Discusses US Termination Of Shipping Tax Pact

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hong_kong

Tax-News.com: Hong Kong To Amend Tax Rules For Foreign-Source Passive Income

The Hong Kong Government has issued a statement committing to amend its tax law with regards the tax exemption for foreign source passive income from 2023, to ensure the territory does not end up placed on the EU's tax blacklist of non-cooperative territories.




hong_kong

Tax-News.com: Hong Kong Reviewing Tax-Privileged Retirement Products

Authorities in Hong Kong have launched a review into two tax-deductible retirement savings products: Qualifying Deferred Annuity Policies (QDAP) and Mandatory Provident Fund (MPF) Tax-Deductible Voluntary Contributions (TVC).




hong_kong

Tax-News.com: Russia Turns Sights To Switzerland, Hong Kong Treaties

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hong_kong

Tax-News.com: Hong Kong, Georgia Tax Deal To Enter Into Force

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hong_kong

Tax-News.com: Hong Kong Tables Tax Law Administration Bill

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hong_kong

Tax-News.com: Hong Kong Issues Tax Returns For Individuals

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hong_kong

Tax-News.com: Hong Kong Enhances Tax Rules For Amalgamations

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Tax-News.com: Hong Kong Sets Out Response To Int'l Tax Reform Plans

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hong_kong

Tax-News.com: Hong Kong Discusses US Termination Of Shipping Tax Pact

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hong_kong

Tax-News.com: Hong Kong To Amend Tax Rules For Foreign-Source Passive Income

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hong_kong

Hong Kong Races to Contain Covid-19 Outbreak – With China’s Help

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hong_kong

Hong Kong woos tourists with 5 lakh air tickets and vouchers

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Hong Kong unveils responsible AI framework for financial sector

Hong Kong’s responsible AI framework comes amid increasing international competition and tensions affecting access to AI technology




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Hong Kong poems in English and Chinese / by Andrew Parkin and Laurence Wong ; with translations by Evangeline Almberg [and three others].

Vancouver : Ronsdale Press, 1997.




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Hong Kong stories : old themes new voices / edited by Eva Hung.

Hong Kong : The Research Centre for Translation, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, [1999]




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Materials Horizons Emerging Investigator Series: Professor Zhengbao Yang, Hong Kong University of Science and Technology

Mater. Horiz., 2024, 11,1830-1831
DOI: 10.1039/D4MH90031F, Editorial

Our Emerging Investigator Series features exceptional work by early-career researchers working in the field of materials science.
The content of this RSS Feed (c) The Royal Society of Chemistry




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Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society [electronic resource]

[Hong Kong] : Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch




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Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society [electronic resource]

[Hong Kong] : Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch




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Skiptrace: Gangs of Hong Kong




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Welcome to Hong Kong

Go undercover in Sleeping Dogs






hong_kong

Xi Jinping and the Umbrella Revolution in Hong Kong

29 October 2014

Professor Kerry Brown

Associate Fellow, Asia-Pacific Programme
The recent protests in Hong Kong shed remarkably little light into the real soul of the current Chinese leaders.

20141029XiHongKong.jpg

A child walks before a portrait of China's president Xi Jinping on a barricade outside the entrance to a road occupied by protesters in the Mong Kok district of Hong Kong on 12 October 2014. Photo by Getty Images.

The umbrella revolution in Hong Kong, precipitated by the announcement of the decision on how to hold the 2017 elections for chief executive in September, has now sprung several leaks. The passion of the initial protests which convulsed the centre of the city, and which even heavy downpours of rain could not dampen, has evaporated. Street protests only get you so far. The activists have to engage now in the delicate art of politics and compromise. This is where either the real achievements are gained or everything is lost. Street protests belong to the world of theatre. They only make a difference if they give impetus and energy to what happens afterwards, in the establishment of long term arrangements and real outcomes.

The political vision of the leadership in Beijing about the Hong Kong issue is pretty clear. The idea that China talked about 'One country, two systems' on the basis of each part of this balanced clause having equal weight is now over. It was an illusion. In fact, for the Beijing leadership, there was only ever one important part of that four word phrase – the first two words. 'One country' trumps everything. And the preservation of their idea of that one country and its best future is key. A Hong Kong which would be able to march off with a political system increasingly at odds with that presiding just over the border was never on the cards.

Now both the Hong Kongese democrats, and the outside world, are relieved of their illusions, how best to deliver a future for Hong Kong in an age when the airy empty promises of its old colonial masters, the British, are no longer relevant. First of all, there has to be a shift in thinking. Like it or not, Hong Kong figures as a province in the thinking of Beijing leaders around Xi Jinping – a special province, one that has a unique status, and significant value for them, but a province all the same. In that context, it lines up with all the other issues and problems they have to deal with, from restive western provinces to fractious and demanding central ones, to placating the demands for more freedom and space of boom towns like Shanghai or Guangzhou. Hong Kongese have to think about how they relate to all these domestic issues, and pragmatically accept that they are irrevocably tied to a system that has to handle these – its success or failure in the management of this is also their success or failure. Hong Kongese have a vested interest in the Beijing government. They have to start thinking of far smarter ways of being allies in this, rather than camping outside of it and resting on loud declarations of their privileges. A sense of entitlement inherited from the British will get them no traction in China anymore, where there are far larger priorities and battles going on.

Current Chief Executive C Y Leung has been a failure in almost every respect. He has proven poor at promoting Hong Kong’s interests in Beijing, the one place where he needs to deliver – and even poorer at delivering palatable messages back in Hong Kong. That Hong Kongese at least have some form of representation in 2017 is not much, but at least it is something. A good politician could have made something of this, messaged it differently, and used it as a basis on which to build. But Leung simply wasn’t up to this. It is hard to see him having a political life after 2017.  In many ways, he is already finished.

For the protestors, they now need to think deeply about their future strategy. They have made their point, and at least proved that the myth of Hong Kong’s apolitical population can be safely consigned to a trash can. Having politicized the city, they now need to argue, mobilize and build constituencies to support developments beyond 2017. Business is important here – the one constituency the Beijing leadership probably listen to and take seriously – so having an engagement strategy with them is crucial. Framing a demand for better quality leadership in the future is all-important here, because business, political and social constituencies all want to see this. If the Xi leadership in Beijing insists on a system where only two or three people can go through and then be voted on by the electorate, then the protesters at least have the negotiation space to demand far better quality candidates than the ones that have led the city since 1997 and its reversion to Chinese sovereignty. All three of the chief executives so far have been disappointments. Hong Kong now has the right to ask for a better deal, and insist that the people put forward are at least up to the job asked of them – something that the current incumbent evidently is not.

Does all this prove that Xi Jinping is a strong, forceful leader? Perhaps. Perhaps not. One could argue that a really strong leader would have had the courage and vision to let Hong Kong adopt a more open system in elections after 2017, and the confidence not to fear kickback from this into the mainland. What it does show is that, underneath all the heat and noise, Xi is as risk averse as his predecessor Hu Jintao, and has taken, at least domestically, a very safe option. If he had gone to Hong Kong and dared to explain directly to the people there what the Beijing government’s thinking was on this issue, that would have been even more impressive. At most, we can conclude that the Xi leadership is not radically different from their predecessors, but just aware of a vast menu of challenges they need to face domestically, of which Hong Kong is one of the least important. Beyond that, recent events over Hong Kong have shed little light into the real soul of the current Chinese leaders. At most it has proved what has long been known: that if you really want to see what they believe and what they want, then you cannot do that from Hong Kong but have to look at what they do over the border. In that sense, and only that sense, Hong Kong continues to occupy a unique position as the last place in China where its leaders can truly be themselves.

This article was originally published by IB Tauris.

To comment on this article, please contact Chatham House Feedback




hong_kong

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