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Michael Flynn Confessed. Justice Department Now Says It Doesn’t Care.

It may not be a pardon. But the Justice Department has dropped charges against Donald Trump’s former national security adviser Michael Flynn, who pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI.Retired Army Lt. Gen. Flynn, an important figure in the war on terror who gave Trump’s 2016 run military validation, will avoid prison time after the Justice Department provided a deliverance on Thursday that Flynn had long sought. It is also the second redemption that Trump has provided the general, who served as his first national security adviser for less than a month. “The Government has determined, pursuant to the Principles of Federal Prosecution and based on an extensive review and careful consideration of the circumstances, that continued prosecution of this case would not serve the interests of justice,” wrote Timothy Shea, the interim U.S. attorney for the District of Columbia and a former senior aide to Attorney General William Barr. Shortly before the filing, lead prosecutor Brandon Von Grack abruptly withdrew from the case.The Justice Department filing, in essence, portrays Flynn as the victim of an FBI frame-up job, and his lies to the FBI as legally marginal. Shea wrote that Flynn’s lies needed to have been “not simply false, but ‘materially’ false with respect to a matter under investigation.” Later in the filing, Shea referred to those lies as “gaps in [Flynn’s] memory,” rather than deliberate falsehoods Flynn conceded. “Even if he told the truth, Mr. Flynn’s statements could not have conceivably ‘influenced’ an investigation that had neither a legitimate counterintelligence nor criminal purpose,” Shea wrote.It was an astonishing turnaround since 2018, when a federal judge said to Flynn in a sentencing hearing, “arguably, you sold your country out.” That judge, Emmet Sullivan, could still decide to reject Shea’s filing and continue with Flynn’ sentencing. Michael Bromwich, a former federal prosecutor and Justice Department inspector general, tweeted that the extraordinary move represented “a pardon by another name” and called it a “black day in DOJ history.”Rep. Jerrold Nadler (D-NY), chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, said the decision to drop charges was “outrageous” and revealed “a politicized and thoroughly corrupt Department of Justice.” Sen. Ron Wyden (D-OR) added, “If Barr’s Justice Department will drop charges against someone who twice pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI and who the White House publicly fired for lying to the vice president, there’s nothing it won’t do, no investigation it won’t taint.”Neither Flynn nor his attorney, Sidney Powell, responded immediately to requests for comment.Speaking to reports on Thursday afternoon, Trump said he had no prior knowledge of the Justice Department’s decision. “He was an innocent man,” Trump said, of Flynn. “Now in my book he’s an even greater warrior.”The dropped charges follow a years-long groundswell from Trump’s base, and particularly Fox News, to clear Flynn. His advocates claim that Flynn was set up by the same disreputable FBI figures who they believe persecuted Trump over phantom collusion with Russia.Flynn’s guilty plea, in December, 2017, has been no obstacle to the narrative, particularly since Flynn sought afterwards, unsuccessfully, to withdraw his plea. His sentencing, initially set for February, had also been delayed.Last month, agitation for a Flynn pardon intensified after documents emerged from two of Trump’s most hated ex-FBI figures, counterintelligence official Peter Strzok and attorney Lisa Page, discussing Flynn’s fateful January 2017 interview with the FBI. Page asked when and how to “slip it in” to Flynn that lying to an FBI agent is a crime, something that Flynn’s advocates believed showed the general being railroaded from the start. But veteran FBI agents and prosecutors have pointed out that the FBI is not legally obligated to inform an interview subject that lying to them is illegal. “Michael Flynn was very familiar with the FBI,” said Stephanie Douglas, a former executive assistant director of the FBI’s National Security Branch. “He would certainly have been aware of his obligation to provide candid and truthful information. His claim he was tricked and manipulated doesn’t sound valid to me.” Shea, in his Thursday court filing, suggested the FBI officials were “fishing for falsehoods merely to manufacture jurisdiction over any statement.” In Shea’s view, Flynn’s lies were less germane to the prosecution than the FBI “lack[ing] sufficient basis to sustain its initial counterintelligence investigation,” and its pre-interview position that it ought to close the investigation before speaking with the then national security adviser.Former FBI deputy head Andrew McCabe said on Thursday that the suggestion there was no reason to interview Flynn was “patently false, and ignores the considerable national security risk his contacts raised.” He said Flynn’s lies added to the FBI’s concerns about his relationship with Russia. “Today’s move... is pure politics designed to please the president,” he added.U.S. Attorney Jeff Jensen, who was appointed by Barr to review Flynn’s and other high-profile cases, said on Thursday that he concluded “the proper and just course” was to dismiss the case. “I briefed Attorney General Barr on my findings, advised him on these conclusions, and he agreed,” he said.The FBI Didn’t Frame Michael Flynn. That’s Just Trump’s Excuse for a Prospective Pardon.While serving as national security adviser, Flynn misled FBI interviewers about conversations he had with the then-Russian ambassador, Sergei Kislyak. In one of those late 2016 conversations, according to court filings, Flynn asked the Russians to avoid escalatory actions in response to sanctions and diplomatic expulsions then President Barack Obama enacted as reprisal for Russian electoral interference. Shea, in his filing, called Flynn’s Kislyak calls “entirely appropriate on their face.”The national security adviser’s lies prompted the holdover attorney general, Sally Yates, to warn the White House that Flynn had given the Russians leverage to blackmail him. But it would take weeks before Trump fired Flynn over “an eroding level of trust” concerning misleading Vice President Mike Pence on the Kislyak contacts. By May, Trump was said to have regretted dismissing the general.  Flynn in 2017 agreed to cooperate with Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation. The general avoided charges for taking $530,000 in unregistered money from interests connected to the Turkish government—something he only declared with the Justice Department after his downfall as national security adviser. During a sentencing hearing in 2018, a federal judge castigated Flynn for disgracing the uniform Flynn wore for three decades. “Arguably, you sold your country out,” Judge Emmet Sullivan said. Two years earlier, on stage at the Republican national convention, Flynn had led a chant of “lock her up” about Hillary Clinton. Protesters outside Flynn’s courtroom did not let the general forget it. Trump’s enduring bond with Flynn is a testament to the importance of the role the general played in 2016.A host of national security officials, many aligned with the Republican Party, rejected Trump in 2016 as unfit to be president owing to his nativism, his penchant for brutality and his benign view of dictators like Russia’s Vladimir Putin. Flynn was the exception. And the general was an exceptional figure. As the intelligence chief for the Joint Special Operations Command during the mid-2000s, Flynn is one of a select few people who can be said to have personally prosecuted the most sensitive missions of the war on terror. Michael Flynn Putting Mueller Deal at Risk in ‘Dangerous’ New TrialIt was a pivotal credential in another way. Flynn emerged from the war on terror endorsing Trump’s view that the security apparatus, abetted by hidebound liberals and cowardly conservatives, had neutered the war on terror by refusing to see it was a civilizational conflict with Islam. “Islam is a political ideology” that “hides behind this notion of being a religion,” Flynn told the Islamophobic group ACT for America shortly after the 2016 convention. His hostility to Islam informed his sanguine view of Russia, which both Flynn and Trump saw as naturally aligned with the U.S. against what they called “Radical Islamic Terror.”It also meant that Trump and Flynn shared a common bureaucratic enemy. James Clapper, then the director of national intelligence, was a lead architect of an intelligence assessment finding Russia intervened in the election on Trump’s behalf. In 2014, Clapper fired Flynn as director of the Defense Intelligence Agency. It was deeply embittering. Just four years earlier, Flynn had been hailed as an innovator after claiming U.S. military intelligence had misunderstood the Afghanistan war. While Flynn portrayed himself as a martyr, victimized by the ‘Deep State’ for daring to warn about radical Islam, Clapper and other intelligence leaders had fallen out with Flynn over what they considered an incompetent management style and an iffy relationship with the truth. Reportedly, Flynn believed Iran was involved in the 2012 assault on a CIA compound in Benghazi that killed four Americans, and claimed incorrectly that Iran was responsible for more American deaths than al-Qaeda. Aides referred to such untruths as “Flynn facts.” Flynn facts did not disturb Trump. They validated his instincts on national security. Trump rewarded Flynn by making him national security adviser, one of the most important positions in the U.S. security apparatus. It was the first time Trump redeemed Flynn. Thursday’s dropped charges represent the second. Read more at The Daily Beast.Get our top stories in your inbox every day. Sign up now!Daily Beast Membership: Beast Inside goes deeper on the stories that matter to you. Learn more.





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Complementary and Integrative Medicine: Emerging Therapies for Diabetes, Part 1: Preface

Cynthia Payne
Aug 1, 2001; 14:
Preface




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Exploring Public International Law and the Rights of Individuals with Chinese Scholars - Part One

17 April 2014

As part of a roundtable series, Chatham House and China University of Political Science and Law (CUPL) jointly organized this four-day meeting at Chatham House for international lawyers to discuss a wide range of issues related to public international law and the rights of individuals.

Sonya Sceats

Associate Fellow, International Law Programme

20140624ChinaHumanRights.jpg

The Representative of China at the 19th Session of the Human Rights Council, Palais des Nations, Geneva. 27 February 2012. Photo: UN Photo Geneva/Violaine Martin.

The specific objectives were to:

  • create a platform for Chinese international law academics working on international human rights law issues to present their thinking and exchange ideas with counterparts from outside China;
  • build stronger understanding within the wider international law community of intellectual debates taking place in China about the international human rights system and China's role within it;
  • support networking between Chinese and non-Chinese academics working on international human rights and related areas of international law.

The roundtable forms part of a wider Chatham House project exploring China's impact on the international human rights system and was inspired by early discussions with a burgeoning community of Chinese academics thinking, writing (mainly in Chinese) and teaching about international human rights law.

For China University of Political Science and Law, one of the largest and most prestigious law schools in China and perhaps the only university in the world with an entire faculty of international law, the initiative is part of a drive to forge partnerships beyond China in the international law field.

The roundtable had a total of 22 participants, 10 Chinese (from universities and other academic institutions in Beijing and Shanghai) and 12 non-Chinese (from Australia, Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland, the United Kingdom and the United States).

All discussions were held in English under the Chatham House Rule.




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Exploring Public International Law and the Rights of Individuals with Chinese Scholars - Part Two

15 November 2014

As part of a roundtable series, Chatham House and China University of Political Science and Law (CUPL) held a two-day roundtable meeting in Beijing on public international law and the rights of individuals.

Sonya Sceats

Associate Fellow, International Law Programme

20140624ChinaHumanRights.jpg

The Representative of China at the 19th Session of the Human Rights Council, Palais des Nations, Geneva. 27 February 2012. Photo: UN Photo Geneva/Violaine Martin.

The specific objectives were to:

  • create a platform for Chinese international law academics working on international human rights law issues to present their thinking and exchange ideas with counterparts from outside China;
  • build stronger understanding within the wider international law community of intellectual debates taking place in China about the international human rights system and China's role within it;
  • support networking between Chinese and non-Chinese academics working on international human rights and related areas of international law.

The roundtable forms part of a wider Chatham House project exploring China's impact on the international human rights system and was inspired by early discussions with a burgeoning community of Chinese academics thinking, writing (mainly in Chinese) and teaching about international human rights law.

For CUPL, one of the largest and most prestigious law schools in China and perhaps the only university in the world with an entire faculty of international law, the initiative is part of a drive to forge partnerships beyond China in the international law field.

The meeting in Beijing was hosted by CUPL and involved 20 participants, 10 Chinese (from universities and other academic institutions in Beijing) and 10 non-Chinese (from Australia, the Netherlands, South Africa, Switzerland, the United Kingdom and the United States).

To ensure continuity while also expanding the experts network being built, the second meeting included a mix of participants from the first meeting and some new participants.

All discussions were held in English under the Chatham House Rule.




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Exploring Public International Law and the Rights of Individuals with Chinese Scholars - Part Three

6 March 2016

As part of a roundtable series, Chatham House, China University of Political Science and Law (CUPL) and the Graduate Institute Geneva held a two-day roundtable meeting in Geneva on public international law and the rights of individuals.

Sonya Sceats

Associate Fellow, International Law Programme

20140624ChinaHumanRights.jpg

The Representative of China at the 19th Session of the Human Rights Council, Palais des Nations, Geneva. 27 February 2012. Photo: UN Photo Geneva/Violaine Martin.

The specific objectives were to:

  • create a platform for Chinese international law academics working on international human rights law issues to present their thinking and exchange ideas with counterparts from outside China;
  • build stronger understanding within the wider international law community of intellectual debates taking place in China about the international human rights system and China's role within it;
  • support networking between Chinese and non-Chinese academics working on international human rights and related areas of international law.

The roundtable forms part of a wider Chatham House project exploring China's impact on the international human rights system and was inspired by early discussions with a burgeoning community of Chinese academics thinking, writing (mainly in Chinese) and teaching about international human rights law.

For CUPL, one of the largest and most prestigious law schools in China and perhaps the only university in the world with an entire faculty of international law, the initiative is part of a drive to forge partnerships beyond China in the international law field.

The meeting in Geneva was co-hosted by the Graduate Institute Geneva and involved 19 participants, 9 Chinese (from six research institutions in Beijing and Shanghai) and 11 non-Chinese (from eight research institutions in Australia, Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland, the United Kingdom and the United States).

To ensure continuity while also expanding the expert network being built, the third meeting included a mix of participants from the first two meetings and some new participants

All discussions were held in English under the Chatham House Rule.




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Exploring Public International Law Issues with Chinese Scholars – Part Four

3 June 2018

As part of a roundtable series, Chatham House and the China University of Political Science and Law (CUPL) held a two-day roundtable in Beijing on emerging issues of public international law. 

Harriet Moynihan

Senior Research Fellow, International Law Programme

20140624ChinaHumanRights.jpg

The Representative of China at the 19th Session of the Human Rights Council, Palais des Nations, Geneva. 27 February 2012. Photo: UN Photo Geneva/Violaine Martin.

The specific objectives were to:

  • create a platform for Chinese international law academics working on international human rights law issues to present their thinking and exchange ideas with counterparts from outside China;
  • build stronger understanding within the wider international law community of intellectual debates taking place in China about the international human rights system and China's role within it;
  • support networking between Chinese and non-Chinese academics working on international human rights and related areas of international law.

The roundtable forms part of a wider Chatham House project exploring China's impact on the international human rights system and was inspired by early discussions with a burgeoning community of Chinese academics thinking, writing (mainly in Chinese) and teaching about international human rights law.

For CUPL, one of the largest and most prestigious law schools in China and perhaps the only university in the world with an entire faculty of international law, the initiative is part of a drive to forge partnerships beyond China in the international law field.

The meeting was co-hosted with CUPL and involved 28 participants, consisting of 19 Chinese participants (from six leading research institutions in Beijing and Shanghai) and nine nonChinese participants (from eight leading research institutions in Australia, the Netherlands, the UK, Switzerland, Canada and Singapore).

To ensure continuity while also expanding the expert network being built, the fifth meeting included a mix of participants from the previous meetings and some new participants.

All discussions were held in English under the Chatham House Rule.




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Webinar: Can the Justice and Development Party Still Absorb Popular Anger in Morocco?

Webinar Research Event

8 April 2020 - 1:00pm to 2:00pm

Event participants

Mohammed Masbah, Director, Moroccan Institute for Policy Analysis; Associate Fellow, MENA Programme, Chatham House
Moderator: Lina Khatib, Director, MENA Programme, Chatham House

Ever since independence, the Moroccan monarchy has used political parties to legitimize the country’s authoritarian political process and structure, and to absorb social and political anger. The palace puts successive governments and other elected institutions, such as local and regional councils, at the frontline of public blame, and replaces them once they fail this function.

In a recent article, MENA Programme Associate Fellow, Mohammed Masbah, examines how the Moroccan monarchy has used this strategy with the ruling Justice and Development Party (PJD) so that the palace remains the centre of political power, while the PJD – and other political parties before it– takes responsibility for coping with the mounting socio-economic crisis.

In this webinar, part of the Chatham House project on The Future of the State in the Middle East and North Africa, the article’s author will discuss the risks this approach presents for the long-term stability of Morocco and what reforms are needed to increase citizens’ dwindling confidence in the political process.

You can express your interest in attending by following this link. You will receive a Zoom confirmation email should your registration be successful.




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18F-DCFPyL PET/CT in Patients with Subclinical Recurrence of Prostate Cancer: Effect of Lesion Size, Smooth Filter and Partial Volume Correction on Prostate Cancer Molecular Imaging Standardized Evaluation (PROMISE) criteria

Purpose: To determine the effect of smooth filter and partial volume correction (PVC) method on measured prostate-specific membrane antigen (PSMA) activity in small metastatic lesions and to determine the impact of these changes on the molecular imaging (mi) PSMA scoring. Materials & Methods: Men with biochemical recurrence of prostate cancer with negative CT and bone scintigraphy were referred for 18F-DCFPyL PET/CT. Examinations were performed on one of 2 PET/CT scanners (GE Discovery 610 or Siemens mCT40). All suspected tumor sites were manually contoured on co-registered CT and PET images, and each was assigned a miPSMA score as per the PROMISE criteria. The PVC factors were calculated for every lesion using the anatomical CT and then applied to the unsmoothed PET images. The miPSMA scores, with and without the corrections, were compared, and a simplified "rule of thumb" (RoT) correction factor (CF) was derived for lesions at various sizes (<4mm, 4-7mm, 7-9mm, 9-12mm). This was then applied to the original dataset and miPSMA scores obtained using the RoT CF were compared to those found using the actual corrections. Results: There were 75 men (median age, 69 years; median serum PSA of 3.69 ug/L) with 232 metastatic nodes < 12 mm in diameter (mean lesion volume of 313.5 ± 309.6 mm3). Mean SUVmax before and after correction was 11.0 ± 9.3 and 28.5 ± 22.8, respectively (p<0.00001). The mean CF for lesions <4mm (n = 22), 4-7mm (n = 140), 7-9mm (n = 50), 9-12 mm (n = 20) was 4 (range: 2.5-6.4), 2.8 (range: 1.6-4.9), 2.3 (range: 1.6-3.3) and 1.8 (range 1.4-2.4), respectively. Overall miPSMA scores were concordant between the corrected dataset and RoT in 205/232 lesions (88.4%). Conclusion: There is a significant effect of smooth filter and partial volume correction on measured PSMA activity in small nodal metastases, impacting the miPSMA score.




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Reshaping the amyloid buildup curve in Alzheimer's disease? - Partial volume effect correction of longitudinal amyloid PET data

It was hypothesized that the brain β-amyloid buildup curve plateaus at an early symptomatic Alzheimer's disease (AD) stage. Atrophy-related partial volume effects (PVEs) degrade signal in hot-spot imaging techniques, such as amyloid positron emission tomography (PET). This longitudinal analysis of amyloid-sensitive PET data investigated the shape of the β-amyloid curve in AD applying PVE correction (PVEC). We analyzed baseline and 2-year follow-up data of 216 symptomatic individuals on the AD continuum (positive amyloid status) enrolled in Alzheimer's Disease Neuroimaging Initiative (17 AD dementia, 199 mild cognitive impairment), including 18F-florbetapir PET, magnetic resonance imaging and mini mental state examination (MMSE) scores. For PVEC, the modified Müller-Gärtner method was performed. Compared to non-PVE-corrected data, PVE-corrected data yielded significantly higher regional and composite standardized uptake value ratio (SUVR) changes over time (P=0.0002 for composite SUVRs). Longitudinal SUVR changes in relation to MMSE decreases showed a significantly higher slope of the regression line in the PVE-corrected as compared to the non-PVE-corrected PET data (F=7.1, P=0.008). These PVEC results indicate that the β-amyloid buildup curve does not plateau at an early symptomatic disease stage. A further evaluation of the impact of PVEC on the in-vivo characterization of time-dependent AD pathology, including the reliable assessment and comparison of other amyloid tracers, is warranted.




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Central and Eastern Europe and Sub-Saharan Africa: The Potential of Investment Partnerships for Mutual Benefit

31 October 2019

Trade between Central and Eastern Europe and sub-Saharan Africa has increased significantly in the last decade and a half. There is a strong case to be made for greater economic re-engagement, especially in terms of investment, that has the potential to support inclusive growth in both regions.

Damir Kurtagic

Former Academy Robert Bosch Fellow, Africa Programme

recycled-containerboard-warehouse_mondi_poland.jpg

Recycled containerboard warehouse, Mondi Group, Poland. Photo: Mondi Group.

Summary

  • There are growing economic links between the economies of Central and Eastern Europe and sub-Saharan Africa in terms of both trade and investment. However, while trade has picked up significantly from pre-EU accession levels, investment has not increased to the same extent.
  • Contrary to common assumption, investment flows are not solely from Central and Eastern Europe to sub-Saharan Africa. In reality, the largest investment flow between the two blocs occurs in the opposite direction – from South Africa into Central and Eastern Europe.
  • Sub-Saharan Africa can benefit from a greater commercial relationship focused on attracting sustainable investment from Central and Eastern Europe. For this to happen, commercial strategies towards Central and Eastern European countries need to be put in place before strategy can be reinforced by greater diplomatic and informational support.
  • For many sub-Saharan African governments, there is no overall targeted approach to attracting Central and Eastern European investors. A notable exception is South Africa, where departments have been established at provincial government level to specifically target investment from Central and Eastern Europe.
  • Sub-Saharan African governments expect Central and Eastern European private-sector investment to result not only in job creation, but also to bring spillover benefits such as the transfer of skills and knowledge to domestic industries.
  • Each sub-Saharan African country, in accordance with its individual circumstances, will need to adopt a discrete mix of administrative reform (particularly aimed at cutting red tape), as well as infrastructural and other policies that improve the business environment and generate investor confidence.
  • Much of the private sector in Central and Eastern Europe is somewhat hesitant to invest in sub-Saharan Africa on a greater scale. Many companies are most comfortable operating within their domestic environment; when they invest abroad, it tends to be in the ‘neighbourhood’ with which they are already familiar. Perceptions of risk are often compounded by popular misperceptions and generalizations about sub-Saharan Africa.
  • Central and Eastern European countries stand to gain from a deeper investment relationship. While greater engagement with sub-Saharan Africa has already been pursued by some countries, most of them focus on trade. Institutional support to companies from Central and Eastern Europe (both public and private) has evolved to a degree, but is still not comprehensive. Information for companies interested in investing is either lacking or not shared in an efficient way. And the greatest challenge is ensuring top-level political engagement.
  • EU membership offers clear opportunities for Central and Eastern European countries to invest sustainably and responsibly in sub-Saharan Africa. Not only is financial support forthcoming, through innovative EU financial instruments, but the availability of information relevant to business and the EU’s extensive diplomatic presence in Africa should help to alleviate some of the concerns of Central and Eastern European investors.




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POSTPONED: Africa, Japan and the UK: Emerging Partnerships Beyond Summits

Research Event

17 March 2020 - 9:30am to 1:15pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

HE Nabil Ben Khedher, Ambassador of Tunisia to the United Kingdom
Professor Naohiro Kitano, Visiting Fellow, Japan International Cooperation Agency Research Institute (JICA-RI); Professor, Waseda University
Taku Miyazaki, Deputy Director General, Japan External Trade Organisation (JETRO) London
Serge Mouangue, Founder and Art Director, WAfrica
Norio Suzuki, Senior Strategist, BBOXX
HE Professor Mohammed Gana Yisa, Ambassador of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to Japan; Chairman, African Diplomatic Corps in Tokyo (ADC) TICAD Committee

Chairs:
Dr Champa Patel
, Director, Asia-Pacific Programme, Chatham House
Dr Alex Vines OBE, Managing Director, Ethics, Risk & Resilience; Director, Africa Programme

Since Japan established its Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) in 1993, an increasing number of summits for African engagement have appeared across the Asia-Pacific region. TICAD VII, held on 28-30 August 2019 in Yokohama, sought to strengthen partnerships between Japan and Africa in three main areas: technical cooperation; business and women’s entrepreneurship; and next generation and people-to-people connectivity.

The UK-Africa Investment Summit held in January 2020 highlighted similar themes, with an emphasis on investing to generate sustainable growth and create jobs.  Common interests and goals among different African countries, Japan and the UK bring opportunities for trilateral cooperation.

This event will examine how collaboration between African countries, Japan and the UK can help to more effectively achieve sustainable growth, business development and job creation.

PLEASE NOTE THIS EVENT IS POSTPONED UNTIL FURTHER NOTICE.

Hanna Desta

Programme Assistant, Africa Programme




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How federal government departments are protecting Australians' data against cyber hack

Cyber Security Minister Dan Tehan says the government can't rule out vulnerabilities to cyber threats.




part

Face scanning falls flat as part of digital credentials push

State government's facial recognition ID check is now required for those seeking solar rebates, but it failed 40 per cent of the time during the first two weeks.




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Brexit: What Now for UK Trade Policy? (Part 2)

Research Event

1 October 2019 - 12:30pm to 1:30pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Professor Jagjit S. Chadha, Director, NIESR
Dr Kamala Dawar, Senior Lecturer in Law, University of Sussex; Fellow, UKTPO
Dr Michael Gasiorek, Senior Lecturer in Economics, University of Sussex; Director, Interanalysis; Fellow, UKTPO
Chair: Professor Jim Rollo, Deputy Director, UKTPO; Associate Fellow, Chatham House

In the five months since the last extension of the Brexit deadline, the questions about the UK’s trading relationship with the EU remain as open as before, as do those about what sort of relationship it should seek with other partners.

The world has not stood still, however, and so the UKTPO is convening another panel to consider constructive ways of moving forward. The panel will discuss potential trajectories for UK trade policy, followed by a question and answer session.

The UK Trade Policy Observatory (UKTPO) is a partnership between Chatham House and the University of Sussex which provides independent expert comment on, and analysis of, trade policy proposals for the UK as well as training for British policymakers through tailored training packages.




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UK General Election 2019: What the Political Party Manifestos Imply for Future UK Trade

Research Event

4 December 2019 - 12:30pm to 1:30pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Michael Gasiorek, Professor of Economics, University of Sussex; Director, Interanalysis; Fellow, UK Trade Policy Observatory, University of Sussex
Julia Magntorn Garrett, Research Officer, UK Trade Policy Observatory, University of Sussex
Prof Jim Rollo, Deputy Director, UK Trade Policy Observatory, University of Sussex; Associate Fellow, Global Economy and Finance Department, Chatham House
Nicolo Tamberi, Research Officer in the Economics of Brexit, University of Sussex
L. Alan Winters, Professor of Economics, Director, UK Trade Policy Observatory, University of Sussex

The upcoming UK general election is arguably a 'Brexit election', and as such, whoever wins the election will have little time to get their strategy for Brexit up and running to meet the new Brexit deadline of 31 January 2020. But what are the political parties’ policies for the UK's future trade? This event will present and discuss what the five main parties’ manifestos imply for future UK trade. Each manifesto will be presented and analysed by a fellow of the UK Trade Policy Observatory (UKTPO) and will be followed by a Q&A session. 

Michela Gariboldi

Research Assistant, Global Economy and Finance Programme
02073143692




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GPIHBP1, a partner protein for lipoprotein lipase, is expressed only in capillary endothelial cells

Xia Meng
May 1, 2020; 61:591-591
Images in Lipid Research




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Composition-function analysis of HDL subpopulations: influence of lipid composition on particle functionality [Research Articles]

The composition-function relationship of HDL particles and its effects on the mechanisms driving coronary heart disease (CHD) is poorly understood. We tested the hypothesis that the functionality of HDL particles is significantly influenced by their lipid composition. Using a novel 3D-separation method, we isolated five different-sized HDL subpopulations from CHD patients who had low preβ-1 functionality (low-F) (ABCA1-dependent cholesterol-efflux normalized for preβ-1 concentration) and controls who had either low-F or high preβ-1 functionality (high-F). Molecular numbers of apoA-I, apoA-II, and eight major lipid classes were determined in each subpopulation by LC-MS. The average number of lipid molecules decreased from 422 in the large spherical α-1 particles to 57 in the small discoid preβ-1 particles. With decreasing particle size, the relative concentration of free cholesterol (FC) decreased in α-mobility but not in preβ-1 particles. Preβ-1 particles contained more lipids than predicted; 30% of which were neutral lipids (cholesteryl ester and triglyceride), indicating that these particles were mainly remodeled from larger particles not newly synthesized. There were significant correlations between HDL-particle functionality and the concentrations of several lipids. Unexpectedly, the phospholipid:FC ratio was significantly correlated with large-HDL-particle functionality but not with preβ-1 functionality. There was significant positive correlation between particle functionality and total lipids in high-F controls, indicating that the lipid-binding capacity of apoA-I plays a major role in the cholesterol efflux capacity of HDL particles. Functionality and lipid composition of HDL particles are significantly correlated and probably both are influenced by the lipid-binding capacity of apoA-I.




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The ins and outs of lipid rafts: functions in intracellular cholesterol homeostasis, microparticles, and cell membranes [Thematic Reviews]

Cellular membranes are not homogenous mixtures of proteins; rather, they are segregated into microdomains on the basis of preferential association between specific lipids and proteins. These microdomains, called lipid rafts, are well known for their role in receptor signaling on the plasma membrane (PM) and are essential to such cellular functions as signal transduction and spatial organization of the PM. A number of disease states, including atherosclerosis and other cardiovascular disorders, may be caused by dysfunctional maintenance of lipid rafts. Lipid rafts do not occur only in the PM but also have been found in intracellular membranes and extracellular vesicles (EVs). Here, we focus on discussing newly discovered functions of lipid rafts and microdomains in intracellular membranes, including lipid and protein trafficking from the ER, Golgi bodies, and endosomes to the PM, and we examine lipid raft involvement in the production and composition of EVs. Because lipid rafts are small and transient, visualization remains challenging. Future work with advanced techniques will continue to expand our knowledge about the roles of lipid rafts in cellular functioning.




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GPIHBP1, a partner protein for lipoprotein lipase, is expressed only in capillary endothelial cells [Images In Lipid Research]




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Pharmacologic PPAR-{gamma} Activation Reprograms Bone Marrow Macrophages and Partially Rescues HSPC Mobilization in Human and Murine Diabetes

Mobilization of hematopoietic stem/progenitor cells (HSPCs) from the bone marrow (BM) is impaired in diabetes. Excess oncostatin M (OSM) produced by M1 macrophages in the diabetic BM signals through p66Shc to induce Cxcl12 in stromal cells and retain HSPCs. BM adipocytes are another source of CXCL12 that blunts mobilization. We tested a strategy of pharmacologic macrophage reprogramming to rescue HSPC mobilization. In vitro, PPAR- activation with pioglitazone switched macrophages from M1 to M2, reduced Osm expression, and prevented transcellular induction of Cxcl12. In diabetic mice, pioglitazone treatment downregulated Osm, p66Shc and Cxcl12 in the hematopoietic BM, restored the effects of granulocyte-colony stimulation factor (G-CSF), and partially rescued HSPC mobilization, but it increased BM adipocytes. Osm deletion recapitulated the effects of pioglitazone on adipogenesis, which was p66Shc-independent, and double knockout of Osm and p66Shc completely rescued HSPC mobilization. In the absence of OSM, BM adipocytes produced less CXCL12, being arguably devoid of HSPC-retaining activity, whereas pioglitazone failed to downregulate Cxcl12 in BM adipocytes. In diabetic patients under pioglitazone therapy, HSPC mobilization after G-CSF was partially rescued. In summary, pioglitazone reprogrammed BM macrophages and suppressed OSM signaling, but sustained Cxcl12 expression by BM adipocytes could limit full recovery of HSPC mobilization.




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Lactation vs Formula Feeding: Insulin, Glucose and Fatty Acid Metabolism During the Postpartum Period

Milk production may involve a transient development of insulin resistance in non-mammary tissues to support redistribution of maternal macronutrients to match the requirements of the lactating mammary gland. In the present study, adipose and liver metabolic responses were measured in the fasting state and during a 2-step (10 and 20 mU/m2/min) hyperinsulinemic-euglycemic clamp with stable isotopes, in 6-week postpartum women who were lactating (n=12) or formula-feeding (n=6) their infants and who were closely matched for baseline characteristics (e.g., parity, body composition, intrahepatic lipid). When controlling for the low insulin concentrations of both groups, the lactating women exhibited a fasting rate of endogenous glucose production (EGP) that was 2.6-fold greater, and a lipolysis rate that was 2.3-fold greater than the formula-feeding group. During the clamp, the groups exhibited similar suppression rates of EGP and lipolysis. In the lactating women only, higher prolactin concentrations were associated with greater suppression rates of lipolysis, lower intrahepatic lipid and plasma triacylglycerol concentrations. These data suggest that whole-body alterations in glucose transport may be organ specific and facilitate nutrient partitioning during lactation. Recapitulating a shift toward noninsulin-mediated glucose uptake could be an early postpartum strategy to enhance lactation success in women at risk for delayed onset of milk production.




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Predictors of Postpartum Diabetes in Women With Gestational Diabetes Mellitus

Kristian Löbner
Mar 1, 2006; 55:792-797
Pathophysiology




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Protecting the Heart in Obesity: Role of ACE2 and Its Partners

Rhian M. Touyz
Jan 1, 2016; 65:19-21
Commentaries




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Partisanship Meets Trump’s Impeachment

19 December 2019

Dr Lindsay Newman

Senior Research Fellow, US and the Americas Programme
History shows that if those pushing for impeachment and removal want to succeed, they need to drive up popular support for a senate conviction.

GettyImages-1189454843.jpg

Opposing protests during the House of Representatives debate on whether to charge President Donald Trump with two articles of impeachment. Photo by Sarah Silbiger/Getty Images.

The vote to impeach Donald Trump holds almost no surprises - on both the abuse of power and obstruction of congress articles, the votes were split entirely on party lines with nearly all the majority-led House Democrats but not a single Republican voting to impeach Trump.

However, this ‘pre-ordained’ outcome of the House impeachment inquiry does serve to highlight that the US is in the midst of a hyper-partisan political moment. Policy gridlock has led to two government shutdowns during Donald Trump’s presidency, with one further budgetary fight narrowly avoided.

With a few notable exceptions (such as USMCA), policy areas that lend themselves to bipartisanship - including infrastructure and drug pricing - have seen very little progress under divided congressional chambers. Party identification can now be overlaid with the cable news channel one watches or the newspaper one reads.

Impeachment now moves to the Senate for a trial, requiring a two-thirds majority of the Republican-led senate (or 67 senators) for a conviction. Given the congressional partisanship we are seeing, the baseline scenario continues to be that the senate will not vote to convict Trump and remove him from office - despite much being made of how many senators are likely to vote for a Senate conviction.

Why public opinion could be crucial

There is another story to keep a close eye on. The number to track is 47.2 – the current polling average of public support for Trump’s impeachment. Polling averages from the end of September 2019 (before the hearings began, but after House Speaker Nancy Pelosi announced a formal inquiry) had 49.4% supporting impeachment versus 47.2% this week.

Here’s why this number matters. If those pushing for impeachment and removal are unable to drive popular support across a critical threshold level, then those against impeachment and removal are not going to abandon the president and vote for a senate conviction. With Trump consistently polling in the low 40s on job approval, but in the high 80s/low 90s within the Republican party, this means Republican congress members concerned about re-election are extremely hesitant to distance themselves from him without a clear mandate from the domestic public. 

A tale of the two most recent presidents to face impeachment underscores this point. Gallup polling claimed 58% of adults supported impeaching and removing President Richard Nixon from office in August 1974, whereas only 35% of the public supported impeaching President Bill Clinton in December 1998, the month he was impeached.

Given the respective outcomes of those two impeachments, it suggests public support for impeachment and removal needs to increase well beyond the current 47.2%, to avoid the foregone conclusion of acquittal in the Senate (even if there are signs of the tide moving in the opposite direction with those against impeachment overtaking support for the first time in December).   

What does this mean for Democrats?

In the short term, if the Democrats want to make inroads into the hearts and minds of those across the partisan gulf, it will be critical to secure senate testimony from those in Trump’s inner circle at the time of the Ukrainian affair.

After Trump ordered individuals with first-hand knowledge of the administration’s efforts vis-à-vis Ukraine not to testify, House investigators were unable to call many witnesses with direct evidence (which in fact left the House testimony exposed to Republican claims of hearsay). With Trump impeached, more of the public is likely to tune in to the senate proceedings, and direct evidence by inner circle administration officials required to testify presents an opportunity to move public opinion.

House speaker Nancy Pelosi recognizes how crucial the procedures and participants for the senate trial will be, and has said she could delay sending the articles of impeachment to the senate as leverage for a 'fair trial'.

Democrats also have to consider how an impeachment inquiry that - at least from this vantage point - does not end in a conviction of the president plays out for the 2020 election campaign, especially if this also likely means that public opinion - and certainly Republican-party views - of Trump have not shifted.




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A Transatlantic Partnership for WTO Reform in the Age of Coronavirus

Webinar Research Event

28 April 2020 - 2:00pm to 3:00pm

Event participants

Ignacio Garcia Bercero, Director, Directorate General for Trade of the European Commission; European Union Visiting Fellow, Oxford University
Jennifer Hillman, Senior Fellow for Trade and International Political Economy, Council on Foreign Relations; Member, WTO Appellate Body, 2007 - 11
Chair: Marianne Schneider-Petsinger, Senior Research Fellow, US and Americas Programme, Chatham House

Global trade and the WTO – which has been at the heart of the rules-based international trade system since its creation in 1995 – faced a critical moment even before COVID-19. The Appellate Body’s demise in December 2019 led to a renewed focus on the future of the WTO. But the challenges facing the WTO run deeper than that – the organization has lost relevance as a negotiation forum, resulting in the global trade rules not having kept pace with changes in technology and the rise of China. While the WTO provides a forum for international cooperation to address the trade fallout from COVID-19, what implications will the pandemic have for the long-term reform of the global trade system?

Both the US and EU have proposed various WTO reform strategies and taken steps towards collaboration, but is a transatlantic partnership for WTO reform feasible? Do the US and EU believe that a rules-based international trade system is in their interest – especially in light of COVID-19? What are the biggest issues dividing the US and EU on reforming the WTO, and is there a common assessment of the key problems? What steps can the US and EU take to address the dispute settlement function of the WTO and to modernize the trade rules? Are there broader issues, such as environmental and social sustainability, that should be included in a transatlantic agenda for WTO reform?

This event is  part of the Chatham House Global Trade Policy Forum and will take place virtually only.

We would like to take this opportunity to thank founding partner AIG and supporting partners Clifford Chance LLP, Diageo plc, and EY for their generous support of the Chatham House Global Trade Policy Forum.




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Emergency departments must not return to pre-covid days of overcrowding and lack of safety, says college




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Screening Room: Parts of a Circle - History of the Karabakh Conflict

Members Event

18 February 2020 - 6:00pm to 8:00pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Jenny Norton, Producer, Parts of a Circle: History of the Karabakh Conflict
Famil Ismayilov, Journalist
Leon Aslanov, Middle East Analyst, Integrity UK
Chair: Laurence Broers, Associate Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme, Chatham House; Director, Caucasus Programme, Conciliation Resources

Once an autonomous region populated mainly by Armenians in Soviet Azerbaijan, Nagorny Karabakh, is a contested territory in the Caucasus. Since the late 1980s, its contested status has driven popular mobilization among Armenians and Azerbaijanis and an all-out war between 1992-94. After a quarter-century of enmity and military build-up, in 2019, Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders agreed to ‘prepare their populations for peace’ but how would this work in practice?

Parts of a Circle: History of the Karabakh Conflict (2019) chronicles the disputed history of the decades-old conflict between Armenians and Azerbaijanis. Supported by the European Union and based on a series of three documentary films jointly produced over four years by Armenian and Azerbaijani production teams, the film showcases journalistic cooperation in bridging societies in conflict.

The screening was followed by a panel discussion that will explore the state of the conflict and the efforts to end it. Why have efforts to resolve the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia not been successful? How can both sides build grassroot support for peace after years of fomenting hatred? And what can the international community do in support?

A short film about the making of the documentary can be seen here.

Members Events Team




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Mark Wignall | Party politics not for softies

I cannot quite remember the exact day he called me, but I know that it was sometime in the early 1990s. Six weeks before that, he was selected as constituency caretaker for a rough garrison seat that was going through some changes, slowly but...




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Sir, it is not PMS - Endometriosis can cause depression in your partner

Women with endometriosis have significantly higher rates of depression than women in the general population. That’s according to psychiatrist Dr Kristen Robinson-Barrett. It’s the end of endometriosis month, so Flair spoke to the expert to explore...




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Preventing overdiagnosis 2018 - Part 1

This week saw the latest Preventing Overdiagnosis conference - this time in Copenhagen. The conference is a is a forum where researchers and practitioners can present examples of overdiagnosis - and we heard about the various ways which disease definitions are being subtly widened, and diagnostic thresholds lowered. In this podcast we talk to...




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Preventing Overdiagnosis 2018 - part 2: What opened your eyes to overdiagnosis?

The concept of overdiagnosis is pretty hard to get - especially if you’ve been educated in a paradigm where medicine has the answers, and it’s only every a positive intervention in someone’s life - the journey to understanding the flip side - that sometimes medicine can harm often takes what Stacey Carter director of Research for Social Change at...




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Patient's rights in research - moving beyond participation

At EBM live recently, we ran a workshop with researchers, patients and clinicians to talk about patient rights in research - should patients be setting the full research agenda? Should they be full participants and authors? Helen Macdonald, BMJ’s UK research editor and co-host of our talk evidence podcast sat down to Paul Wicks, researcher and...




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NCEP-Defined Metabolic Syndrome, Diabetes, and Prevalence of Coronary Heart Disease Among NHANES III Participants Age 50 Years and Older

Charles M. Alexander
May 1, 2003; 52:1210-1214
Complications




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Longitudinal Metabolome-Wide Signals Prior to the Appearance of a First Islet Autoantibody in Children Participating in the TEDDY Study

Children at increased genetic risk for type 1 diabetes (T1D) after environmental exposures may develop pancreatic islet autoantibodies (IA) at a very young age. Metabolic profile changes over time may imply responses to exposures and signal development of the first IA. Our present research in The Environmental Determinants of Diabetes in the Young (TEDDY) study aimed to identify metabolome-wide signals preceding the first IA against GAD (GADA-first) or against insulin (IAA-first). We profiled metabolomes by mass spectrometry from children’s plasma at 3-month intervals after birth until appearance of the first IA. A trajectory analysis discovered each first IA preceded by reduced amino acid proline and branched-chain amino acids (BCAAs), respectively. With independent time point analysis following birth, we discovered dehydroascorbic acid (DHAA) contributing to the risk of each first IA, and -aminobutyric acid (GABAs) associated with the first autoantibody against insulin (IAA-first). Methionine and alanine, compounds produced in BCAA metabolism and fatty acids, also preceded IA at different time points. Unsaturated triglycerides and phosphatidylethanolamines decreased in abundance before appearance of either autoantibody. Our findings suggest that IAA-first and GADA-first are heralded by different patterns of DHAA, GABA, multiple amino acids, and fatty acids, which may be important to primary prevention of T1D.




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Partha Kar: Dieting and body shaming




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Quality of dietary fat and genetic risk of type 2 diabetes: individual participant data meta-analysis




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Partha Kar: What will the 2020s hold for diabetes care?




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Partha Kar: Covid-19—we must keep faith in our experts




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Partha Kar: What will come after the covid-19 crisis?




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In the spirit of serving humanity – Part 2

We continue the positive reinforcement of humane spirit and action when humanity, as a collective, is grappling with an unprecedented calamity. “We shall overcome” is the mantra, and going by the ­indomitable strength we possess, we ­definitely...




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United against coronavirus through art - Government of India calls artists to participate in a unique art competition

The COVID-19 pandemic around the world has taken the world by storm, touching the lives of every human being on Earth. The global nature of the crisis has united us as human beings and tragedy and deaths in any country by COVID-19 worry us all....




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In the spirit of serving humanity – Part 3

We continue our journey highlighting the journey of Peace Corps volunteers (PCV). In this third and final instalment, the underlying and broad message is that volunteerism is a combination of one’s personal choices, external influences, and a keen...




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Bariatric Surgery Rapidly Decreases Cardiac Dietary Fatty Acid Partitioning and Hepatic Insulin Resistance Through Increased Intra-abdominal Adipose Tissue Storage and Reduced Spillover in Type 2 Diabetes

Reduced storage of dietary fatty acids (DFAs) in abdominal adipose tissues with enhanced cardiac partitioning has been shown in subjects with type 2 diabetes (T2D) and prediabetes. We measured DFA metabolism and organ partitioning using positron emission tomography with oral and intravenous long-chain fatty acid and glucose tracers during a standard liquid meal in 12 obese subjects with T2D before and 8–12 days after bariatric surgery (sleeve gastrectomy or sleeve gastrectomy and biliopancreatic diversion with duodenal switch). Bariatric surgery reduced cardiac DFA uptake from a median (standard uptake value [SUV]) 1.75 (interquartile range 1.39–2.57) before to 1.09 (1.04–1.53) after surgery (P = 0.01) and systemic DFA spillover from 56.7 mmol before to 24.7 mmol over 6 h after meal intake after surgery (P = 0.01), with a significant increase in intra-abdominal adipose tissue DFA uptake from 0.15 (0.04–0.31] before to 0.49 (0.20–0.59) SUV after surgery (P = 0.008). Hepatic insulin resistance was significantly reduced in close association with increased DFA storage in intra-abdominal adipose tissues (r = –0.79, P = 0.05) and reduced DFA spillover (r = 0.76, P = 0.01). We conclude that bariatric surgery in subjects with T2D rapidly reduces cardiac DFA partitioning and hepatic insulin resistance at least in part through increased intra-abdominal DFA storage and reduced spillover.




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BCIC offers partial refund on April premiums

 British Caribbean Insurance Company Limited, BCIC, will refund a portion of April’s premium to holders of its public passenger vehicle, PPV, and Diamond Max private motor insurance next week. The move, which is expected to cost BCIC...




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Partha Kar: Covid-19 and ethnicity—why are all our angels white?




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Emergency departments must not return to pre-covid days of overcrowding and lack of safety, says college




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Embarking on the Next Journey: Innovations in Predeparture Orientation Programs for Refugees

This MPI Europe webinar examines innovative ways to better design and implement predeparture orientation programs for resetttling refugees. The discussion features observations from a refugee who went through an orientation program before being resettled in the Netherlands, and a resettlement agency official in Norway.




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Mind the Gap: Bringing Migration into Development Partnerships and Vice Versa

As policymakers look for ways to address the drivers of illegal immigration, many have called for migration aims to be incorporated into development work and development tools into migration partnerships. This policy brief analyzes the benefits and risks of heightened cooperation between actors in these fields, and identifies areas where joint initiatives may prove fruitful.




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George W. Bush Calls for an End to Partisanship in Fight Against Virus

Source:

Former U.S. President George W. Bush has called for an end to partisanship in the nation's continued battle against the coronavirus, urging Americans to "remember that empathy and simple kindness are essential powerful tools of national recovery."






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Reimagining Skilled Migration Partnerships to Support Development

While partnerships to facilitate skilled migration have had mixed success in the past, the Global Compact for Migration is advancing a new approach that may change this. This policy brief compares this new partnership model with the traditional one, highlighting the questions policymakers will need to answer if they are to encourage mobility, sustain employer engagement, and see development benefits in countries of origin.