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Nuclear Weapons: Trident is the Answer, Now What was the Question?

1 February 2007 , Number 3

Next month, parliament will vote on whether to replace Britain’s Trident nuclear missile submarines with a new and similar system. There is little doubt the proposal will be approved with support from the Conservative opposition. But the facts used to back the government’s favourite option raise as many questions as answers. The future of Britain’s defence is in doubt.

Andrew Norman

Senior Lecturer, Defence Studies, King's College London

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Trident Submarine USS Georgia




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Europe: Fifty Years On - Essay Competition

1 January 2007 ,

An ageing population in Europe makes the opinion of young people about their continent’s future even more important. Leading international figures, including the President of the United Nations General Assembly, have been expressing concern over the limited role of young people in shaping policy. With this in mind, The World Today and the National Association for Gifted and Talented Youth have given students the opportunity to share their vision through a competition on Europe: The Next Fifty Years. The three finalists have been invited to an International Economics Programme workshop at Chatham House next month.




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Chemical, Biological, Radiological and Nuclear Terrorism: Tomorrow's Threat

1 March 2007 , Number 11

In early November, the retiring head of Britain’s Security Service MI5, Dame Eliza Manningham-Buller, warned that the danger of a terror attack was ‘serious’ and ‘growing’, with as many as thirty plots underway. Traditional terrorism of the sort practised by the Irish Republican Army has given way to the possibility, if not the expectation, that groups such as Al Qaeda might make use of chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear weapons and materials in an attack in Britain. So what are the dangers?

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Syrian Special Forces in gas masks, Saudi Arabia 1990




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Breaking the Cycle of Violence: Transitional Justice for the Victims of ISIS in Syria

28 April 2020

This paper aims to assist the region’s local authorities, and their key foreign backers, in understanding how transitional justice can provide alternative avenues for holding local ISIS members to account while contributing to the healing of communities.

Haid Haid

Senior Consulting Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme

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A fighter with the Syrian Democratic Forces monitors prisoners accused of being affiliated with ISIS, at a prison in the northeastern Syrian city of Hassakeh on 25 October 2019. Photo: Getty Images.

Summary

  • Following the territorial defeat of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in northeastern Syria, the Kurdish-led autonomous administration in the region is now grappling with the task of quickly dealing with thousands of the group’s detained members while bringing justice to their victims. To that end, local authorities are focusing on the use of counterterrorism laws and courts to charge captured ISIS members and determine their guilt accordingly.
  • The piecemeal approach to justice is deeply flawed, and raises particular concerns about due process. No precise instruments exist to determine the personal responsibility of ISIS individuals for specific crimes, or for their role in war crimes committed by the group. In any event, the scale of the crimes and the number of victims – as well as severe shortages of resources and workers – make dispensation of justice extremely difficult through the traditional legal system.
  • Not all detained ISIS members receive prison sentences. Individuals who did not hold senior roles in the group’s apparatus and are not accused of ‘major’ crimes (in practice, largely defined as fighting for ISIS and murder) are being released under limited reconciliation deals with tribal leaders. But the involvement of local community leaders in those efforts is not enough to ensure positive results. Many victims are upset at seeing ISIS members walk free without even admitting their guilt publicly or apologizing for the pain they caused.
  • To overcome the limitations of the current, counterterrorism-focused framework, a ‘transitional justice’ approach could provide judicial and non-judicial instruments to establish accountability for ISIS crimes and reduce community resistance to the reintegration of group members. A combination of non-judicial mechanisms such as truth commissions, missing persons’ committees, and reparations and victim-healing programmes could play a vital role in providing ISIS victims with a sense of justice while contributing to peacebuilding and stability.
  • Ignoring the urgency of developing a long-term plan to serve justice and contribute to community healing will almost certainly allow ISIS to continue to prevent the recovery and development of northeastern Syria. This, in turn, risks undermining the stability of the country and the region at large.




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Towards a Low-Carbon Future: China and the European Union

1 October 2007 , Number 7

Chinese goods seem to flood western markets: computers, light bulbs, sweaters, T-shirts and bras. The instinct is to try to protect home producers. A better plan would be to work with Beijing on producing products for the next industrial revolution – the creation of a low-carbon economy. But that would take real vision and political courage.

Bernice Lee OBE

Research Director; Executive Director, Hoffmann Centre for Sustainable Resource Economy

Nick Mabey

Founding director and Chief Executive, E3G




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Zelenskyy Finds That There Are No Easy Solutions in Donbas

23 October 2019

Duncan Allan

Associate Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme

Leo Litra

Senior Research Fellow, New Europe Center
The president has attempted to use the so-called Steinmeier Formula to find a compromise on holding elections in the east of Ukraine. But he has run into a stark reality: Moscow and Kyiv’s interests remain irreconcilable.

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A banner reading 'No capitulation!' is unfurled above the entrance to the city hall in Kyiv as part of protests against implementation of the so-called Steinmeier Formula. Photo: Getty Images.

In 2016, the then-German foreign minister, Frank-Walter Steinmeier, suggested a way around the impasse in east Ukraine.

He proposed that elections in the areas held by Russian-backed insurgents – the ‘Donetsk People’s Republic’ (DNR) and the ‘Luhansk People’s Republic’ (LNR) –   could be held under Ukrainian legislation, with Kyiv adopting a temporary law on ‘special status’, the main disagreement between Russia and Ukraine in the Minsk Agreements. This law would become permanent once the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) had declared that elections correspond with OSCE standards.

The reaction in Ukraine was strongly negative. The so-called Steinmeier Formula contradicted Kyiv’s position that elections in the occupied Donbas should only go ahead in a secure environment – requiring the prior withdrawal of Russian forces and the return of the eastern border to Ukraine’s control. It also did not address the differing views of ‘special status’; Russia demands a much greater devolution of constitutional powers to the DNR and LNR regimes than Ukraine will grant.

But on 1 October, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the new Ukrainian president, announced that he was signing up to the Steinmeier Formula. He also announced a conditional withdrawal of Ukrainian forces from two frontline areas in the east.

Quick reversal

During the 2019 presidential election campaign, Zelenskyy repeatedly promised that, if elected, he would re-energize efforts to end the war. This appealed to many Ukrainians, who understandably want the conflict over, although Zelenskyy’s eventual electoral victory was largely won on domestic issues.

But his initiative quickly ran into two problems.

First, following a major prisoner swap in September, Russian President Vladimir Putin appeared to judge that Zelenskyy was in a hurry to deliver his election promises and was acting without consulting France and Germany. Russia had earlier demanded that Ukraine formally agree to elections in the Donbas as the precondition for a summit of the ‘Normandy’ powers (the diplomatic format comprising leaders of Ukraine, Russia, Germany and France, which has not met since 2016).

Moreover, the US, which is not part of the ‘Normandy’ group, has seemed disengaged because of domestic controversies. Concluding that Zelenskyy was vulnerable, the Kremlin welcomed his announcement about the Steinmeier Formula but declined to assent to a summit, hoping to extract further concessions.

Second, Zelenskyy’s action triggered protests in Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities. Critics feared that he intended to make unilateral concessions over ‘special status’. Though he tried to assure Ukrainians that ‘there won't be any elections there if the [Russian] troops are still there’, concerns were fuelled by what many saw as his lack of openness about what the Steinmeier Formula really meant. Ukrainian public opinion wants an end to the war, but apparently not at any price.

Zelenskyy duly rowed back. During a marathon 14-hour press conference on 10 October, he emphasized that he would not surrender Ukraine’s vital interests. He also acknowledged that he had been insufficiently open with the Ukrainian public. For the time being at least, he seems to have been given pause.

A situation resistant to compromise

Instead, Zelenskyy may now attempt to ‘freeze’ the conflict by ending active operations. This is not Ukraine’s favoured outcome but could be the most realistic one in current conditions.  

Russia still calculates that time is on its side. It believes that Western support for Ukraine is lukewarm and that Kyiv will eventually have to give it what it wants. Russia clearly felt no pressure to respond positively to Zelenskyy’s overture, which it probably read as a weakness to be exploited.    

For these reasons, Zelenskyy now appears less optimistic that rapid progress to end the war is possible. A new summit of the ‘Normandy’ powers may happen but looks unlikely in the near future. This may act as an incentive for further bilateral negotiations between Ukraine and Russia, such as those which delivered the prisoner swap. However, a diplomatic process managed by Zelenskyy and Putin alone risks reducing Ukraine’s leverage. 

Finally, the main obstacles to implementation of the Minsk Agreements – radically different views of elections in, and ‘special status’ for, the DNR and LNR – remain. The Kremlin’s versions of both would gravely limit Ukraine’s sovereignty; Kyiv’s would facilitate the re-establishment of its control over the east. It is hard to see how this gap can be bridged.

Tellingly, the Steinmeier Formula offers no answer to this conundrum. Some conflicts, it seems, are resistant to diplomatic compromises that aim to satisfy everyone equally.




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Three Takeaways From the Belarusian Parliamentary Elections

28 November 2019

Ryhor Astapenia

Robert Bosch Stiftung Academy Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme
Lukashenka’s domestic support is waning and he is not willing to make concessions to the West. Instead, he is trying to appease the ruling cadre.

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Alexander Lukashenka leaves a voting booth on 17 November. Photo: Getty Images.

Belarus’s parliamentary elections, held on 17 November, were predictably non-transparent, with numerous violations. The regime of Alexander Lukasheka allowed no opposition candidates as members of parliament – in contrast to the previous parliament, in which there were two opposition MPs. While this might seem to be a return to ‘business as usual’, three key takeaways from the elections highlight a shifting political and social landscape.

1. Lukashenka is appeasing his ruling cadre by promising to increase their role in the political system.

With several influential officials becoming new MPs, it is more likely that parliament will be more involved in any forthcoming discussion of a new constitution. Lukashenka has been promising constitutional reform for several years; he has said publicly that it will lead to an increased significance of government agencies as well as parliament. The aim of this is to keep them more engaged and on Lukashenka’s side.

In terms of the composition of the new parliament itself, there are some key differences with previous years. It is no longer a comfortable place for officials to while away their pre-retirement: many MPs are now in their fifties or younger, and have plans for careers beyond parliament.

It also looks as if small steps are being taken towards the emergence of a party system in Belarus. The leader of Belaya Rus, a pro-government association of Belarusian officials, got a seat in parliament for the first time, increasing the likelihood of it becoming a political party. The number of MPs from different parties has increased to 21 (out of 110 in total). Although these still all broadly support Lukashenka, they can differ from the president in policy positions. For example, the Labour and Justice Party, with 6 seats in parliament, supported the annexation of Crimea in 2014. Change, of course, may not necessarily be in a pro-Western direction.

Moreover, the newly elected members of parliament look more like real politicians. They go to debates, speak to independent journalists and have their own social media channels. Some have even felt able to criticize the actions of the authorities.

Similar changes have been taking place in other institutions in Belarus. The government is now more competent than it has ever been. The National Bank has managed to carry out macroeconomic stabilization on one of the most unstable currencies in Europe, while the ministries responsible for the economic development have implemented certain small-scale reforms. The Minister of the Interior has even acknowledged mistakes made by his department (under his predecessor), and undertaken to make improvements.

This has resulted in a near-comical situation, whereby the Belarusian non-state media outlets have an increasingly positive view of some state officials, such as Prime Minister Siarhei Rumas, while the state media has been scaling back its coverage of him to ensure he does not become too popular.

2. Belarus has less need for the West and is reluctant to make even small concessions.

Since the slight warming of Belarusian relations with the West in 2014, Lukashenka has been having more meetings with prominent Western officials. Western institutions began trying to cooperate more closely with Belarus, but soon saw that it was not very interested. In 2018, the European Bank of Reconstruction and Development allocated €360 million to Belarus. However, it is now considering a reduction, as reforms in Belarus have not, in its view, gone far enough. The European Union has also committed considerable time and money to regional authorities, but this has not brought any significant changes to Belarusian local government.

The absence of opposition candidates also demonstrates that the Belarusian authorities are prepared for a new deterioration of relations with the West. The authorities could certainly have afforded some opposition in parliament, especially since they themselves choose whom to appoint. Given that they did not, they either do not consider worsened relations a problem or are confident that the West will continue to cooperate with Belarus in order to limit Russian power, regardless of its violations of the rule of law.

3. There is growing popular dissatisfaction with the current regime, but the state has no good plan for how to deal with it.

Parliamentary election campaigns in Belarus are traditionally low-key, but this year they were particularly muted. The authorities tried to ensure that people knew as little about the election as possible. Campaign posters appeared on the streets just two weeks before polling day. It seems the authorities were reluctant to politicize society, as further resentment at autocratic rule is brewing.

Many Belarusians who previously supported Lukashenka now have a very critical opinion of him. Take political blogging: the most popular political blogger in Belarus is a 22-year-old man who goes by the name of NEXTA. He produces low-quality videos which are highly critical of the authorities. A film by him about Lukashenka, released a month ago, has already received 1.8 million views, even though there are only 9.5 million people in Belarus.

The authorities are not in a concessionary mood. The presidential elections in 2020 will also likely be a sham. If the authorities’ grip over the country is weakened, they will fear an outbreak of anger, resulting in widespread protests which the regime might once again have to meet with violence.




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Kazakhstan: Reaching Out to Central Asian Neighbours

4 December 2019

Annette Bohr

Associate Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme
Despite its regional outreach, Kazakhstan’s diplomatic priority will remain Russia, China, and Europe.

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Kazakhstan's President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, Kazakh Majilis Chairman Nurlan Nigmatulin and ex-president Nursultan Nazarbayev at an inauguration ceremony in parliament. Photo: Pavel AleksandrovTASS via Getty Images.

Leaders of the resource-rich Central Asian region have the propensity to remain in power until mortality dictates otherwise. Much like the UK and Brexit, however, few wanted to see Central Asia’s longest reigning ruler, Kazakhstan’s septuagenarian president Nursultan Nazarbayev, crash out without a deal.

The sudden departure of the country’s official leader of the nation with no clear succession plan could have led to investment chaos, intra-elite fighting and the unravelling in a matter of months of a system he had built over decades, à la Uzbekistan following the death of long-serving autocrat Islam Karimov in 2016.

In order to avoid just such a ‘no-deal’ scenario and ensure the continuity of his policies, in March Nazarbayev carefully choreographed his own resignation and the election of a hand-picked successor, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, while retaining plum positions and powers for himself.

Tokayev’s assumption of the presidency was accompanied by protesters in the streets, increasing wealth inequality, rising Sinophobia among rank-and-file Kazakhstanis, a hard-to-kick economic dependence on oil revenues and a lack of clarity as to which leader—the old or the new president—would actually be calling the shots. But, amidst this plethora of concerns, as argued in a recent Chatham House report, Kazakhstan: Tested by Transition, one bright spot has been the tangible growth of intra-Central Asian cooperation, with the Nazarbayev-Tokayev ruling duo appearing eager to improve the regional dialogue.

Kazakhstan has long shaped its identity as a Eurasian state that has acted as more of an intermediary between Russia and Central Asia than as an integral part of the Central Asian region. But since 2017, in particular, Kazakhstan has been increasingly looking for opportunities to boost hitherto weak cooperation with its Central Asian neighbours. While this is first and foremost owing to the liberalization of Uzbekistan’s large market, there are other factors at work that get less airplay.

One such factor is a perceptible disentangling from the Kremlin’s policy directions as Kazakhstan has come to view Russia’s foreign policy as increasingly neo-colonial. The example of the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union is in many respects more off-putting than inspiring, and Nur-Sultan does not want to be locked tightly into the union’s economic orbit. And in distancing itself slightly from Moscow in order to limit Russian leverage in its affairs, Nur-Sultan has shown itself to be more open to Central Asian regional initiatives.

As part of the leadership’s plan to offset oil dependence, Kazakhstan aspires to become the transport, telecommunications and investment hub for Eurasian integration. The intense focus on connectivity and the development of logistical arteries and infrastructure could have the knock-on effect of boosting trade within the Central Asian region and reducing transit times, which are currently greater than in most other parts of the globe.

In addition, demographic trends and educational shifts that favour ethnic Kazakhs, together with a growing ethno-nationalist narrative, have allowed the state’s leadership to identify more closely with Kazakhstan’s common Central Asian heritage and, by extension, a common Central Asian region—although Kazakhstan’s leadership still remains eager to demonstrate that the country is not just another ‘stan’. The coming to power of President Mirziyoyev in Uzbekistan appears to have made Kazakhstan more aware of the interconnectedness of the two countries in terms of geographical location and potential economic complementarities, as well as culture and history.

Not least, there is a growing recognition among the Central Asian states themselves—including isolationist Turkmenistan to a degree—that deepening regional trade is mutually beneficial, especially given the constraints associated with Russia’s economic problems. The strengthening of Kazakhstan’s ties with Uzbekistan has slowly kick-started regional cooperation as a whole: trade turnover between the Central Asian states in 2018 grew by 35 per cent on the previous year.

But both Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are keen to stress that there is no discussion of integration or institutionalization, not least because previous attempts at integration have been overtaken by Russia, leaving Central Asia without its own coordinating body.

The official consensus in Kazakhstan is that Uzbekistan’s economic reforms after years of isolation will spur ‘a healthy rivalry’ and ultimately boost Kazakhstan’s own economy, in so far as the competition for foreign investment will require both countries to work harder to improve their respective business and regulatory environments.

At the unofficial level, however, some Kazakhstani analysts view Uzbekistan’s rise as potentially unprofitable, given the possible diversion of some investments and market activity from Kazakhstan to Uzbekistan. Moreover, Uzbekistan has the advantage of having undergone a clear change of executive, while it remains unclear which developments await Kazakhstan once First President Nazarbayev leaves the scene for good.

It can certainly be argued that Uzbekistan does pose a potential threat in the long-term to Kazakhstan’s entrenched position as Central Asia’s economic powerhouse: Uzbekistan’s population is one-and-a-half times bigger, even if its nominal GDP is three times smaller. Uzbekistan has a bigger market and a well-developed industrial sector, and is already the regional leader in terms of security. But it is not as though the world’s interest is moving from Kazakhstan to Uzbekistan; rather, Uzbekistan is in the process of trying to catch up.

Despite this relatively upbeat picture, Kazakhstan’s combined trade with the other Central Asian states accounts for less than 5 per cent of its total volume of foreign trade—a figure that cannot begin to equal its trade with Russia, China, and Europe. As a result, Kazakhstan will continue to give greater importance to positioning itself as a global player than as a regional leader.

This article was originally published in The Diplomat.




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What Putin's Constitutional Shakeup Means

16 January 2020

Professor Nikolai Petrov

Senior Research Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme, Chatham House
Nikolai Petrov on the key takeaways from the Russian president's latest move.

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A live broadcast of Vladimir Putin's annual address to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, seen on the Leader Tower screen in St Petersburg. Photo: Getty Images.

Vladimir Putin’s proposed constitutional reforms will transform Russia’s political regime and allow him to prolong his grip on power when his fourth presidential term expires in 2024.

The proposals suggest that he will not seek another term as president after 2024, but is preparing the ground for retaining power after he leaves the presidency. The changes will introduce checks and balances on his close associates and ensure the country’s judiciary, legislative and executive bodies remain passive.

The State Duma, the lower house of parliament, is unlikely to rock the boat with legislative elections approaching in 2021. Former prime minister Dmitry Medvedev’s cabinet has been replaced by an acting government headed by a new prime minister, Mikhail Mishustin. The highest courts will be weakened further by Putin’s proposal to give the president the power to dismiss judges.

Most of the proposed changes are vague. Notable specific proposals include the requirement that any presidential candidate must be resident in Russia for a minimum of 25 years prior to the elections, and that anyone who has held a residency permit abroad at any point in their life would not be eligible to run. This is clearly aimed at eliminating political opposition based abroad.

While Putin mentioned a popular vote on the constitutional changes (which is not required by law), it is important to note that he didn’t use the term ‘referendum’, which would have mandated that the results be acted upon. Regardless, it is clear that, with no easy foreign policy and military wins in the offing, Putin will seek to boost his legitimacy through a popular vote. The current federal electoral cycle starts next year and will end in 2024 with the presidential election.

The key question now is how Putin will maintain control over the siloviki, Russia’s political elite, though he has made this task easier for himself by replacing some of the strongest players with mid-level officers and weakening the authority of those who remain.

The proposals to consult with the Federation Council, the upper house of parliament, when appointing siloviki and to keep the president in charge of law enforcement are a smokescreen. Putin will consolidate his power through his leadership at the Security Council and by chairing the State Council. For this reason, Putin is seeking to enshrine the State Council, which was reshaped in 2018 to include senior government ministers, in the constitution. 

It is too early to be certain of the major beneficiaries of these sweeping reforms, though Sergey Sobyanin, the current mayor of Moscow, is likely to become Putin’s deputy at the State Council. The head of the audit chamber, Alexei Kudrin, and Deputy Chief of Staff Sergei Kiriyenko are also likely to benefit from the changes, after helping to develop Putin’s political and economic strategies prior to the 2018 presidential election.

Notably, the audit chamber, headed by Kudrin, will now have the power to check Rostekh, Rosneftegaz and Gazprom, organizations associated with major siloviki figures Sergey Chemezov and Igor Sechin. The role offered to Medvedev – deputy chair of the Security Council – will be newly created: the scope is unclear but it is unlikely that Putin will relinquish any of his influence over the siloviki.




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Three Challenges for UK Peacebuilding Policy in the South Caucasus After Brexit

21 January 2020

Laurence Broers

Associate Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme
Building on the legacies of a long-term British investment in a peace strategy for the South Caucasus is a realistic and attainable goal.

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A building in Nagorny Karabakh flies the flag of the self-proclaimed republic. 'Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorny Karabakh have evolved into examples of what scholars call "de facto states" that, to differing degrees, control territory, provide governance and exercise internal sovereignty,' writes Laurence Broers. Photo: Getty Images.

What does Britain’s departure from the EU mean for the country’s policy towards the South Caucasus, a small region on the periphery of Europe, fractured by conflict? Although Britain is not directly involved in any of the region’s peace processes (except in the case of the Geneva International Discussions on conflicts involving Georgia, as an EU member state), it has been a significant stakeholder in South Caucasian stability since the mid-1990s.

Most obviously, Britain has been the single largest foreign investor in Caspian oil and gas. Yet beyond pipelines, Britain also has been a significant investor in long-term civil society-led strategies to build peace in the South Caucasus.

Through what was then the Global Conflict Prevention Pool, in the early 2000s the Department for International Development (DfID) pioneered large-scale peacebuilding interventions, such as the Consortium Initiative, addressing Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict, in 2003-09. These built civic networks in the South Caucasus and partnerships with British-based NGOs.

This experience left a strong intellectual legacy. British expertise on the South Caucasus, including specific expertise on its conflicts, is highly regarded in the region and across the world.

There is also a strong tradition of British scholarship on the Caucasus, and several British universities offer Caucasus-related courses. Through schemes such as the John Smith Fellowship Trust, the Robert Bosch Stiftung Academy Fellowship at Chatham House and Chevening Scholarships, significant numbers of young leaders from the South Caucasus have spent time in British institutions and built effective relationships within them.

Three challenges

This niche as a champion of long-term, strategic peacebuilding and repository of area-specific knowledge should not be lost as Britain’s relationship with the EU and regional actors evolves. This can be ensured through awareness of three challenges confronting a post-Brexit Caucasus policy.

The first challenge for London is to avoid framing a regional policy in the South Caucasus as an extension of a wider ‘Russia policy’. Deteriorating Russian-British relations in recent years strengthen a tendency to view policies in the European neighbourhood through the traditional prisms of Cold War and Russian-Western rivalries.

Yet an overwhelming focus on Russia fails to capture other important aspects of political developments in South Caucasus conflicts. Although often referred to as ‘breakaway’ or ‘occupied’ territories, Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorny Karabakh are not ungoverned spaces. They have evolved into examples of what scholars call ‘de facto states’ that, to differing degrees, control territory, provide governance and exercise internal sovereignty.

Few disagree that these entities would not survive without external patronage. But neither does that patronage explain their sustainability on its own. Russia-centricity diminishes Britain’s latitude to engage on the full range of local drivers sustaining these entities, contributing instead to less effective policies predicated on competition and containment.

A second and related challenge is to maintain and develop Britain’s position on the issue of engaging populations in these entities. De facto states appear to stand outside of the international rules-based system. Yet in many cases, their civil societies are peopled by skilled and motivated activists who want their leaders to be held accountable according to international rules.

Strategies of isolation ignore these voices and contribute instead to fearful and demoralized communities less likely to engage in a transformation of adversarial relationships. Making this case with the wider international community, and facilitating the funding of local civil societies in contested territories, would be important steps in sustaining an effective British policy on the resolution of conflicts.    

The third challenge for Britain is to maintain a long-term approach to the conflicts of the South Caucasus alongside potential short-term imperatives in other policy fields, as relationships shift post-Brexit.

In this fluid international environment, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office has a role to play both as an internal champion of a long-term peacebuilding strategy and a coordinator of British efforts with those of multilateral actors engaged in the South Caucasus. These include the United Nations, the EU’s Special Representative for the South Caucasus and the Crisis in Georgia and OSCE’s Special Representative for the OSCE Chairperson-in-Office for the South Caucasus, all of which have built relationships with relevant actors on the ground.

Recommendations

Britain’s niche as a champion and advocate of a strategic approach to peaceful change can be secured post-Brexit in the following ways.  

First, in-house expertise is crucial to effective peacebuilding programming. The Foreign Office’s research analysts play a vital role in generating independent internal advice and liaising with academic and NGO communities. Their role could be supplemented by the reinstatement of a regional conflict adviser post, based in Tbilisi, tasked with strengthening Britain’s regional presence on conflict issues and coordinating policy at a regional level.

This post, with a remit to cover conflicts and build up area knowledge and relationships can contribute significantly to working closely with local civil societies, where so much expertise and knowledge resides, as well as other stakeholders.

Second, programming should build in conflict sensitivity by dissociating eligibility from contested political status. This can encourage local populations to take advantage of opportunities for funding, study, comparative learning and professional development irrespective of the status of the entity where they reside.

The Chevening Scholarships are an excellent example, whereby applicants can select ‘South Caucasus’ as their affiliated identity from a drop-down menu. This enables citizens from across the region to apply irrespective of the status of the territory in which they live.   

Finally, a holistic understanding of peace is crucial. Programming in unrecognized or partially-recognized entities should acknowledge that effective peacebuilding needs to embrace political dynamics and processes beyond cross-conflict contact and confidence building. Local actors in such entities may find peacebuilding funding streams defined exclusively in terms of cross-conflict contact more politically risky and ineffective in addressing domestic blockages to peace.

While cross-conflict dynamics remain critical, ‘single-community’ programming framed in terms of civic participation, inclusion, civil society capacity-building, minority and human rights in contested territories, and building the confidence from within to engage in constructive dialogue, are no less important.

The ’global Britain’ promised by Brexit remains a fanciful idea. Quiet, painstaking work to build on the legacies of a long-term British investment in a peace strategy for the South Caucasus, on the other hand, is a realistic and attainable goal.




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Crimea’s Occupation Exemplifies the Threat of Attacks on Cultural Heritage

4 February 2020

Kateryna Busol

Robert Bosch Stiftung Academy Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme
Societies, courts and policymakers should have a clearer awareness that assaults against cultural heritage constitute a creeping encroachment on a people’s identity, endangering its very survival.

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'The destructive reconstruction of the 16th-century Bakhchysarai Palace is being conducted by a team with no experience of cultural sites, in a manner that erodes its authenticity and historical value.' Photo: Getty Images.

Violations against cultural property – such as archaeological treasures, artworks, museums or historical sites – can be no less detrimental to the survival of a nation than the physical persecution of its people. These assaults on heritage ensure the hegemony of some nations and distort the imprint of other nations in world history, sometimes to the point of eradication.

As contemporary armed conflicts in Syria, Ukraine and Yemen demonstrate, cultural property violations are not only a matter of the colonial past; they continue to be perpetrated, often in new, intricate ways.

Understandably, from a moral perspective, it is more often the suffering of persons, rather than any kind of ‘cultural’ destruction, that receives the most attention from humanitarian aid providers, the media or the courts. Indeed, the extent of the damage caused by an assault on cultural property is not always immediately evident, but the result can be a threat to the survival of a people. This is strikingly exemplified by what is currently happening in Crimea.

Ukraine’s Crimean peninsula has been occupied by Russia since February 2014, meaning that, under international law, the two states have been involved in an international armed conflict for the last six years.

While much attention has been paid to the alleged war crimes perpetrated by the occupying power, reports by international organizations and the International Criminal Court (ICC) have been less vocal on the issue of cultural property in Crimea. Where they do raise it, they tend to confine their findings to the issue of misappropriation.

However, as part of its larger policy of the annexation and Russification of the peninsula and its history, Russia has gone far beyond misappropriation.

Crimean artefacts have been transferred to Russia – without security justification or Ukrainian authorization as required by the international law of occupation – to be showcased at exhibitions celebrating Russia’s own cultural heritage. In 2016, the Tretyakov Gallery in Moscow staged its record-breaking Aivazovsky exhibition, which included 38 artworks from the Aivazovsky Museum in the Crimean town of Feodosia.

Other ‘cultural’ violations in the region include numerous unsanctioned archaeological excavations, whose findings are often unlawfully exported to Russia or end up on the black market.

There is also the example of Russia’s plan to establish a museum of Christianity in Ukraine’s UNESCO World Heritage site, the Ancient City of Tauric Chersonese. This is an indication of Russia’s policy of asserting itself as a bastion of Orthodox Christianity and culture in the Slavic world, with Crimea as one of the centres.

The harmful effects of Russia’s destructive cultural property policy can be seen in the situation of the Crimean Tatars, Ukraine’s indigenous Muslim people. Already depleted by a Stalin-ordered deportation in 1944 and previously repressed by the Russian Empire, the Crimean Tatars are now facing the destruction of much of the remainder of their heritage.

For example, Muslim burial grounds have been demolished to build the Tavrida Highway, which leads to the newly built Kerch Bridge connecting the peninsula to Russia.

The destructive reconstruction of the 16th-century Bakhchysarai Palace – the only remaining complete architectural ensemble of the indigenous people, included in the UNESCO World Heritage Tentative List – is another example of how the very identity of the Crimean Tatars is being threatened. This reconstruction is being conducted by a team with no experience of cultural sites, in a manner that erodes its authenticity and historical value – which is precisely as Russia intends.

There is a solid body of international and domestic law covering Russia’s treatment of Crimea’s cultural property.

Under the 1954 Hague Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict – ratified by both Ukraine and Russia – the occupying power must facilitate the safeguarding efforts of the national authorities in occupied territories. States parties must prevent any vandalism or misappropriation of cultural property, and, according to the first protocol of the convention, the occupying power is required to prevent any export of artefacts from the occupied territory.

The 1907 Hague Regulations and the 1949 Fourth Geneva Convention confirm that the authentic domestic legislation continues to apply in occupied territories. This leaves Russia with no excuse for non-compliance with Ukraine’s cultural property laws and imposing its own rules unless absolutely necessary.

Besides, both Ukrainian and Russian criminal codes penalise pillage in occupied territory, as well as unsanctioned archaeological excavations. As an occupying power, Russia must not just abstain from such wrongdoings in Crimea, but also duly investigate and prosecute the alleged misconduct.

The clarity of the international legal situation demonstrates that no exhibitions in continental Russia and no archaeological excavations which are not sanctioned by Ukraine can be justified. Likewise, any renovation or use of cultural sites, especially those on permanent or tentative UNESCO lists, must only be conducted pursuant to consultancy with and approval of the Ukrainian authorities.

But the resonance of the Crimean case goes beyond law and touches on issues of the very survival of a people. The Soviet deportation of the Crimean Tatars in 1944 did not only result in the deaths of individuals. Their footprints in Crimea have been gradually erased by baseless treason charges, the long exile of the indigenous community from their native lands and ongoing persecution.

First the Soviet Union and now Russia have targeted the Crimean Tatars’ cultural heritage to undermine their significance in the general historical narrative, making attempts to preserve or celebrate this culture seem futile. Russia is thus imposing its own historical and political hegemony at the expense of the Crimean Tatar and Ukrainian layers of Crimean history.

As exemplified by occupied Crimea, the manipulation and exploitation of cultural heritage can serve an occupying power’s wider policies of appropriating history and asserting its own dominance. Domestic cultural property proceedings are challenging due to the lack of access to the occupied territory, but they should still be pursued.

More effort is needed in the following areas: case prioritization; informing the documenters of alleged violations about the spectrum of cultural property crimes; developing domestic investigative and prosecutorial capacity, including by involving foreign expert consultancy; more proactively seeking bilateral and multilateral cooperation in art crime cases; liaising with auction houses (to track down objects originating from war-affected areas) and museums (to prevent the exhibition of the artefacts from occupied territories).

When possible, cultural property crimes should also be reported to the ICC.

Additionally, more international – public, policy, media and jurisprudential – attention to such violations is needed. Societies, courts and policymakers should have a clearer awareness that assaults against cultural heritage constitute a creeping encroachment on a people’s identity, endangering its very survival.




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Could Zelenskyy’s Strategy for Donbas Lead Ukraine Into a Kremlin Trap?

14 February 2020

Kataryna Wolczuk

Associate Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme

Hanna Shelest

Member of the Board, Foreign Policy Council 'Ukrainian Prism'
In pursuit of peace in the war-torn region, the Ukrainian president’s short-term, tactical approach is vulnerable in the face of Russia’s long-term strategy.

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Volodymyr Zelenskyy attends a ceremony welcoming Ukrainians who were freed by pro-Russian rebels during a prisoner exchange. Photo: Getty Images.

One of the key messages at the heart of Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s presidential campaign in 2019 was a very simple one: peace in Donbas, the war-torn region of Ukraine where Russian-supported separatists continue to fight a war against the Kyiv government. Zelenskyy’s message was based on the assumption that if a ceasefire could be respected, and all Ukrainian prisoners-of-war could return home, then peace would have been achieved.

Nine months after Zelenskyy’s inauguration and two months after his first Normandy Four summit (which brings together Germany and France with Ukraine and Russia to discuss Donbas), it appears more likely that this approach will lead Ukraine into a Russian trap.

Zelenskyy’s very immediate objectives and the tactics used to achieve them contrast with those of the previous president, Petro Poroshenko. Zelenskyy has pointedly avoided naming Russia as an aggressor and has focused on humanitarian issues and seeking compromise wherever possible, including in legal cases that Russia has already lost in international courts.

In contrast, President Poroshenko prioritised the security agenda as a precondition for any political settlement, encapsulated in the notion of ‘no elections without security guarantees’. This focused on regaining control of the border and the demilitarization of the separatist-controlled territories. At the same time, Poroshenko sought remedial action for Russian aggression through international courts. 

Kyiv is testing the Kremlin’s real intentions with a series of small steps without clearly communicating its overarching objectives. This has triggered considerable social disquiet, manifested by demonstrations in Kyiv and other cities as part of the ’No capitulation’ campaign. This wave of criticism forced Zelenskyy’s team to name certain red lines, which he promised he would not cross (‘we don’t trade territories and people’) in pursuit of conflict resolution.

Other key issues, such as Ukraine’s relations with the EU, future NATO membership, language issues and any possible ‘special status’ for Donbas, have been left undefined.

Two months since the Normandy summit, the number of casualties has not declined. It is increasingly difficult for Zelenskyy to argue that disengagement by Ukraine’s army from the contact line in three locations, which was a precondition for the December Normandy Four meeting, is a way to achieve peace.

The separatists continue to significantly impede the OSCE’s special monitoring mission, a full ceasefire is not being observed and there are numerous reports of heavy weapons movements closer to the contact line in the areas outside Kyiv’s control. These issues are particularly problematic as control over the border with Russia is essential for the demilitarization of the ‘people’s republics’, which is a prerequisite for the safe reintegration of these areas.

Conducting local elections in autumn 2020 is a top priority for the new team, but it is clear that even if Ukraine regains control of its border, the presence of Russian military personnel and weaponry in Donbas threatens the prospect of free and fair elections (which themselves raise the further issue of how to ensure the integrity of the votes).

Russia’s strategy

So despite Zelenskyy’s pacifist rhetoric, hopes and ambitions, his plans are far from being realized or, in fact, realizable. This is because these plans are at odds with Russia’s strategic objective, which is for Donbas to be conferred a status whereby it is de jure within Ukraine but de facto under Russian control and influence.

Zelenskyy’s media-friendly appearance in Paris in December 2019 could not mask the fact that the Normandy Four talks exposed the weakness of Ukraine’s position and the growing influence of Russia’s approach, particularly in the context of a disengaged UK and US, a Germany increasingly tired of this conflict, and a French president who is looking to accommodate Russian preferences.

Indeed, Vladimir Putin was able to exploit the opportunity to apply his favoured formula for conducting foreign policy: highly personalized informal interactions, which seek specific political concessions from a cornered partner and which are short on transparent, stable and law-based solutions. The Paris meeting of the Normandy Four in December 2019 clearly demonstrated that simply sitting down and talking to Putin is not a magic pill to end the conflict, an idea frequently expressed by Zelenskyy.

In 2020, the strongest clue as to what Putin’s plans for Ukraine might be is the appointment of Dmitry Kozak as the main curator of the ‘Ukraine file’ (meaning Donbas and Crimea), replacing Vladislav Surkov, his long-time competitor for the role. The next Normandy meeting is expected in April 2020, and Kyiv should be aware of the possible pitfalls.

While Kozak is perceived by some as a more pragmatic and less aggressive counterpart, his past tells a different story. In fact, he was the architect of the long-term strategy for Moldova, which centred on the federalization of Moldova and the reincorporation of the separatist region of Transnistria into Moldova.

The presence of Russian military forces stationed on the ground there amounts to ‘armed suasion’ – using a military presence to demand political concessions from Moldova. The so-called ‘Kozak memorandum’ – which de facto re-writes the constitution of Moldova – contains a detailed explanation of that strategy.

Kozak could try to deliver a similar situation for Ukraine. Less emphasis is being put on specific terms (federalization vs. special status) but the overarching aims are unchanged since 2014, in the same way they have been in Moldova since 2003. Kozak is a man who can play the long game, while the team of the Ukrainian president chases quick successes without calculating long-term risks. This could be a dangerous combination.

The ‘human-centric approach’ to resolving the conflict followed by President Zelenskyy is a double-edged sword. The focuses on humanitarian issues and readiness for big compromises are clear positive signals to Western partners and supporters of Zelenskyy’s Servant of the People party. But prioritizing humanitarian issues over national security considerations could easily lead Ukraine into a Russian trap, which does not so much rely on a massive military assault but envisages creeping control over Ukraine’s future as its ultimate goal.




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Moldova in 2020 and Beyond: Challenges Ahead

Invitation Only Research Event

5 March 2020 - 2:00pm to 3:30pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Maia Sandu, President, Action and Solidarity Party; Prime Minister of Moldova (June-November 2019)
Chair: Cristina Gherasimov, Research Fellow, German Council on Foreign Relations; Academy Associate, Russia and Eurasia Programme, Chatham House
 

After a tumultuous 2019 when Moldova witnessed the end of the Plahotniuc era, the country seems bound for an equally difficult year ahead.
 
Increasing international isolation, a temporary working coalition between the Socialists and the Democrats, concentration of power and resources in the hands of President Igor Dodon, and presidential elections in autumn are among the ordeals to be discussed at this event. Ms Sandu will assess how Moldova can move beyond these challenges and return to a path for sustainable democratic reform. 

Department/project

Anna Morgan

Administrator, Ukraine Forum
+44 (0)20 7389 3274




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Can Ukraine’s Appeal to the International Courts Work?

3 April 2020

Kateryna Busol

Robert Bosch Stiftung Academy Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme
First in a two-part series analysing why Ukraine’s attempts at international justice are worth taking - and outlining how the impact goes far beyond just the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Part one examines the response of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to the possibility of holding Russia accountable as a state.

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Rally in support of keeping Crimea as part of Ukraine. Photo by Spencer Platt/Getty Images.

Russia’s ongoing occupation of Ukraine’s Crimean peninsula and support of separatist hostilities in the eastern provinces of Donbas have resulted in 1.5 million internally displaced persons, 3,000 civilians killed, and a growing list of alleged violations of international law and socio-economic hardship.

But Ukraine is struggling in its efforts to hold Russia accountable – either as a state or through individual criminal responsibility - as it cannot unilaterally ask any international court to give an overall judgment on the conflict.

So it focuses on narrower issues, referring them to authorised adjudication and arbitration platforms such as the International Court of Justice (ICJ), European Court of Human Rights, UNCLOS arbitration, and the International Criminal Court (ICC). These options are limited, but still worth taking - and their relevance is proving to be far wider than the Russia-Ukraine conflict.

Policy of cultural eradication

In 2017, Ukraine initiated proceedings against Russia at the ICJ on the basis of two international treaties: the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD), with regard to Crimea; and the International Convention for the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism (ICSFT), with regard to Donbas.

Under the CERD, Ukraine alleges Russia has carried out a policy of cultural eradication of ethnic Ukrainians and Crimean Tatars in Crimea, including enforced disappearances, no education in the Ukrainian and Crimean Tatar languages, and the ban of the Mejlis, the main representative body of the Crimean Tatars.

Under the ICSFT, Ukraine alleges Russia has supported terrorism by providing funds, weapons and training to illegal armed groups in eastern Ukraine. In particular Ukraine alleges Russian state responsibility - through its proxies - for downing the infamous MH17 flight.

Both these treaties are binding upon Ukraine and Russia and entitle an individual state party to refer a dispute concerning them to the ICJ, but certain procedural pre-conditions must first be exhausted. These include a failed attempt to settle a dispute either through negotiations or the CERD Committee (for the CERD) or unsuccessful negotiations and arbitration (for the ICSFT).

Russia challenged Ukraine’s compliance with the pre-conditions, but the ICJ disagreed with Russia’s submission that Ukraine had to resort both to negotiations and to the CERD Committee. For the first time, the court clarified these procedures under the CERD were two means to reach the same aim, and therefore alternative and not cumulative.

Requiring states to avail of both procedures before going to the ICJ would undermine the very purpose of the CERD to eliminate racial discrimination promptly, and ensure the availability of effective domestic protection and remedies.

The relevance of this clarification transcends the Ukraine-Russia dispute. With the rise of discriminatory practices, from populist hate-filled rhetoric endangering vulnerable communities to large-scale persecution such as that of the Rohingyas, the UN’s principal judicial body is sending a clear larger message to the world: such practices are unacceptable and must be dealt with expeditiously and efficiently. If states fail to do so, there are now fewer procedural impediments to do it internationally.

The ICJ also confirmed Ukraine had complied with both procedural preconditions under the ICSFT and that it would give judgement on the alleged failure of Russia to take measures to prevent the financing of terrorism. The outcome of this will be of great importance to the international community, given the general lack of international jurisprudence on issues of terrorism.

The court’s interpretation of knowledge and intent in terrorism financing, as well as clarification of the term ‘funds’, is particularly relevant both for the Ukraine-Russia case and for international law.

As the final judgement may take several years, the ICJ granted some provisional measures requested by Ukraine in April 2017. The court obliged Russia to ensure the availability of education in Ukrainian and enable the functioning of the Crimean Tatar representative institutions, including the Mejlis.

When Russia contested Ukraine’s references to the alleged Stalin-ordered deportation of the Crimean Tatars and the rule of law in the Soviet Union being hypocritical, by arguing that history did not matter, the court disagreed.

In fact, Judge James Crawford emphasised the relevance of the ‘historical persecution’ of Crimean Tatars and the role of Mejlis in advancing and protecting their rights in Crimea ‘at the time of disruption and change’.

These conclusions are important reminders that the historical inheritance of injustices inflicted on vulnerable groups should be taken into account when nations address their imperial legacies.

The court’s provisional measures and Judge Crawford’s position are particularly relevant in light of Russia’s policy of the total - territorial, historical, cultural – ‘russification’ of Crimea, as they highlight the role of the historical background for assessing the alleged discriminatory and prosecutorial policy of Russia’s occupying authorities against the Crimean Tatars.

The ICJ’s judgement on the merits of this as well as other human rights, and terrorism issues of Crimea and Donbas will be an important consideration for the international community in its view of the Russia-Ukraine armed conflict and the sanctions policy against Russia.

The development of this case also has a mutually catalysing impact on Ukraine’s efforts to establish those individually criminally responsible for atrocities in Crimea and Donbas, through domestic proceedings and through the International Criminal Court.

Ukraine’s attempts to seek individual criminal responsibility for gross abuses in Donbas and Crimea at the International Criminal Court (ICC) are assessed in part two of this series, coming soon.




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Erratum: FTY720/fingolimod decreases hepatic steatosis and expression of fatty acid synthase in diet-induced nonalcoholic fatty liver disease in mice [Errata]




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Metallopeptidase Stp1 activates the transcription factor Sre1 in the carotenogenic yeast Xanthophyllomyces dendrorhous [Research Articles]

Xanthophyllomyces dendrorhous is a basidiomycete yeast known as a natural producer of astaxanthin, a carotenoid of commercial interest because of its antioxidant properties. Recent studies indicated that X. dendrorhous has a functional SREBP pathway involved in the regulation of isoprenoid compound biosynthesis, which includes ergosterol and carotenoids. SREBP is a major regulator of sterol metabolism and homeostasis in mammals; characterization in fungi also provides information about its role in the hypoxia adaptation response and virulence. SREBP protease processing is required to activate SREBP pathway functions in fungi. Here, we identified and described the STP1 gene, which encodes a metallopeptidase of the M50 family involved in the proteolytic activation of the transcription factor Sre1 of the SREBP pathway, in X. dendrorhous. We assessed STP1 function in stp1 strains derived from the wild-type and a mutant of ergosterol biosynthesis that overproduces carotenoids and sterols. Bioinformatic analysis of the deduced protein predicted the presence of characteristic features identified in homologs from mammals and fungi. The stp1 mutation decreased yeast growth in the presence of azole drugs and reduced transcript levels of Sre1-dependent genes. This mutation also negatively affected the carotenoid- and sterol-overproducing phenotype. Western blot analysis demonstrated that Sre1 was activated in the yeast ergosterol biosynthesis mutant and that the stp1 mutation introduced in this strain prevented Sre1 proteolytic activation. Overall, our results demonstrate that STP1 encodes a metallopeptidase involved in proteolytic activation of Sre1 in X. dendrorhous, contributing to our understanding of fungal SREBP pathways.




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Effects of omega-O-acylceramide structures and concentrations in healthy and diseased skin barrier lipid membrane models [Research Articles]

Ceramides (Cers) with ultralong (~32-carbon) chains and -esterified linoleic acid, composing a subclass called omega-O-acylceramides (acylCers), are indispensable components of the skin barrier. Normal barriers typically contain acylCer concentrations of ~10 mol%; diminished concentrations, along with altered or missing long periodicity lamellar phase (LPP), and increased permeability accompany an array of skin disorders, including atopic dermatitis, psoriasis, and ichthyoses. We developed model membranes to investigate the effects of the acylCer structure and concentration on skin lipid organization and permeability. The model membrane systems contained six to nine Cer subclasses as well as fatty acids, cholesterol, and cholesterol sulfate; acylCer content—namely, acylCers containing sphingosine (Cer EOS), dihydrosphingosine (Cer EOdS), and phytosphingosine (Cer EOP) ranged from zero to 30 mol%. Systems with normal physiologic concentrations of acylCer mixture mimicked the permeability and nanostructure of human skin lipids (with regard to LPP, chain order, and lateral packing). The models also showed that the sphingoid base in acylCer significantly affects the membrane architecture and permeability and that Cer EOP, notably, is a weaker barrier component than Cer EOS and Cer EOdS. Membranes with diminished or missing acylCers displayed some of the hallmarks of diseased skin lipid barriers (i.e., lack of LPP, less ordered lipids, less orthorhombic chain packing, and increased permeability). These results could inform the rational design of new and improved strategies for the barrier-targeted treatment of skin diseases.




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Endocytosis of very low-density lipoproteins: an unexpected mechanism for lipid acquisition by breast cancer cells [Research Articles]

We previously described the expression of CD36 and LPL by breast cancer (BC) cells and tissues and the growth-promoting effect of VLDL observed only in the presence of LPL. We now report a model in which LPL is bound to a heparan sulfate proteoglycan motif on the BC cell surface and acts in concert with the VLDL receptor to internalize VLDLs via receptor-mediated endocytosis. We also demonstrate that gene-expression programs for lipid synthesis versus uptake respond robustly to triglyceride-rich lipoprotein availability. The literature emphasizes de novo FA synthesis and exogenous free FA uptake using CD36 as paramount mechanisms for lipid acquisition by cancer cells. We find that the uptake of intact lipoproteins is also an important mechanism for lipid acquisition and that the relative reliance on lipid synthesis versus uptake varies among BC cell lines and in response to VLDL availability. This metabolic plasticity has important implications for the development of therapies aimed at the lipid dependence of many types of cancer, in that the inhibition of FA synthesis may elicit compensatory upregulation of lipid uptake. Moreover, the mechanism that we have elucidated provides a direct connection between dietary fat and tumor biology.­.




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A nematode sterol C4{alpha}-methyltransferase catalyzes a new methylation reaction responsible for sterol diversity [Research Articles]

Primitive sterol evolution plays an important role in fossil record interpretation and offers potential therapeutic avenues for human disease resulting from nematode infections. Recognizing that C4-methyl stenol products [8(14)-lophenol] can be synthesized in bacteria while C4-methyl stanol products (dinosterol) can be synthesized in dinoflagellates and preserved as sterane biomarkers in ancient sedimentary rock is key to eukaryotic sterol evolution. In this regard, nematodes have been proposed to convert dietary cholesterol to 8(14)-lophenol by a secondary metabolism pathway that could involve sterol C4 methylation analogous to the C2 methylation of hopanoids (radicle-type mechanism) or C24 methylation of sterols (carbocation-type mechanism). Here, we characterized dichotomous cholesterol metabolic pathways in Caenorhabditis elegans that generate 3-oxo sterol intermediates in separate paths to lophanol (4-methyl stanol) and 8(14)-lophenol (4-methyl stenol). We uncovered alternate C3-sterol oxidation and 7 desaturation steps that regulate sterol flux from which branching metabolite networks arise, while lophanol/8(14)-lophenol formation is shown to be dependent on a sterol C4α-methyltransferse (4-SMT) that requires 3-oxo sterol substrates and catalyzes a newly discovered 3-keto-enol tautomerism mechanism linked to S-adenosyl-l-methionine-dependent methylation. Alignment-specific substrate-binding domains similarly conserved in 4-SMT and 24-SMT enzymes, despite minimal amino acid sequence identity, suggests divergence from a common, primordial ancestor in the evolution of methyl sterols. The combination of these results provides evolutionary leads to sterol diversity and points to cryptic C4-methyl steroidogenic pathways of targeted convergence that mediate lineage-specific adaptations.­­




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Lipid droplet-associated kinase STK25 regulates peroxisomal activity and metabolic stress response in steatotic liver [Research Articles]

Nonalcoholic fatty liver disease (NAFLD) and nonalcoholic steatohepatitis (NASH) are emerging as leading causes of liver disease worldwide and have been recognized as one of the major unmet medical needs of the 21st century. Our recent translational studies in mouse models, human cell lines, and well-characterized patient cohorts have identified serine/threonine kinase (STK)25 as a protein that coats intrahepatocellular lipid droplets (LDs) and critically regulates liver lipid homeostasis and progression of NAFLD/NASH. Here, we studied the mechanism-of-action of STK25 in steatotic liver by relative quantification of the hepatic LD-associated phosphoproteome from high-fat diet-fed Stk25 knockout mice compared with their wild-type littermates. We observed a total of 131 proteins and 60 phosphoproteins that were differentially represented in STK25-deficient livers. Most notably, a number of proteins involved in peroxisomal function, ubiquitination-mediated proteolysis, and antioxidant defense were coordinately regulated in Stk25–/– versus wild-type livers. We confirmed attenuated peroxisomal biogenesis and protection against oxidative and ER stress in STK25-deficient human liver cells, demonstrating the hepatocyte-autonomous manner of STK25’s action. In summary, our results suggest that regulation of peroxisomal function and metabolic stress response may be important molecular mechanisms by which STK25 controls the development and progression of NAFLD/NASH.




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Quantification of bile acids: a mass spectrometry platform for studying gut microbe connection to metabolic diseases [Research Articles]

Bile acids (BAs) serve multiple biological functions, ranging from the absorption of lipids and fat-soluble vitamins to serving as signaling molecules through the direct activation of dedicated cellular receptors. Synthesized by both host and microbial pathways, BAs are increasingly understood as participating in the regulation of numerous pathways relevant to metabolic diseases, including lipid and glucose metabolism, energy expenditure, and inflammation. Quantitative analyses of BAs in biological matrices can be problematic due to their unusual and diverse physicochemical properties, making optimization of a method that shows good accuracy, precision, efficiency of extraction, and minimized matrix effects across structurally distinct human and murine BAs challenging. Herein we develop and clinically validate a stable-isotope-dilution LC/MS/MS method for the quantitative analysis of numerous primary and secondary BAs in both human and mouse biological matrices. We also utilize this tool to investigate gut microbiota participation in the generation of structurally specific BAs in both humans and mice. We examine circulating levels of specific BAs and in a clinical case-control study of age- and gender-matched type 2 diabetes mellitus (T2DM) versus nondiabetics. BAs whose circulating levels are associated with T2DM include numerous 12α-hydroxyl BAs (taurocholic acid, taurodeoxycholic acid, glycodeoxycholic acid, deoxycholic acid, and 3-ketodeoxycholic acid), while taurohyodeoxycholic acid was negatively associated with diabetes. The LC/MS/MS-based platform described should serve as a robust, high-throughput investigative tool for studying the potential involvement of structurally specific BAs and the gut microbiome on both physiological and disease processes.




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Macrophage polarization is linked to Ca2+-independent phospholipase A2{beta}-derived lipids and cross-cell signaling in mice [Research Articles]

Phospholipases A2 (PLA2s) catalyze hydrolysis of the sn-2 substituent from glycerophospholipids to yield a free fatty acid (i.e., arachidonic acid), which can be metabolized to pro- or anti-inflammatory eicosanoids. Macrophages modulate inflammatory responses and are affected by Ca2+-independent phospholipase A2 (PLA2)β (iPLA2β). Here, we assessed the link between iPLA2β-derived lipids (iDLs) and macrophage polarization. Macrophages from WT and KO (iPLA2β–/–) mice were classically M1 pro-inflammatory phenotype activated or alternatively M2 anti-inflammatory phenotype activated, and eicosanoid production was determined by ultra-performance LC ESI-MS/MS. As a genotypic control, we performed similar analyses on macrophages from RIP.iPLA2β.Tg mice with selective iPLA2β overexpression in β-cells. Compared with WT, generation of select pro-inflammatory prostaglandins (PGs) was lower in iPLA2β–/–, and that of a specialized pro-resolving lipid mediator (SPM), resolvin D2, was higher; both changes are consistent with the M2 phenotype. Conversely, macrophages from RIP.iPLA2β.Tg mice exhibited an opposite landscape, one associated with the M1 phenotype: namely, increased production of pro-inflammatory eicosanoids (6-keto PGF1α, PGE2, leukotriene B4) and decreased ability to generate resolvin D2. These changes were not linked with secretory PLA2 or cytosolic PLA2α or with leakage of the transgene. Thus, we report previously unidentified links between select iPLA2β-derived eicosanoids, an SPM, and macrophage polarization. Importantly, our findings reveal for the first time that β-cell iPLA2β-derived signaling can predispose macrophage responses. These findings suggest that iDLs play critical roles in macrophage polarization, and we posit that they could be targeted therapeutically to counter inflammation-based disorders.




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Novel GPR120 agonist TUG891 modulates fat taste perception and preference and activates tongue-brain-gut axis in mice [Research Articles]

GPR120 is implicated as a lipid receptor in the oro-sensory detection of dietary fatty acids. However, the effects of GPR120 activation on dietary fat intake or obesity are not clearly understood. We investigated to determine whether the binding of TUG891, a novel GPR120 agonist, to lingual GPR120 modulates fat preference in mice. We explored the effects of TUG891 on obesity-related hormones and conducted behavioral choice tests on mice to better understand the physiologic relevance of the action of TUG891. In cultured mouse and human taste bud cells (TBCs), TUG891 induced a rapid increase in Ca2+ by acting on GPR120. A long-chain dietary fatty acid, linoleic acid (LA), also recruited Ca2+ via GPR120 in human and mouse TBCs. Both TUG891 and LA induced ERK1/2 phosphorylation and enhanced in vitro release of glucagon-like peptide-1 from cultured human and mouse TBCs. In situ application of TUG891 onto the tongue of anesthetized mice triggered the secretion of pancreatobiliary juice, probably via the tongue-brain-gut axis. Furthermore, lingual application of TUG891 altered circulating concentrations of cholecystokinin and adipokines, associated with decreased circulating LDL, in conscious mice. In behavioral tests, mice exhibited a spontaneous preference for solutions containing either TUG891 or LA instead of a control. However, addition of TUG891 to a solution containing LA significantly curtailed fatty acid preference. Our study demonstrates that TUG891 binds to lingual GPR120 receptors, activates the tongue-brain-gut axis, and modulates fat preference. These findings may support the development of new fat taste analogs that can change the approach to obesity prevention and treatment.




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High density lipoprotein and its apolipoprotein-defined subspecies and risk of dementia [Patient-Oriented and Epidemiological Research]

Whether HDL is associated with dementia risk is unclear. In addition to apoA1, other apolipoproteins are found in HDL, creating subspecies of HDL that may have distinct metabolic properties. We measured apoA1, apoC3, and apoJ levels in plasma and apoA1 levels in HDL that contains or lacks apoE, apoJ, or apoC3 using a modified sandwich ELISA in a case-cohort study nested within the Ginkgo Evaluation of Memory Study. We included 995 randomly selected participants and 521 participants who developed dementia during a mean of 5.1 years of follow-up. The level of total apoA1 was not significantly related to dementia risk, regardless of the coexistence of apoC3, apoJ, or apoE. Higher levels of total plasma apoC3 were associated with better cognitive function at baseline (difference in Modified Mini-Mental State Examination scores tertile 3 vs. tertile 1: 0.60; 95% CI: 0.23, 0.98) and a lower dementia risk (adjusted hazard ratio tertile 3 vs. tertile 1: 0.73; 95% CI: 0.55, 0.96). Plasma concentrations of apoA1 in HDL and its apolipoprotein-defined subspecies were not associated with cognitive function at baseline or with the risk of dementia during follow-up. Similar studies in other populations are required to better understand the association between apoC3 and Alzheimer’s disease pathology.




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Nonsynonymous SNPs in LPA homologous to plasminogen deficiency mutants represent novel null apo(a) alleles [Patient-Oriented and Epidemiological Research]

Plasma lipoprotein (a) [Lp(a)] levels are largely determined by variation in the LPA gene, which codes for apo(a). Genome-wide association studies (GWASs) have identified nonsynonymous variants in LPA that associate with low Lp(a) levels, although their effect on apo(a) function is unknown. We investigated two such variants, R990Q and R1771C, which were present in four null Lp(a) individuals, for structural and functional effects. Sequence alignments showed the R990 and R1771 residues to be highly conserved and homologous to each other and to residues associated with plasminogen deficiency. Structural modeling showed both residues to make several polar contacts with neighboring residues that would be ablated on substitution. Recombinant expression of the WT and R1771C apo(a) in liver and kidney cells showed an abundance of an immature form for both apo(a) proteins. A mature form of apo(a) was only seen with the WT protein. Imaging of the recombinant apo(a) proteins in conjunction with markers of the secretory pathway indicated a poor transit of R1771C into the Golgi. Furthermore, the R1771C mutant displayed a glycosylation pattern consistent with ER, but not Golgi, glycosylation. We conclude that R1771 and the equivalent R990 residue facilitate correct folding of the apo(a) kringle structure and mutations at these positions prevent the proper folding required for full maturation and secretion. To our knowledge, this is the first example of nonsynonymous variants in LPA being causative of a null Lp(a) phenotype.




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Exon 9-deleted CETP inhibits full length-CETP synthesis and promotes cellular triglyceride storage [Research Articles]

Cholesteryl ester transfer protein (CETP) exists as full-length (FL) and exon 9 (E9)-deleted isoforms. The function of E9-deleted CETP is poorly understood. Here, we investigated the role of E9-deleted CETP in regulating the secretion of FL-CETP by cells and explored its possible role in intracellular lipid metabolism. CETP overexpression in cells that naturally express CETP confirmed that E9-deleted CETP is not secreted, and showed that cellular FL- and E9-deleted CETP form an isolatable complex. Coexpression of CETP isoforms lowered cellular levels of both proteins and impaired FL-CETP secretion. These effects were due to reduced synthesis of both isoforms; however, the predominate consequence of FL- and E9-deleted CETP coexpression is impaired FL-CETP synthesis. We reported previously that reducing both CETP isoforms or overexpressing FL-CETP impairs cellular triglyceride (TG) storage. To investigate this further, E9-deleted CETP was expressed in SW872 cells that naturally synthesize CETP and in mouse 3T3-L1 cells that do not. E9-deleted CETP overexpression stimulated SW872 triglyceride synthesis and increased stored TG 2-fold. Expression of E9-deleted CETP in mouse 3T3-L1 cells produced a similar lipid phenotype. In vitro, FL-CETP promotes the transfer of TG from ER-enriched membranes to lipid droplets. E9-deleted CETP also promoted this transfer, although less effectively, and it inhibited the transfer driven by FL-CETP. We conclude that FL- and E9-deleted CETP isoforms interact to mutually decrease their intracellular levels and impair FL-CETP secretion by reducing CETP biosynthesis. E9-deleted CETP, like FL-CETP, alters cellular TG metabolism and storage but in a contrary manner.




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Deficiency in ZMPSTE24 and resulting farnesyl-prelamin A accumulation only modestly affect mouse adipose tissue stores [Research Articles]

Zinc metallopeptidase STE24 (ZMPSTE24) is essential for the conversion of farnesyl–prelamin A to mature lamin A, a key component of the nuclear lamina. In the absence of ZMPSTE24, farnesyl–prelamin A accumulates in the nucleus and exerts toxicity, causing a variety of disease phenotypes. By ~4 months of age, both male and female Zmpste24–/– mice manifest a near-complete loss of adipose tissue, but it has never been clear whether this phenotype is a direct consequence of farnesyl–prelamin A toxicity in adipocytes. To address this question, we generated a conditional knockout Zmpste24 allele and used it to create adipocyte-specific Zmpste24–knockout mice. To boost farnesyl–prelamin A levels, we bred in the "prelamin A–only" Lmna allele. Gene expression, immunoblotting, and immunohistochemistry experiments revealed that adipose tissue in these mice had decreased Zmpste24 expression along with strikingly increased accumulation of prelamin A. In male mice, Zmpste24 deficiency in adipocytes was accompanied by modest changes in adipose stores (an 11% decrease in body weight, a 23% decrease in body fat mass, and significantly smaller gonadal and inguinal white adipose depots). No changes in adipose stores were detected in female mice, likely because prelamin A expression in adipose tissue is lower in female mice. Zmpste24 deficiency in adipocytes did not alter the number of macrophages in adipose tissue, nor did it alter plasma levels of glucose, triglycerides, or fatty acids. We conclude that ZMPSTE24 deficiency in adipocytes, and the accompanying accumulation of farnesyl–prelamin A, reduces adipose tissue stores, but only modestly and only in male mice.




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Monitoring the itinerary of lysosomal cholesterol in Niemann-Pick Type C1-deficient cells after cyclodextrin treatment [Research Articles]

Niemann-Pick disease type C (NPC) disease is a lipid-storage disorder that is caused by mutations in the genes encoding NPC proteins and results in lysosomal cholesterol accumulation. 2-Hydroxypropyl-β-cyclodextrin (CD) has been shown to reduce lysosomal cholesterol levels and enhance sterol homeostatic responses, but CD’s mechanism of action remains unknown. Recent work provides evidence that CD stimulates lysosomal exocytosis, raising the possibility that lysosomal cholesterol is released in exosomes. However, therapeutic concentrations of CD do not alter total cellular cholesterol, and cholesterol homeostatic responses at the ER are most consistent with increased ER membrane cholesterol. To address these disparate findings, here we used stable isotope labeling to track the movement of lipoprotein cholesterol cargo in response to CD in NPC1-deficient U2OS cells. Although released cholesterol was detectable, it was not associated with extracellular vesicles. Rather, we demonstrate that lysosomal cholesterol trafficks to the plasma membrane (PM), where it exchanges with lipoprotein-bound cholesterol in a CD-dependent manner. We found that in the absence of suitable extracellular cholesterol acceptors, cholesterol exchange is abrogated, cholesterol accumulates in the PM, and reesterification at the ER is increased. These results support a model in which CD promotes intracellular redistribution of lysosomal cholesterol, but not cholesterol exocytosis or efflux, during the restoration of cholesterol homeostatic responses.




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The citrus flavonoid nobiletin confers protection from metabolic dysregulation in high-fat-fed mice independent of AMPK [Research Articles]

Obesity, dyslipidemia, and insulin resistance, the increasingly common metabolic syndrome, are risk factors for CVD and type 2 diabetes that warrant novel therapeutic interventions. The flavonoid nobiletin displays potent lipid-lowering and insulin-sensitizing properties in mice with metabolic dysfunction. However, the mechanisms by which nobiletin mediates metabolic protection are not clearly established. The central role of AMP-activated protein kinase (AMPK) as an energy sensor suggests that AMPK is a target of nobiletin. We tested the hypothesis that metabolic protection by nobiletin required phosphorylation of AMPK and acetyl-CoA carboxylase (ACC) in mouse hepatocytes, in mice deficient in hepatic AMPK (Ampkβ1–/–), in mice incapable of inhibitory phosphorylation of ACC (AccDKI), and in mice with adipocyte-specific AMPK deficiency (iβ1β2AKO). We fed mice a high-fat/high-cholesterol diet with or without nobiletin. Nobiletin increased phosphorylation of AMPK and ACC in primary mouse hepatocytes, which was associated with increased FA oxidation and attenuated FA synthesis. Despite loss of ACC phosphorylation in Ampkβ1–/– hepatocytes, nobiletin suppressed FA synthesis and enhanced FA oxidation. Acute injection of nobiletin into mice did not increase phosphorylation of either AMPK or ACC in liver. In mice fed a high-fat diet, nobiletin robustly prevented obesity, hepatic steatosis, dyslipidemia, and insulin resistance, and it improved energy expenditure in Ampkβ1–/–, AccDKI, and iβ1β2AKO mice to the same extent as in WT controls. Thus, the beneficial metabolic effects of nobiletin in vivo are conferred independently of hepatic or adipocyte AMPK activation. These studies further underscore the therapeutic potential of nobiletin and begin to clarify possible mechanisms.




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Role of angiopoietin-like protein 3 in sugar-induced dyslipidemia in rhesus macaques: suppression by fish oil or RNAi [Research Articles]

Angiopoietin-like protein 3 (ANGPTL3) inhibits lipid clearance and is a promising target for managing cardiovascular disease. Here we investigated the effects of a high-sugar (high-fructose) diet on circulating ANGPTL3 concentrations in rhesus macaques. Plasma ANGPTL3 concentrations increased ~30% to 40% after 1 and 3 months of a high-fructose diet (both P < 0.001 vs. baseline). During fructose-induced metabolic dysregulation, plasma ANGPTL3 concentrations were positively correlated with circulating indices of insulin resistance [assessed with fasting insulin and the homeostatic model assessment of insulin resistance (HOMA-IR)], hypertriglyceridemia, adiposity (assessed as leptin), and systemic inflammation [C-reactive peptide (CRP)] and negatively correlated with plasma levels of the insulin-sensitizing hormone adropin. Multiple regression analyses identified a strong association between circulating APOC3 and ANGPTL3 concentrations. Higher baseline plasma levels of both ANGPTL3 and APOC3 were associated with an increased risk for fructose-induced insulin resistance. Fish oil previously shown to prevent insulin resistance and hypertriglyceridemia in this model prevented increases of ANGPTL3 without affecting systemic inflammation (increased plasma CRP and interleukin-6 concentrations). ANGPTL3 RNAi lowered plasma concentrations of ANGPTL3, triglycerides (TGs), VLDL-C, APOC3, and APOE. These decreases were consistent with a reduced risk of atherosclerosis. In summary, dietary sugar-induced increases of circulating ANGPTL3 concentrations after metabolic dysregulation correlated positively with leptin levels, HOMA-IR, and dyslipidemia. Targeting ANGPTL3 expression with RNAi inhibited dyslipidemia by lowering plasma TGs, VLDL-C, APOC3, and APOE levels in rhesus macaques.




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Alirocumab, evinacumab, and atorvastatin triple therapy regresses plaque lesions and improves lesion composition in mice [Research Articles]

Atherosclerosis-related CVD causes nearly 20 million deaths annually. Most patients are treated after plaques develop, so therapies must regress existing lesions. Current therapies reduce plaque volume, but targeting all apoB-containing lipoproteins with intensive combinations that include alirocumab or evinacumab, monoclonal antibodies against cholesterol-regulating proprotein convertase subtilisin/kexin type 9 and angiopoietin-like protein 3, may provide more benefit. We investigated the effect of such lipid-lowering interventions on atherosclerosis in APOE*3-Leiden.CETP mice, a well-established model for hyperlipidemia. Mice were fed a Western-type diet for 13 weeks and thereafter matched into a baseline group (euthanized at 13 weeks) and five groups that received diet alone (control) or with treatment [atorvastatin; atorvastatin and alirocumab; atorvastatin and evinacumab; or atorvastatin, alirocumab, and evinacumab (triple therapy)] for 25 weeks. We measured effects on cholesterol levels, plaque composition and morphology, monocyte adherence, and macrophage proliferation. All interventions reduced plasma total cholesterol (37% with atorvastatin to 80% with triple treatment; all P < 0.001). Triple treatment decreased non-HDL-C to 1.0 mmol/l (91% difference from control; P < 0.001). Atorvastatin reduced atherosclerosis progression by 28% versus control (P < 0.001); double treatment completely blocked progression and diminished lesion severity. Triple treatment regressed lesion size versus baseline in the thoracic aorta by 50% and the aortic root by 36% (both P < 0.05 vs. baseline), decreased macrophage accumulation through reduced proliferation, and abated lesion severity. Thus, high-intensive cholesterol-lowering triple treatment targeting all apoB-containing lipoproteins regresses atherosclerotic lesion area and improves lesion composition in mice, making it a promising potential approach for treating atherosclerosis.




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Role of pyruvate kinase M2 in oxidized LDL-induced macrophage foam cell formation and inflammation [Research Articles]

Pyruvate kinase M2 (PKM2) links metabolic and inflammatory dysfunction in atherosclerotic coronary artery disease; however, its role in oxidized LDL (Ox-LDL)-induced macrophage foam cell formation and inflammation is unknown and therefore was studied. In recombinant mouse granulocyte-macrophage colony-stimulating factor-differentiated murine bone marrow-derived macrophages, early (1–6 h) Ox-LDL treatment induced PKM2 tyrosine 105 phosphorylation and promotes its nuclear localization. PKM2 regulates aerobic glycolysis and inflammation because PKM2 shRNA or Shikonin abrogated Ox-LDL-induced hypoxia-inducible factor-1α target genes lactate dehydrogenase, glucose transporter member 1, interleukin 1β (IL-1β) mRNA expression, lactate, and secretory IL-1β production. PKM2 inhibition significantly increased Ox-LDL-induced ABCA1 and ABCG1 protein expression and NBD-cholesterol efflux to apoA1 and HDL. PKM2 shRNA significantly inhibited Ox-LDL-induced CD36, FASN protein expression, DiI-Ox-LDL binding and uptake, and cellular total cholesterol, free cholesterol, and cholesteryl ester content. Therefore, PKM2 regulates lipid uptake and efflux. DASA-58, a PKM2 activator, downregulated LXR-α, ABCA1, and ABCG1, and augmented FASN and CD36 protein expression. Peritoneal macrophages showed similar results. Ox-LDL induced PKM2- SREBP-1 interaction and FASN expression in a PKM2-dependent manner. Therefore, this study suggests a role for PKM2 in Ox-LDL-induced aerobic glycolysis, inflammation, and macrophage foam cell formation.




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Hepatic PLIN5 signals via SIRT1 to promote autophagy and prevent inflammation during fasting [Research Articles]

Lipid droplets (LDs) are energy-storage organelles that are coated with hundreds of proteins, including members of the perilipin (PLIN) family. PLIN5 is highly expressed in oxidative tissues, including the liver, and is thought to play a key role in uncoupling LD accumulation from lipotoxicity; however, the mechanisms behind this action are incompletely defined. We investigated the role of hepatic PLIN5 in inflammation and lipotoxicity in a murine model under both fasting and refeeding conditions and in hepatocyte cultures. PLIN5 ablation with antisense oligonucleotides triggered a pro-inflammatory response in livers from mice only under fasting conditions. Similarly, PLIN5 mitigated lipopolysaccharide- or palmitic acid-induced inflammatory responses in hepatocytes. During fasting, PLIN5 was also required for the induction of autophagy, which contributed to its anti-inflammatory effects. The ability of PLIN5 to promote autophagy and prevent inflammation were dependent upon signaling through sirtuin 1 (SIRT1), which is known to be activated in response to nuclear PLIN5 under fasting conditions. Taken together, these data show that PLIN5 signals via SIRT1 to promote autophagy and prevent FA-induced inflammation as a means to maintain hepatocyte homeostasis during periods of fasting and FA mobilization.




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Serum amyloid A is not incorporated into HDL during HDL biogenesis [Research Articles]

Liver-derived serum amyloid A (SAA) is present in plasma where it is mainly associated with HDL and from which it is cleared more rapidly than are the other major HDL-associated apolipoproteins. Although evidence suggests that lipid-free and HDL-associated forms of SAA have different activities, the pathways by which SAA associates and disassociates with HDL are poorly understood. In this study, we investigated SAA lipidation by hepatocytes and how this lipidation relates to the formation of nascent HDL particles. We also examined hepatocyte-mediated clearance of lipid-free and HDL-associated SAA. We prepared hepatocytes from mice injected with lipopolysaccharide or an SAA-expressing adenoviral vector. Alternatively, we incubated primary hepatocytes from SAA-deficient mice with purified SAA. We analyzed conditioned media to determine the lipidation status of endogenously produced and exogenously added SAA. Examining the migration of lipidated species, we found that SAA is lipidated and forms nascent particles that are distinct from apoA-I-containing particles and that apoA-I lipidation is unaltered when SAA is overexpressed or added to the cells, indicating that SAA is not incorporated into apoA-I-containing HDL during HDL biogenesis. Like apoA-I formation, generation of SAA-containing particles was dependent on ABCA1, but not on scavenger receptor class B type I. Hepatocytes degraded significantly more SAA than apoA-I. Taken together, our results indicate that SAA’s lipidation and metabolism by the liver is independent of apoA-I and that SAA is not incorporated into HDL during HDL biogenesis.




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Model systems for studying the assembly, trafficking, and secretion of apoB lipoproteins using fluorescent fusion proteins [Research Articles]

apoB exists as apoB100 and apoB48, which are mainly found in hepatic VLDLs and intestinal chylomicrons, respectively. Elevated plasma levels of apoB-containing lipoproteins (Blps) contribute to coronary artery disease, diabetes, and other cardiometabolic conditions. Studying the mechanisms that drive the assembly, intracellular trafficking, secretion, and function of Blps remains challenging. Our understanding of the intracellular and intraorganism trafficking of Blps can be greatly enhanced, however, with the availability of fusion proteins that can help visualize Blp transport within cells and between tissues. We designed three plasmids expressing human apoB fluorescent fusion proteins: apoB48-GFP, apoB100-GFP, and apoB48-mCherry. In Cos-7 cells, transiently expressed fluorescent apoB proteins colocalized with calnexin and were only secreted if cells were cotransfected with microsomal triglyceride transfer protein. The secreted apoB-fusion proteins retained the fluorescent protein and were secreted as lipoproteins with flotation densities similar to plasma HDL and LDL. In a rat hepatoma McA-RH7777 cell line, the human apoB100 fusion protein was secreted as VLDL- and LDL-sized particles, and the apoB48 fusion proteins were secreted as LDL- and HDL-sized particles. To monitor lipoprotein trafficking in vivo, the apoB48-mCherry construct was transiently expressed in zebrafish larvae and was detected throughout the liver. These experiments show that the addition of fluorescent proteins to the C terminus of apoB does not disrupt their assembly, localization, secretion, or endocytosis. The availability of fluorescently labeled apoB proteins will facilitate the exploration of the assembly, degradation, and transport of Blps and help to identify novel compounds that interfere with these processes via high-throughput screening.




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Composition-function analysis of HDL subpopulations: influence of lipid composition on particle functionality [Research Articles]

The composition-function relationship of HDL particles and its effects on the mechanisms driving coronary heart disease (CHD) is poorly understood. We tested the hypothesis that the functionality of HDL particles is significantly influenced by their lipid composition. Using a novel 3D-separation method, we isolated five different-sized HDL subpopulations from CHD patients who had low preβ-1 functionality (low-F) (ABCA1-dependent cholesterol-efflux normalized for preβ-1 concentration) and controls who had either low-F or high preβ-1 functionality (high-F). Molecular numbers of apoA-I, apoA-II, and eight major lipid classes were determined in each subpopulation by LC-MS. The average number of lipid molecules decreased from 422 in the large spherical α-1 particles to 57 in the small discoid preβ-1 particles. With decreasing particle size, the relative concentration of free cholesterol (FC) decreased in α-mobility but not in preβ-1 particles. Preβ-1 particles contained more lipids than predicted; 30% of which were neutral lipids (cholesteryl ester and triglyceride), indicating that these particles were mainly remodeled from larger particles not newly synthesized. There were significant correlations between HDL-particle functionality and the concentrations of several lipids. Unexpectedly, the phospholipid:FC ratio was significantly correlated with large-HDL-particle functionality but not with preβ-1 functionality. There was significant positive correlation between particle functionality and total lipids in high-F controls, indicating that the lipid-binding capacity of apoA-I plays a major role in the cholesterol efflux capacity of HDL particles. Functionality and lipid composition of HDL particles are significantly correlated and probably both are influenced by the lipid-binding capacity of apoA-I.




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A human-like bile acid pool induced by deletion of hepatic Cyp2c70 modulates effects of FXR activation in mice [Research Articles]

Bile acids (BAs) facilitate intestinal absorption of lipid-soluble nutrients and modulate various metabolic pathways through the farnesoid X receptor (FXR) and Takeda G-protein-coupled receptor 5. These receptors are targets for therapy in cholestatic and metabolic diseases. However, dissimilarities in BA metabolism between humans and mice complicate translation of preclinical data. Cytochrome P450 family 2 subfamily c polypeptide 70 (CYP2C70) was recently proposed to catalyze the formation of rodent-specific muricholic acids (MCAs). With CRISPR/Cas9-mediated somatic genome editing, we generated an acute hepatic Cyp2c70 knockout mouse model (Cyp2c70ako) to clarify the role of CYP2C70 in BA metabolism in vivo and evaluate whether its activity modulates effects of pharmacologic FXR activation on cholesterol homeostasis. In Cyp2c70ako mice, chenodeoxycholic acid (CDCA) increased at the expense of βMCA, resulting in a more hydrophobic human-like BA pool. Tracer studies demonstrated that, in vivo, CYP2C70 catalyzes the formation of βMCA primarily by sequential 6β-hydroxylation and C7-epimerization of CDCA, generating αMCA as an intermediate metabolite. Physiologically, the humanized BA composition in Cyp2c70ako mice blunted the stimulation of fecal cholesterol disposal in response to FXR activation compared with WT mice, predominantly due to reduced stimulation of transintestinal cholesterol excretion. Thus, deletion of hepatic Cyp2c70 in adult mice translates into a human-like BA pool composition and impacts the response to pharmacologic FXR activation. This Cyp2c70ako mouse model may be a useful tool for future studies of BA signaling and metabolism that informs human disease development and treatment.




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Tissue-specific analysis of lipid species in Drosophila during overnutrition by UHPLC-MS/MS and MALDI-MSI [Research Articles]

Diets high in calories can be used to model metabolic diseases, including obesity and its associated comorbidities, in animals. Drosophila melanogaster fed high-sugar diets (HSDs) exhibit complications of human obesity including hyperglycemia, hyperlipidemia, insulin resistance, cardiomyopathy, increased susceptibility to infection, and reduced longevity. We hypothesize that lipid storage in the high-sugar-fed fly’s fat body (FB) reaches a maximum capacity, resulting in the accumulation of toxic lipids in other tissues or lipotoxicity. We took two approaches to characterize tissue-specific lipotoxicity. Ultra-HPLC-MS/MS and MALDI-MS imaging enabled spatial and temporal localization of lipid species in the FB, heart, and hemolymph. Substituent chain length was diet dependent, with fewer odd chain esterified FAs on HSDs in all sample types. By contrast, dietary effects on double bond content differed among organs, consistent with a model where some substituent pools are shared and others are spatially restricted. Both di- and triglycerides increased on HSDs in all sample types, similar to observations in obese humans. Interestingly, there were dramatic effects of sugar feeding on lipid ethers, which have not been previously associated with lipotoxicity. Taken together, we have identified candidate endocrine mechanisms and molecular targets that may be involved in metabolic disease and lipotoxicity.




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A novel NanoBiT-based assay monitors the interaction between lipoprotein lipase and GPIHBP1 in real time [Methods]

The hydrolysis of triglycerides in triglyceride-rich lipoproteins by LPL is critical for the delivery of triglyceride-derived fatty acids to tissues, including heart, skeletal muscle, and adipose tissues. Physiologically active LPL is normally bound to the endothelial cell protein glycosylphosphatidylinositol-anchored high-density lipoprotein binding protein 1 (GPIHBP1), which transports LPL across endothelial cells, anchors LPL to the vascular wall, and stabilizes LPL activity. Disruption of LPL-GPIHBP1 binding significantly alters triglyceride metabolism and lipid partitioning. In this study, we modified the NanoLuc® Binary Technology split-luciferase system to develop a novel assay that monitors the binding of LPL to GPIHBP1 on endothelial cells in real time. We validated the specificity and sensitivity of the assay using endothelial lipase and a mutant version of LPL and found that this assay reliably and specifically detected the interaction between LPL and GPIHBP1. We then interrogated various endogenous and exogenous inhibitors of LPL-mediated lipolysis for their ability to disrupt the binding of LPL to GPIHBP1. We found that angiopoietin-like (ANGPTL)4 and ANGPTL3-ANGPTL8 complexes disrupted the interactions of LPL and GPIHBP1, whereas the exogenous LPL blockers we tested (tyloxapol, poloxamer-407, and tetrahydrolipstatin) did not. We also found that chylomicrons could dissociate LPL from GPIHBP1 and found evidence that this dissociation was mediated in part by the fatty acids produced by lipolysis. These results demonstrate the ability of this assay to monitor LPL-GPIHBP1 binding and to probe how various agents influence this important complex.




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Heritability of 596 lipid species and genetic correlation with cardiovascular traits in the Busselton Family Heart Study [Patient-Oriented and Epidemiological Research]

CVD is the leading cause of death worldwide, and genetic investigations into the human lipidome may provide insight into CVD risk. The aim of this study was to estimate the heritability of circulating lipid species and their genetic correlation with CVD traits. Targeted lipidomic profiling was performed on 4,492 participants from the Busselton Family Heart Study to quantify the major fatty acids of 596 lipid species from 33 classes. We estimated narrow-sense heritabilities of lipid species/classes and their genetic correlations with eight CVD traits: BMI, HDL-C, LDL-C, triglycerides, total cholesterol, waist-hip ratio, systolic blood pressure, and diastolic blood pressure. We report heritabilities and genetic correlations of new lipid species/subclasses, including acylcarnitine (AC), ubiquinone, sulfatide, and oxidized cholesteryl esters. Over 99% of lipid species were significantly heritable (h2: 0.06–0.50) and all lipid classes were significantly heritable (h2: 0.14–0.50). The monohexosylceramide and AC classes had the highest median heritabilities (h2 = 0.43). The largest genetic correlation was between clinical triglycerides and total diacylglycerol (rg = 0.88). We observed novel positive genetic correlations between clinical triglycerides and phosphatidylglycerol species (rg: 0.64–0.82), and HDL-C and alkenylphosphatidylcholine species (rg: 0.45–0.74). Overall, 51% of the 4,768 lipid species-CVD trait genetic correlations were statistically significant after correction for multiple comparisons. This is the largest lipidomic study to address the heritability of lipids and their genetic correlation with CVD traits. Future work includes identifying putative causal genetic variants for lipid species and CVD using genome-wide SNP and whole-genome sequencing data.




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Hexacosenoyl-CoA is the most abundant very long-chain acyl-CoA in ATP binding cassette transporter D1-deficient cells [Patient-Oriented and Epidemiological Research]

X-linked adrenoleukodystrophy (X-ALD) is an inherited disorder caused by deleterious mutations in the ABCD1 gene. The ABCD1 protein transports very long-chain FAs (VLCFAs) from the cytosol into the peroxisome where the VLCFAs are degraded through β-oxidation. ABCD1 dysfunction leads to VLCFA accumulation in individuals with X-ALD. FAs are activated by esterification to CoA before metabolic utilization. However, the intracellular pools and metabolic profiles of individual acyl-CoA esters have not been fully analyzed. In this study, we profiled the acyl-CoA species in fibroblasts from X-ALD patients and in ABCD1-deficient HeLa cells. We found that hexacosenoyl (26:1)-CoA, but not hexacosanoyl (26:0)-CoA, was the most abundantly concentrated among the VLCFA-CoA species in these cells. We also show that 26:1-CoA is mainly synthesized from oleoyl-CoA, and the metabolic turnover rate of 26:1-CoA was almost identical to that of oleoyl-CoA in both WT and ABCD1-deficient HeLa cells. The findings of our study provide precise quantitative and metabolic information of each acyl-CoA species in living cells. Our results suggest that VLCFA is endogenously synthesized as VLCFA-CoA through a FA elongation pathway and is then efficiently converted to other metabolites, such as phospholipids, in the absence of ABCD1.




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Dynamics of sphingolipids and the serine palmitoyltransferase complex in rat oligodendrocytes during myelination [Research Articles]

Myelin is a unique lipid-rich membrane structure that accelerates neurotransmission and supports neuronal function. Sphingolipids are critical myelin components. Yet sphingolipid content and synthesis have not been well characterized in oligodendrocytes, the myelin-producing cells of the CNS. Here, using quantitative real-time PCR, LC-MS/MS-based lipid analysis, and biochemical assays, we examined sphingolipid synthesis during the peak period of myelination in the postnatal rat brain. Importantly, we characterized sphingolipid production in isolated oligodendrocytes. We analyzed sphingolipid distribution and levels of critical enzymes and regulators in the sphingolipid biosynthetic pathway, with focus on the serine palmitoyltransferase (SPT) complex, the rate-limiting step in this pathway. During myelination, levels of the major SPT subunits increased and oligodendrocyte maturation was accompanied by extensive alterations in the composition of the SPT complex. These included changes in the relative levels of two alternative catalytic subunits, SPTLC2 and -3, in the relative levels of isoforms of the small subunits, ssSPTa and -b, and in the isoform distribution of the SPT regulators, the ORMDLs. Myelination progression was accompanied by distinct changes in both the nature of the sphingoid backbone and the N-acyl chains incorporated into sphingolipids. We conclude that the distribution of these changes among sphingolipid family members is indicative of a selective channeling of the ceramide backbone toward specific downstream metabolic pathways during myelination. Our findings provide insights into myelin production in oligodendrocytes and suggest how dysregulation of the biosynthesis of this highly specialized membrane could contribute to demyelinating diseases.




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HDL inhibits endoplasmic reticulum stress-induced apoptosis of pancreatic {beta}-cells in vitro by activation of Smoothened [Research Articles]

Loss of pancreatic β-cell mass and function as a result of sustained ER stress is a core step in the pathogenesis of diabetes mellitus type 2. The complex control of β-cells and insulin production involves hedgehog (Hh) signaling pathways as well as cholesterol-mediated effects. In fact, data from studies in humans and animal models suggest that HDL protects against the development of diabetes through inhibition of ER stress and β-cell apoptosis. We investigated the mechanism by which HDL inhibits ER stress and apoptosis induced by thapsigargin, a sarco/ER Ca2+-ATPase inhibitor, in β-cells of a rat insulinoma cell line, INS1e. We further explored effects on the Hh signaling receptor Smoothened (SMO) with pharmacologic agonists and inhibitors. Interference with sterol synthesis or efflux enhanced β-cell apoptosis and abrogated the anti-apoptotic activity of HDL. During ER stress, HDL facilitated the efflux of specific oxysterols, including 24-hydroxycholesterol (OHC). Supplementation of reconstituted HDL with 24-OHC enhanced and, in cells lacking ABCG1 or the 24-OHC synthesizing enzyme CYP46A1, restored the protective activity of HDL. Inhibition of SMO countered the beneficial effects of HDL and also LDL, and SMO agonists decreased β-cell apoptosis in the absence of ABCG1 or CYP46A1. The translocation of the SMO-activated transcription factor glioma-associated oncogene GLI-1 was inhibited by ER stress but restored by both HDL and 24-OHC. In conclusion, the protective effect of HDL to counter ER stress and β-cell death involves the transport, generation, and mobilization of oxysterols for activation of the Hh signaling receptor SMO




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Of mice and men: murine bile acids explain species differences in the regulation of bile acid and cholesterol metabolism [Research Articles]

Compared with humans, rodents have higher synthesis of cholesterol and bile acids (BAs) and faster clearance and lower levels of serum LDL-cholesterol. Paradoxically, they increase BA synthesis in response to bile duct ligation (BDL). Another difference is the production of hydrophilic 6-hydroxylated muricholic acids (MCAs), which may antagonize the activation of FXRs, in rodents versus humans. We hypothesized that the presence of MCAs is key for many of these metabolic differences between mice and humans. We thus studied the effects of genetic deletion of the Cyp2c70 gene, previously proposed to control MCA formation. Compared with WT animals, KO mice created using the CRISPR/Cas9 system completely lacked MCAs, and displayed >50% reductions in BA and cholesterol synthesis and hepatic LDL receptors, leading to a marked increase in serum LDL-cholesterol. The doubling of BA synthesis following BDL in WT animals was abolished in KO mice, despite extinguished intestinal fibroblast growth factor (Fgf)15 expression in both groups. Accumulation of cholesterol-enriched particles ("Lp-X") in serum was almost eliminated in KO mice. Livers of KO mice were increased 18% in weight, and serum markers of liver function indicated liver damage. The human-like phenotype of BA metabolism in KO mice could not be fully explained by the activation of FXR-mediated changes. In conclusion, the presence of MCAs is critical for many of the known metabolic differences between mice and humans. The Cyp2c70-KO mouse should be useful in studies exploring potential therapeutic targets for human disease.




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HDL and pancreatic {beta} cells: a SMO-king gun? [Commentary]




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SSO and other putative inhibitors of FA transport across membranes by CD36 disrupt intracellular metabolism, but do not affect FA translocation [Research Articles]

Membrane-bound proteins have been proposed to mediate the transport of long-chain FA (LCFA) transport through the plasma membrane (PM). These proposals are based largely on reports that PM transport of LCFAs can be blocked by a number of enzymes and purported inhibitors of LCFA transport. Here, using the ratiometric pH indicator (2',7'-bis-(2-carboxyethyl)-5-(and-6-)-carboxyfluorescein and acrylodated intestinal FA-binding protein-based dual fluorescence assays, we investigated the effects of nine inhibitors of the putative FA transporter protein CD36 on the binding and transmembrane movement of LCFAs. We particularly focused on sulfosuccinimidyl oleate (SSO), reported to be a competitive inhibitor of CD36-mediated LCFA transport. Using these assays in adipocytes and inhibitor-treated protein-free lipid vesicles, we demonstrate that rapid LCFA transport across model and biological membranes remains unchanged in the presence of these purported inhibitors. We have previously shown in live cells that CD36 does not accelerate the transport of unesterified LCFAs across the PM. Our present experiments indicated disruption of LCFA metabolism inside the cell within minutes upon treatment with many of the "inhibitors" previously assumed to inhibit LCFA transport across the PM. Furthermore, using confocal microscopy and a specific anti-SSO antibody, we found that numerous intracellular and PM-bound proteins are SSO-modified in addition to CD36. Our results support the hypothesis that LCFAs diffuse rapidly across biological membranes and do not require an active protein transporter for their transmembrane movement.




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Hepatic monoamine oxidase B is involved in endogenous geranylgeranoic acid synthesis in mammalian liver cells [Research Articles]

Geranylgeranoic acid (GGA) originally was identified in some animals and has been developed as an agent for preventing second primary hepatoma. We previously have also identified GGA as an acyclic diterpenoid in some medicinal herbs. Recently, we reported that in human hepatoma-derived HuH-7 cells, GGA is metabolically labeled from 13C-mevalonate. Several cell-free experiments have demonstrated that GGA is synthesized through geranylgeranial by oxygen-dependent oxidation of geranylgeraniol (GGOH), but the exact biochemical events giving rise to GGA in hepatoma cells remain unclear. Monoamine oxidase B (MOAB) has been suggested to be involved in GGOH oxidation. Here, using two human hepatoma cell lines, we investigated whether MAOB contributes to GGA biosynthesis. Using either HuH-7 cell lysates or recombinant human MAOB, we found that: 1) the MAO inhibitor tranylcypromine dose-dependently downregulates endogenous GGA levels in HuH-7 cells; and 2) siRNA-mediated MAOB silencing reduces intracellular GGA levels in HuH-7 and Hep3B cells. Unexpectedly, however, CRISPR/Cas9-generated MAOB-KO human hepatoma Hep3B cells had GGA levels similar to those in MAOB-WT cells. A sensitivity of GGA levels to siRNA-mediated MAOB downregulation was recovered when the MAOB-KO cells were transfected with a MAOB-expression plasmid, suggesting that MAOB is the enzyme primarily responsible for GGOH oxidation and that some other latent metabolic pathways may maintain endogenous GGA levels in the MAOB-KO hepatoma cells. Along with the previous findings, these results provide critical insights into the biological roles of human MAOB and provide evidence that hepatic MAOB is involved in endogenous GGA biosynthesis via GGOH oxidation.




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A novel GPER antagonist protects against the formation of estrogen-induced cholesterol gallstones in female mice [Research Articles]

Many clinical studies and epidemiological investigations have clearly demonstrated that women are twice as likely to develop cholesterol gallstones as men, and oral contraceptives and other estrogen therapies dramatically increase that risk. Further, animal studies have revealed that estrogen promotes cholesterol gallstone formation through the estrogen receptor (ER) α, but not ERβ, pathway. More importantly, some genetic and pathophysiological studies have found that G protein-coupled estrogen receptor (GPER) 1 is a new gallstone gene, Lith18, on chromosome 5 in mice and produces additional lithogenic actions, working independently of ERα, to markedly increase cholelithogenesis in female mice. Based on computational modeling of GPER, a novel series of GPER-selective antagonists were designed, synthesized, and subsequently assessed for their therapeutic effects via calcium mobilization, cAMP, and ERα and ERβ fluorescence polarization binding assays. From this series of compounds, one new compound, 2-cyclohexyl-4-isopropyl-N-(4-methoxybenzyl)aniline (CIMBA), exhibits superior antagonism and selectivity exclusively for GPER. Furthermore, CIMBA reduces the formation of 17β-estradiol-induced gallstones in a dose-dependent manner in ovariectomized mice fed a lithogenic diet for 8 weeks. At 32 μg/day/kg CIMBA, no gallstones are found, even in ovariectomized ERα (–/–) mice treated with 6 μg/day 17β-estradiol and fed the lithogenic diet for 8 weeks. In conclusion, CIMBA treatment protects against the formation of estrogen-induced cholesterol gallstones by inhibiting the GPER signaling pathway in female mice. CIMBA may thus be a new agent for effectively treating cholesterol gallstone disease in women.­




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Nanodomains can persist at physiologic temperature in plasma membrane vesicles and be modulated by altering cell lipids [Research Articles]

The formation and properties of liquid-ordered (Lo) lipid domains (rafts) in the plasma membrane are still poorly understood. This limits our ability to manipulate ordered lipid domain-dependent biological functions. Giant plasma membrane vesicles (GPMVs) undergo large-scale phase separations into coexisting Lo and liquid-disordered lipid domains. However, large-scale phase separation in GPMVs detected by light microscopy is observed only at low temperatures. Comparing Förster resonance energy transfer-detected versus light microscopy-detected domain formation, we found that nanodomains, domains of nanometer size, persist at temperatures up to 20°C higher than large-scale phases, up to physiologic temperature. The persistence of nanodomains at higher temperatures is consistent with previously reported theoretical calculations. To investigate the sensitivity of nanodomains to lipid composition, GPMVs were prepared from mammalian cells in which sterol, phospholipid, or sphingolipid composition in the plasma membrane outer leaflet had been altered by cyclodextrin-catalyzed lipid exchange. Lipid substitutions that stabilize or destabilize ordered domain formation in artificial lipid vesicles had a similar effect on the thermal stability of nanodomains and large-scale phase separation in GPMVs, with nanodomains persisting at higher temperatures than large-scale phases for a wide range of lipid compositions. This indicates that it is likely that plasma membrane nanodomains can form under physiologic conditions more readily than large-scale phase separation. We also conclude that membrane lipid substitutions carried out in intact cells are able to modulate the propensity of plasma membranes to form ordered domains. This implies lipid substitutions can be used to alter biological processes dependent upon ordered domains.




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Schnyder corneal dystrophy-associated UBIAD1 is defective in MK-4 synthesis and resists autophagy-mediated degradation [Research Articles]

The autosomal dominant disorder Schnyder corneal dystrophy (SCD) is caused by mutations in UbiA prenyltransferase domain-containing protein-1 (UBIAD1), which uses geranylgeranyl pyrophosphate (GGpp) to synthesize the vitamin K2 subtype menaquinone-4 (MK-4). SCD is characterized by opacification of the cornea, owing to aberrant build-up of cholesterol in the tissue. We previously discovered that sterols stimulate association of UBIAD1 with ER-localized HMG-CoA reductase, which catalyzes a rate-limiting step in the synthesis of cholesterol and nonsterol isoprenoids, including GGpp. Binding to UBIAD1 inhibits sterol-accelerated ER-associated degradation (ERAD) of reductase and permits continued synthesis of GGpp in cholesterol-replete cells. GGpp disrupts UBIAD1-reductase binding and thereby allows for maximal ERAD of reductase as well as ER-to-Golgi translocation of UBIAD1. SCD-associated UBIAD1 is refractory to GGpp-mediated dissociation from reductase and remains sequestered in the ER to inhibit ERAD. Here, we report development of a biochemical assay for UBIAD1-mediated synthesis of MK-4 in isolated membranes and intact cells. Using this assay, we compared enzymatic activity of WT UBIAD1 with that of SCD-associated variants. Our studies revealed that SCD-associated UBIAD1 exhibited reduced MK-4 synthetic activity, which may result from its reduced affinity for GGpp. Sequestration in the ER protects SCD-associated UBIAD1 from autophagy and allows intracellular accumulation of the mutant protein, which amplifies the inhibitory effect on reductase ERAD. These findings have important implications not only for the understanding of SCD etiology but also for the efficacy of cholesterol-lowering statin therapy, which becomes limited, in part, because of UBIAD1-mediated inhibition of reductase ERAD.