asus

ASUS ZenBook Duo UX482: The more screens the better

This special notebook isn’t space, but giving you more display to work with



  • Computers & Laptops

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Asus launches India’s first ProArt series laptops for creators

Also launches Vivobooks starting ₹75,000 and will be sold across online channels beginning December 14.



  • Computers & Laptops

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ASUS has launched ExpertBook B5 Flip in India, know about its availability and specifications

Laptop is ‘crafted with US military-grade certification’ for mobility



  • Computers & Laptops

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Asus launches new ROG Strix and TUF series laptops in India



  • Computers & Laptops

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ASUS ExpertBook B5 Flip review: A snug fit for corporate users

A well-powered enterprise laptop that delivers performance and features in the right form factor  




asus

Review: Asus ROG 5 Phone

Asus' new smartphone, the ROG Phone 5, makes mobile gaming more tactile and fun. Two built-in touch-sensitive buttons on the side of the phone improve the experience, as does helpful software that makes physical controllers compatible with any game—and custom accessories, like a clip-on fan to keep things cool.




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ASUS ROG Strix SCAR 16 Review: 4K gaming with a punch

Sleek, strength and stealth, does this flagship gaming laptop have it all?




asus

A shapeshifting sidekick! ASUS Zenbook Duo (2024)

The dual screen delight is back and updated to offer even more!




asus

Asus Vivobook S15 review: Ready to rise?

Slim, Snapdragon-powered and raring to go — but hold the games!




asus

Asus Zenbook S 14 OLED review: Zen and the art of ultra-thin craftsmanship

Sleek design, vibrant display and AI-driven productivity features drive this powerhorse




asus

ASUS expands in south India, opens new store in Bengaluru

PC maker has increased its market share from 6 to 18 per cent and plans to capture 25-30 per cent of the consumer PC segment in the country




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Asus launches ExpertBook CX54 Chromebook Plus with 14th gen Intel Core Ultra 7

The Taiwanese company claims that ExpertBook CX54 Chromebook Plus got the MIL-STD-810H standards for durability




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Asus Zenbook S14 OLED Review | Impressive ultrabook covering all essentials

Priced at ₹1,49,990, this laptop isn’t just about looks—it brings AI-driven performance, a stunning OLED display, and a range of productivity enhancements to the table




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Asus 8z: Here’s the small phone you’ve been looking for

Compact ergonomics, good camera and sound, flagship processor make for a little powerhouse 




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ASUS launches all-new ROG Zephyrus and Flow series in India

Introduced #BeYouWithROG campaign, that encourages users to explore their creative side



  • Computers & Laptops

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GameStop's PC gaming sale discounts ASUS monitors, Razer mice and more

GameStop might just help you put the finishing touches on your computer setup. It’s running a PC gaming sale between now and May 16th that promises deals on a slew of hardware. To start, it’s offering a $100 gift coupon if you buy any MSI laptop with...




asus

Upgrading Asus G11CD-K (desktop) RAM & SSD




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ASUS GL503V can't get past bios screen




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Asus Z97-A mobo not booting up




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ASUS India aims to commence new PC launches from June

Despite the disruptions owing to the COVID-19 pandemic on global supply chain, Taiwanese electronics major ASUS expects a surge in demand for laptops in India once the lockdown is lifted, even as the company prepares for a couple of launches in June this year, a top company executive has said.




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CasusGrill, the World's First 100% Natural Biodegradable Grill, Wins Two Awards at NHS

Tailgater Magazine and 50 Campfires recognize innovative single-use bamboo grill at National Hardware Show




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Hampshire-based Pegasus Life plans to knock down 60-bed Lyndhurst Park Hotel and replace with flats

DEVELOPERS are planning to bulldoze a landmark hotel and replace it with up to 65 flats for the elderly, the Daily Echo can reveal.





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2020 Ultraportable with 9 hours of life with great performance – Asus Zenbook




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CBD Press Release: Georgian Bank Supports Biodiversity in the South Caucasus in Association with the Lifeweb Initiative.




asus

CBD Press Release: New Support of Over ?5 Million to Safeguard Biodiversity in Caucasus Wilderness Areas.




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Three Challenges for UK Peacebuilding Policy in the South Caucasus After Brexit

21 January 2020

Laurence Broers

Associate Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme
Building on the legacies of a long-term British investment in a peace strategy for the South Caucasus is a realistic and attainable goal.

2020-01-21-NK.jpg

A building in Nagorny Karabakh flies the flag of the self-proclaimed republic. 'Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorny Karabakh have evolved into examples of what scholars call "de facto states" that, to differing degrees, control territory, provide governance and exercise internal sovereignty,' writes Laurence Broers. Photo: Getty Images.

What does Britain’s departure from the EU mean for the country’s policy towards the South Caucasus, a small region on the periphery of Europe, fractured by conflict? Although Britain is not directly involved in any of the region’s peace processes (except in the case of the Geneva International Discussions on conflicts involving Georgia, as an EU member state), it has been a significant stakeholder in South Caucasian stability since the mid-1990s.

Most obviously, Britain has been the single largest foreign investor in Caspian oil and gas. Yet beyond pipelines, Britain also has been a significant investor in long-term civil society-led strategies to build peace in the South Caucasus.

Through what was then the Global Conflict Prevention Pool, in the early 2000s the Department for International Development (DfID) pioneered large-scale peacebuilding interventions, such as the Consortium Initiative, addressing Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict, in 2003-09. These built civic networks in the South Caucasus and partnerships with British-based NGOs.

This experience left a strong intellectual legacy. British expertise on the South Caucasus, including specific expertise on its conflicts, is highly regarded in the region and across the world.

There is also a strong tradition of British scholarship on the Caucasus, and several British universities offer Caucasus-related courses. Through schemes such as the John Smith Fellowship Trust, the Robert Bosch Stiftung Academy Fellowship at Chatham House and Chevening Scholarships, significant numbers of young leaders from the South Caucasus have spent time in British institutions and built effective relationships within them.

Three challenges

This niche as a champion of long-term, strategic peacebuilding and repository of area-specific knowledge should not be lost as Britain’s relationship with the EU and regional actors evolves. This can be ensured through awareness of three challenges confronting a post-Brexit Caucasus policy.

The first challenge for London is to avoid framing a regional policy in the South Caucasus as an extension of a wider ‘Russia policy’. Deteriorating Russian-British relations in recent years strengthen a tendency to view policies in the European neighbourhood through the traditional prisms of Cold War and Russian-Western rivalries.

Yet an overwhelming focus on Russia fails to capture other important aspects of political developments in South Caucasus conflicts. Although often referred to as ‘breakaway’ or ‘occupied’ territories, Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorny Karabakh are not ungoverned spaces. They have evolved into examples of what scholars call ‘de facto states’ that, to differing degrees, control territory, provide governance and exercise internal sovereignty.

Few disagree that these entities would not survive without external patronage. But neither does that patronage explain their sustainability on its own. Russia-centricity diminishes Britain’s latitude to engage on the full range of local drivers sustaining these entities, contributing instead to less effective policies predicated on competition and containment.

A second and related challenge is to maintain and develop Britain’s position on the issue of engaging populations in these entities. De facto states appear to stand outside of the international rules-based system. Yet in many cases, their civil societies are peopled by skilled and motivated activists who want their leaders to be held accountable according to international rules.

Strategies of isolation ignore these voices and contribute instead to fearful and demoralized communities less likely to engage in a transformation of adversarial relationships. Making this case with the wider international community, and facilitating the funding of local civil societies in contested territories, would be important steps in sustaining an effective British policy on the resolution of conflicts.    

The third challenge for Britain is to maintain a long-term approach to the conflicts of the South Caucasus alongside potential short-term imperatives in other policy fields, as relationships shift post-Brexit.

In this fluid international environment, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office has a role to play both as an internal champion of a long-term peacebuilding strategy and a coordinator of British efforts with those of multilateral actors engaged in the South Caucasus. These include the United Nations, the EU’s Special Representative for the South Caucasus and the Crisis in Georgia and OSCE’s Special Representative for the OSCE Chairperson-in-Office for the South Caucasus, all of which have built relationships with relevant actors on the ground.

Recommendations

Britain’s niche as a champion and advocate of a strategic approach to peaceful change can be secured post-Brexit in the following ways.  

First, in-house expertise is crucial to effective peacebuilding programming. The Foreign Office’s research analysts play a vital role in generating independent internal advice and liaising with academic and NGO communities. Their role could be supplemented by the reinstatement of a regional conflict adviser post, based in Tbilisi, tasked with strengthening Britain’s regional presence on conflict issues and coordinating policy at a regional level.

This post, with a remit to cover conflicts and build up area knowledge and relationships can contribute significantly to working closely with local civil societies, where so much expertise and knowledge resides, as well as other stakeholders.

Second, programming should build in conflict sensitivity by dissociating eligibility from contested political status. This can encourage local populations to take advantage of opportunities for funding, study, comparative learning and professional development irrespective of the status of the entity where they reside.

The Chevening Scholarships are an excellent example, whereby applicants can select ‘South Caucasus’ as their affiliated identity from a drop-down menu. This enables citizens from across the region to apply irrespective of the status of the territory in which they live.   

Finally, a holistic understanding of peace is crucial. Programming in unrecognized or partially-recognized entities should acknowledge that effective peacebuilding needs to embrace political dynamics and processes beyond cross-conflict contact and confidence building. Local actors in such entities may find peacebuilding funding streams defined exclusively in terms of cross-conflict contact more politically risky and ineffective in addressing domestic blockages to peace.

While cross-conflict dynamics remain critical, ‘single-community’ programming framed in terms of civic participation, inclusion, civil society capacity-building, minority and human rights in contested territories, and building the confidence from within to engage in constructive dialogue, are no less important.

The ’global Britain’ promised by Brexit remains a fanciful idea. Quiet, painstaking work to build on the legacies of a long-term British investment in a peace strategy for the South Caucasus, on the other hand, is a realistic and attainable goal.




asus

Three Challenges for UK Peacebuilding Policy in the South Caucasus After Brexit

21 January 2020

Laurence Broers

Associate Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme
Building on the legacies of a long-term British investment in a peace strategy for the South Caucasus is a realistic and attainable goal.

2020-01-21-NK.jpg

A building in Nagorny Karabakh flies the flag of the self-proclaimed republic. 'Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorny Karabakh have evolved into examples of what scholars call "de facto states" that, to differing degrees, control territory, provide governance and exercise internal sovereignty,' writes Laurence Broers. Photo: Getty Images.

What does Britain’s departure from the EU mean for the country’s policy towards the South Caucasus, a small region on the periphery of Europe, fractured by conflict? Although Britain is not directly involved in any of the region’s peace processes (except in the case of the Geneva International Discussions on conflicts involving Georgia, as an EU member state), it has been a significant stakeholder in South Caucasian stability since the mid-1990s.

Most obviously, Britain has been the single largest foreign investor in Caspian oil and gas. Yet beyond pipelines, Britain also has been a significant investor in long-term civil society-led strategies to build peace in the South Caucasus.

Through what was then the Global Conflict Prevention Pool, in the early 2000s the Department for International Development (DfID) pioneered large-scale peacebuilding interventions, such as the Consortium Initiative, addressing Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict, in 2003-09. These built civic networks in the South Caucasus and partnerships with British-based NGOs.

This experience left a strong intellectual legacy. British expertise on the South Caucasus, including specific expertise on its conflicts, is highly regarded in the region and across the world.

There is also a strong tradition of British scholarship on the Caucasus, and several British universities offer Caucasus-related courses. Through schemes such as the John Smith Fellowship Trust, the Robert Bosch Stiftung Academy Fellowship at Chatham House and Chevening Scholarships, significant numbers of young leaders from the South Caucasus have spent time in British institutions and built effective relationships within them.

Three challenges

This niche as a champion of long-term, strategic peacebuilding and repository of area-specific knowledge should not be lost as Britain’s relationship with the EU and regional actors evolves. This can be ensured through awareness of three challenges confronting a post-Brexit Caucasus policy.

The first challenge for London is to avoid framing a regional policy in the South Caucasus as an extension of a wider ‘Russia policy’. Deteriorating Russian-British relations in recent years strengthen a tendency to view policies in the European neighbourhood through the traditional prisms of Cold War and Russian-Western rivalries.

Yet an overwhelming focus on Russia fails to capture other important aspects of political developments in South Caucasus conflicts. Although often referred to as ‘breakaway’ or ‘occupied’ territories, Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorny Karabakh are not ungoverned spaces. They have evolved into examples of what scholars call ‘de facto states’ that, to differing degrees, control territory, provide governance and exercise internal sovereignty.

Few disagree that these entities would not survive without external patronage. But neither does that patronage explain their sustainability on its own. Russia-centricity diminishes Britain’s latitude to engage on the full range of local drivers sustaining these entities, contributing instead to less effective policies predicated on competition and containment.

A second and related challenge is to maintain and develop Britain’s position on the issue of engaging populations in these entities. De facto states appear to stand outside of the international rules-based system. Yet in many cases, their civil societies are peopled by skilled and motivated activists who want their leaders to be held accountable according to international rules.

Strategies of isolation ignore these voices and contribute instead to fearful and demoralized communities less likely to engage in a transformation of adversarial relationships. Making this case with the wider international community, and facilitating the funding of local civil societies in contested territories, would be important steps in sustaining an effective British policy on the resolution of conflicts.    

The third challenge for Britain is to maintain a long-term approach to the conflicts of the South Caucasus alongside potential short-term imperatives in other policy fields, as relationships shift post-Brexit.

In this fluid international environment, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office has a role to play both as an internal champion of a long-term peacebuilding strategy and a coordinator of British efforts with those of multilateral actors engaged in the South Caucasus. These include the United Nations, the EU’s Special Representative for the South Caucasus and the Crisis in Georgia and OSCE’s Special Representative for the OSCE Chairperson-in-Office for the South Caucasus, all of which have built relationships with relevant actors on the ground.

Recommendations

Britain’s niche as a champion and advocate of a strategic approach to peaceful change can be secured post-Brexit in the following ways.  

First, in-house expertise is crucial to effective peacebuilding programming. The Foreign Office’s research analysts play a vital role in generating independent internal advice and liaising with academic and NGO communities. Their role could be supplemented by the reinstatement of a regional conflict adviser post, based in Tbilisi, tasked with strengthening Britain’s regional presence on conflict issues and coordinating policy at a regional level.

This post, with a remit to cover conflicts and build up area knowledge and relationships can contribute significantly to working closely with local civil societies, where so much expertise and knowledge resides, as well as other stakeholders.

Second, programming should build in conflict sensitivity by dissociating eligibility from contested political status. This can encourage local populations to take advantage of opportunities for funding, study, comparative learning and professional development irrespective of the status of the entity where they reside.

The Chevening Scholarships are an excellent example, whereby applicants can select ‘South Caucasus’ as their affiliated identity from a drop-down menu. This enables citizens from across the region to apply irrespective of the status of the territory in which they live.   

Finally, a holistic understanding of peace is crucial. Programming in unrecognized or partially-recognized entities should acknowledge that effective peacebuilding needs to embrace political dynamics and processes beyond cross-conflict contact and confidence building. Local actors in such entities may find peacebuilding funding streams defined exclusively in terms of cross-conflict contact more politically risky and ineffective in addressing domestic blockages to peace.

While cross-conflict dynamics remain critical, ‘single-community’ programming framed in terms of civic participation, inclusion, civil society capacity-building, minority and human rights in contested territories, and building the confidence from within to engage in constructive dialogue, are no less important.

The ’global Britain’ promised by Brexit remains a fanciful idea. Quiet, painstaking work to build on the legacies of a long-term British investment in a peace strategy for the South Caucasus, on the other hand, is a realistic and attainable goal.




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Perseus, dismounted from Pegasus, after rescuing Andromeda. Engraving by P.F. Tardieu after A.F. Oeser after P.P. Rubens.

[Dresden?], [1754?]




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Asus ROG Zenith II Extreme

If you're willing to pay the (necessarily) big bucks to create a new TRX40-based Threadripper desktop, few motherboards on any platform can match the Asus ROG Zenith II Extreme for sheer robustness and feature set.




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Hope for the Caucasus

An overview of the Caucasus region and a call to participate.




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Putting the Caucasus on the map

OMers share how God is moving among unreached people in their remote village in the Caucasus.




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Asus ExpertBook B9450

A record-setting battery-life monster, the Asus ExpertBook B9450 is a super-light "Project Athena" business laptop with loads of handy connectivity. You can find speedier and better-built laptops, but it's a great choice for long-haul travelers.




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Asus Indias Arnold Su talks about the delayed Zephyrus G14 and other upcoming gaming laptops




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Asus celebrates Mother’s Day with #LikeMotherLikeAsus campaign

The campaign highlights the consistent productivity of mothers to adorn multiple hats




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ASUS adds new Intel chips to its Zephyrus gaming laptops

ASUS has refreshed its line of gaming laptops with new 10th Generation Intel Core processors, NVIDIA RTX 2070/2080 Super graphics and a bunch of other features designed to make gaming and content creation slicker and smoother. First up, the new Zephyrus S17 (pictured), which comes with a 17.3-inch display with super narrow bezels in an 18.7-millimeter-thin chassis. A 300 Hz refresh rate and 3ms grey-to-grey response time means the display is lightning fast, and it comes with Pantone-validated color accuracy as well.




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ASUS' ROG Zephyrus Duo 15 is a gaming laptop with a built-in second screen

ASUS has been pushing laptops with second screens for a couple of years now, but it's still searching for a winning formula. Last year's ZenBook Pro Duo pushed the keyboard down to the edge of the laptop's body, with the rest of the surface housing a second screen. The problem with that configuration was an awkwardly placed trackpad. But, you know who cares less about trackpad placement? Gamers. Hence, almost a year later, the company's Republic Of Gamers (ROG) division has its own spin on the concept: the ROG Zephyrus Duo 15.




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United States and Arkansas File Joint Complaint Against ExxonMobil for Pegasus Pipeline Oil Spill in Mayflower, Arkansas

Today the United States and the state of Arkansas filed a joint enforcement action against ExxonMobil Pipeline Company and Mobil Pipe Line Company (ExxonMobil) in federal district court in Little Rock, Ark.



  • OPA Press Releases

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U.S., EU, and Turkish engagement in the South Caucasus


Harsh geopolitical realities and historic legacies have pushed the South Caucasus states of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia back onto the foreign policy agendas of the United States, the European Union (EU), and Turkey, at a time when all three have pulled back from more activist roles in regional affairs. The South Caucasus states have now become, at best, second-tier issues for the West, but they remain closely connected to first-tier problems. To head off the prospect that festering crises in the Caucasus will lead to or feed into broader conflagrations, the United States, EU, and Turkey have to muster sufficient political will to re-engage to some degree in high-level regional diplomacy. In “Retracing the Caucasian Circle Considerations and Constraints for U.S., EU, and Turkish Engagement in the South Caucasus,” authors Fiona Hill, Kemal Kirişci, and Andrew Moffatt explore the rationale and assess the options for Western reengagement with Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia given the current challenges and limitations on all sides. Based on a series of study trips to the South Caucasus and Turkey in 2014 and 2015, and numerous other interviews, the authors review some of the current factors that should be considered by Western policymakers and analysts.

Constraints and considerations for U.S., EU, and Turkish engagement in the South Caucasus:

• Divergent trends in the South Caucasus
• Russia’s influence in the South Caucasus
• Regional conflicts
• The United States’ diminishing role in the South Caucasus
• Failure to integrate the South Caucasus into the EU
• Foundering relations with Turkey
• Dashed expectations in the South Caucasus of Western engagement

Despite the challenges that have beset the West’s relations with the South Caucasus and the growing disillusionment in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia, giving up on engagement is not an option.

Policy options for the future:

• The United States, EU, and Turkey must work together, rather than separately
• “Under the radar” coordination on creative interim solutions and working with other mediators
• Focus on the development of “soft regionalism”
• Work with Georgia as the hub for furthering soft regionalism
• Devise adaptable policies as relations with Iran and China develop in the region

Downloads

Authors

Image Source: © Umit Bektas / Reuters
      
 
 




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Marcelo of Real Madrid and Yasushi Endo of Kashima Antlers battle for the ball

ABU DHABI, UNITED ARAB EMIRATES - DECEMBER 19: Marcelo of Real Madrid and Yasushi Endo of Kashima Antlers battle for the ball during the FIFA Club World Cup semi-final match between Kashima Antlers and Real Madrid at Zayed Sports City Stadium on December 19, 2018 in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates. (Photo by Michael Regan - FIFA/FIFA via Getty Images)




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Yasushi Endo of Kashima Antlers and Toni Kroos of Real Madrid fight for the ball during the FIFA Club World Cup semi-final 

ABU DHABI, UNITED ARAB EMIRATES - DECEMBER 19: Yasushi Endo of Kashima Antlers and Toni Kroos of Real Madrid fight for the ball during the FIFA Club World Cup semi-final match between Kashima Antlers and Real Madrid at Zayed Sports City Stadium on December 19, 2018 in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates. (Photo by David Ramos - FIFA/FIFA via Getty Images)




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Yasushi Endo of Kashima Antlers

ABU DHABI, UNITED ARAB EMIRATES - DECEMBER 19: Toni Kroos and Marcelo of Real Madrid close down Yasushi Endo of Kashima Antlers during the FIFA Club World Cup semi-final match between Kashima Antlers and Real Madrid at Zayed Sports City Stadium on December 19, 2018 in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates. (Photo by Michael Regan - FIFA/FIFA via Getty Images)




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ASUS Launches Zenfone 3 Max With Good Battery Life

Expanding its Zenfone 3 series, Taiwanese giant ASUS on Wednesday launched two variants of Zenfone 3 Max smartphone with a massive 4,100 mAh battery in India.




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Asus Introduced ZenFone 3 Max 5.5

The Taiwanese multinational electronics company Asus, introduced the top-notch version of its smartphone- ZenFone 3 Max 5.5. The new phone, successor to Zenfone Max is named based on the huge battery pack it houses.




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Asus ROG Swift 360Hz And Swift PG32UQX Showcased At CES 2020

Asus ROG (Republic of Gamers) is known for its wide range of gaming accessories and products. At CES 2020, the company has made several announcements among which Asus also introduced its latest ROG gaming monitors with high-end features. The company is




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Ethnobotany of the Mountain Regions of Far Eastern Europe : Ural, Northern Caucasus, Turkey, and Iran [Electronic book] / edited by Ketevan Batsatsashvili, Zaal Kikvidze, Rainer Bussmann.

Cham : Springer, [2019]




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Armenia and Europe: foreign aid and environmental politics in the post-Soviet caucasus / by Pål Wilter Skedsmo

Dewey Library - HC60.S54 2019




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Qarajeh to Quba: rugs and flatweaves from East Azarbaijan and the Transcaucasus / Raoul E. Tschebull ; photography by Don Tuttle

Rotch Library - NK2875.7.A9 T73 2019




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The EU's neighbourhood policy towards the South Caucasus: expanding the European Security Community / Licínia Simão

Online Resource




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Caucasus survey [electronic journal].