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Mathematics from arts?




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Quanta hosts a new podcast series on mathematics

"[W]hen the editors at Quanta Magazine invited me to host a podcast for them, I jumped at the chance...Through this podcast, I've been learning about the inner lives of some of the most intriguing mathematicians and scientists working today. [I]n every case, I wanted to know what makes them tick. I wanted to know why they do what they do, what they’ve discovered, and why it matters to them and to the world." Read "Why I'm Hosting The Joy of x Podcast," by Steven Strogatz, Quanta Magazine, January 14, 2020.




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A comprehensive evaluation of a typical plant telomeric G-quadruplex (G4) DNA reveals the dynamics of G4 formation, rearrangement, and unfolding [Plant Biology]

Telomeres are specific nucleoprotein structures that are located at the ends of linear eukaryotic chromosomes and play crucial roles in genomic stability. Telomere DNA consists of simple repeats of a short G-rich sequence: TTAGGG in mammals and TTTAGGG in most plants. In recent years, the mammalian telomeric G-rich repeats have been shown to form G-quadruplex (G4) structures, which are crucial for modulating telomere functions. Surprisingly, even though plant telomeres are essential for plant growth, development, and environmental adaptions, only few reports exist on plant telomeric G4 DNA (pTG4). Here, using bulk and single-molecule assays, including CD spectroscopy, and single-molecule FRET approaches, we comprehensively characterized the structure and dynamics of a typical plant telomeric sequence, d[GGG(TTTAGGG)3]. We found that this sequence can fold into mixed G4s in potassium, including parallel and antiparallel structures. We also directly detected intermediate dynamic transitions, including G-hairpin, parallel G-triplex, and antiparallel G-triplex structures. Moreover, we observed that pTG4 is unfolded by the AtRecQ2 helicase but not by AtRecQ3. The results of our work shed light on our understanding about the existence, topological structures, stability, intermediates, unwinding, and functions of pTG4.




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Structural basis of specific inhibition of extracellular activation of pro- or latent myostatin by the monoclonal antibody SRK-015 [Molecular Biophysics]

Myostatin (or growth/differentiation factor 8 (GDF8)) is a member of the transforming growth factor β superfamily of growth factors and negatively regulates skeletal muscle growth. Its dysregulation is implicated in muscle wasting diseases. SRK-015 is a clinical-stage mAb that prevents extracellular proteolytic activation of pro- and latent myostatin. Here we used integrated structural and biochemical approaches to elucidate the molecular mechanism of antibody-mediated neutralization of pro-myostatin activation. The crystal structure of pro-myostatin in complex with 29H4-16 Fab, a high-affinity variant of SRK-015, at 2.79 Å resolution revealed that the antibody binds to a conformational epitope in the arm region of the prodomain distant from the proteolytic cleavage sites. This epitope is highly sequence-divergent, having only limited similarity to other closely related members of the transforming growth factor β superfamily. Hydrogen/deuterium exchange MS experiments indicated that antibody binding induces conformational changes in pro- and latent myostatin that span the arm region, the loops contiguous to the protease cleavage sites, and the latency-associated structural elements. Moreover, negative-stain EM with full-length antibodies disclosed a stable, ring-like antigen–antibody structure in which the two Fab arms of a single antibody occupy the two arm regions of the prodomain in the pro- and latent myostatin homodimers, suggesting a 1:1 (antibody:myostatin homodimer) binding stoichiometry. These results suggest that SRK-015 binding stabilizes the latent conformation and limits the accessibility of protease cleavage sites within the prodomain. These findings shed light on approaches that specifically block the extracellular activation of growth factors by targeting their precursor forms.




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X-ray structures of catalytic intermediates of cytochrome c oxidase provide insights into its O2 activation and unidirectional proton-pump mechanisms [Molecular Biophysics]

Cytochrome c oxidase (CcO) reduces O2 to water, coupled with a proton-pumping process. The structure of the O2-reduction site of CcO contains two reducing equivalents, Fea32+ and CuB1+, and suggests that a peroxide-bound state (Fea33+–O−–O−–CuB2+) rather than an O2-bound state (Fea32+–O2) is the initial catalytic intermediate. Unexpectedly, however, resonance Raman spectroscopy results have shown that the initial intermediate is Fea32+–O2, whereas Fea33+–O−–O−–CuB2+ is undetectable. Based on X-ray structures of static noncatalytic CcO forms and mutation analyses for bovine CcO, a proton-pumping mechanism has been proposed. It involves a proton-conducting pathway (the H-pathway) comprising a tandem hydrogen-bond network and a water channel located between the N- and P-side surfaces. However, a system for unidirectional proton-transport has not been experimentally identified. Here, an essentially identical X-ray structure for the two catalytic intermediates (P and F) of bovine CcO was determined at 1.8 Å resolution. A 1.70 Å Fe–O distance of the ferryl center could best be described as Fea34+ = O2−, not as Fea34+–OH−. The distance suggests an ∼800-cm−1 Raman stretching band. We found an interstitial water molecule that could trigger a rapid proton-coupled electron transfer from tyrosine-OH to the slowly forming Fea33+–O−–O−–CuB2+ state, preventing its detection, consistent with the unexpected Raman results. The H-pathway structures of both intermediates indicated that during proton-pumping from the hydrogen-bond network to the P-side, a transmembrane helix closes the water channel connecting the N-side with the hydrogen-bond network, facilitating unidirectional proton-pumping during the P-to-F transition.




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Structural basis of cell-surface signaling by a conserved sigma regulator in Gram-negative bacteria [Molecular Biophysics]

Cell-surface signaling (CSS) in Gram-negative bacteria involves highly conserved regulatory pathways that optimize gene expression by transducing extracellular environmental signals to the cytoplasm via inner-membrane sigma regulators. The molecular details of ferric siderophore-mediated activation of the iron import machinery through a sigma regulator are unclear. Here, we present the 1.56 Å resolution structure of the periplasmic complex of the C-terminal CSS domain (CCSSD) of PupR, the sigma regulator in the Pseudomonas capeferrum pseudobactin BN7/8 transport system, and the N-terminal signaling domain (NTSD) of PupB, an outer-membrane TonB-dependent transducer. The structure revealed that the CCSSD consists of two subdomains: a juxta-membrane subdomain, which has a novel all-β-fold, followed by a secretin/TonB, short N-terminal subdomain at the C terminus of the CCSSD, a previously unobserved topological arrangement of this domain. Using affinity pulldown assays, isothermal titration calorimetry, and thermal denaturation CD spectroscopy, we show that both subdomains are required for binding the NTSD with micromolar affinity and that NTSD binding improves CCSSD stability. Our findings prompt us to present a revised model of CSS wherein the CCSSD:NTSD complex forms prior to ferric-siderophore binding. Upon siderophore binding, conformational changes in the CCSSD enable regulated intramembrane proteolysis of the sigma regulator, ultimately resulting in transcriptional regulation.




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Single-molecule level structural dynamics of DNA unwinding by human mitochondrial Twinkle helicase [Molecular Biophysics]

Knowledge of the molecular events in mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) replication is crucial to understanding the origins of human disorders arising from mitochondrial dysfunction. Twinkle helicase is an essential component of mtDNA replication. Here, we employed atomic force microscopy imaging in air and liquids to visualize ring assembly, DNA binding, and unwinding activity of individual Twinkle hexamers at the single-molecule level. We observed that the Twinkle subunits self-assemble into hexamers and higher-order complexes that can switch between open and closed-ring configurations in the absence of DNA. Our analyses helped visualize Twinkle loading onto and unloading from DNA in an open-ringed configuration. They also revealed that closed-ring conformers bind and unwind several hundred base pairs of duplex DNA at an average rate of ∼240 bp/min. We found that the addition of mitochondrial single-stranded (ss) DNA–binding protein both influences the ways Twinkle loads onto defined DNA substrates and stabilizes the unwound ssDNA product, resulting in a ∼5-fold stimulation of the apparent DNA-unwinding rate. Mitochondrial ssDNA-binding protein also increased the estimated translocation processivity from 1750 to >9000 bp before helicase disassociation, suggesting that more than half of the mitochondrial genome could be unwound by Twinkle during a single DNA-binding event. The strategies used in this work provide a new platform to examine Twinkle disease variants and the core mtDNA replication machinery. They also offer an enhanced framework to investigate molecular mechanisms underlying deletion and depletion of the mitochondrial genome as observed in mitochondrial diseases.




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Structure-based discovery of a small-molecule inhibitor of methicillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus virulence [Molecular Biophysics]

The rapid emergence and dissemination of methicillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus (MRSA) strains poses a major threat to public health. MRSA possesses an arsenal of secreted host-damaging virulence factors that mediate pathogenicity and blunt immune defenses. Panton–Valentine leukocidin (PVL) and α-toxin are exotoxins that create lytic pores in the host cell membrane. They are recognized as being important for the development of invasive MRSA infections and are thus potential targets for antivirulence therapies. Here, we report the high-resolution X-ray crystal structures of both PVL and α-toxin in their soluble, monomeric, and oligomeric membrane-inserted pore states in complex with n-tetradecylphosphocholine (C14PC). The structures revealed two evolutionarily conserved phosphatidylcholine-binding mechanisms and their roles in modulating host cell attachment, oligomer assembly, and membrane perforation. Moreover, we demonstrate that the soluble C14PC compound protects primary human immune cells in vitro against cytolysis by PVL and α-toxin and hence may serve as the basis for the development of an antivirulence agent for managing MRSA infections.




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SAS Notes for SAS®9 - 53757: Frequently asked questions about report alerts in SAS Visual Analytics in 7.5 and earlier

SAS Visual Analytics can be configured to send a notification to specific users when report objects contain data that meets certain criteria. This SAS note contains frequently asked questions about setting up alerts.




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NJIT physics team provides novel swab design, free of charge, to augment COVID-19 testing

(New Jersey Institute of Technology) A team of NJIT physicists has developed a novel test swab that can be 3D printed using inexpensive, widely available materials and speedily assembled in a range of fabrication settings. To augment the nation's testing capabilities, the inventors are making the swab's design publicly available, free of licensing fees, during the COVID-19 emergency.




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AI -- a new tool for cardiac diagnostics

(Uppsala University) Artificial intelligence (AI) may be an aid to interpreting ECG results, helping healthcare staff to diagnose diseases that affect the heart. Researchers at Uppsala University and heart specialists in Brazil have developed an AI that automatically diagnoses atrial fibrillation and five other common ECG abnormalities just as well as a cardiologist. The study has been published in Nature Communications.




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Bone proteomics could reveal how long a corpse has been underwater

(American Chemical Society) When a dead body is found, one of the first things a forensic pathologist tries to do is estimate the time of death. There are several ways to do this, including measuring body temperature or observing insect activity, but these methods don't always work for corpses found in water. Now, researchers are reporting a mouse study in ACS' Journal of Proteome Research showing that certain proteins in bones could be used for this determination.




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Seafloor currents may direct microplastics to biodiversity hotspots of the deep

(American Association for the Advancement of Science) Microplastic particles entering the sea surface were thought to settle to the seafloor directly below them, but now, a new study reveals that slow-moving currents near the bottom of the ocean direct the flow of plastics, creating microplastic hotpots in sediments of the deep sea.




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Scientists find highest ever level of microplastics on seafloor

(University of Manchester) An international research project has revealed the highest levels of microplastic ever recorded on the seafloor, with up to 1.9 million pieces in a thin layer covering just 1 square meter.




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AGS honors expert and emerging geriatrics leaders of 2020

(American Geriatrics Society) The American Geriatrics Society (AGS) annually honors researchers, clinicians, educators, and emerging health professionals who have made outstanding contributions to high-quality, person-centered care for older people. This year's award recipients include more than 20 leaders representing the breadth of disciplines championing care for us all as we age.




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LECOM's Dr. James Lin named AGS Geriatrics Clinician of the Year

(American Geriatrics Society) The American Geriatrics Society (AGS) today named James Lin, DO, MS, MHSA, president of the Lake Erie College of Osteopathic Medicine (LECOM) Institute for Successful Aging in Erie, Pa., its 2020 Clinician of the Year. Lin will be honored at the AGS 2021 Annual Scientific Meeting (#AGS21), May 13-15, 2021, in Chicago, Ill., following the cancellation of the AGS 2020 Annual Scientific Meeting due to COVID-19.




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Geriatrics experts award high honor to visionary organization: West Health

(American Geriatrics Society) For only the second time in its near 80-year history, the American Geriatrics Society (AGS) will award one of its highest honors typically reserved for individuals to West Health, a family of nonprofit organizations dedicated to lowering healthcare costs to enable older adults to successfully age in place.




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How does nitrogen dynamics affect carbon and water budgets in China?

(Institute of Atmospheric Physics, Chinese Academy of Sciences) Scientists investigate how nitrogen dynamics affects carbon and water budgets in China by incorporating the terrestrial nitrogen cycle into the Noah Land Surface Model.




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Kylie Cosmetics

Can Kylie Cosmetics move beyond its famous founder to achieve long-term success?




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Diabetics, asthma sufferers urged to take extra COVID caution

Persons with diabetes, cardiovascular disease, and conditions such as high blood pressure and asthma are being urged to be particularly careful as those comorbidities have been identified in persons with COVID-19 in Jamaica requiring hospital care...




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Power Politics Could Impede Progress on Responsible Regulation of Cyberspace

3 December 2019

Harriet Moynihan

Senior Research Fellow, International Law Programme
A new Chatham House paper examines the prospects of countries reaching agreement on issues of sovereignty and non-intervention in cyberspace in the face of persistent, low-level, state-to-state cyber attacks.

2019-11-29-Intl-Law-Cyberattacks.jpg

A computer hacked by a virus known as Petya. The Petya ransomware cyberattack hit computers of Russian and Ukrainian companies on 27 June 2017. Photo: Getty Images.

In discussions to date about how international law applies in cyberspace, commentators have tended to focus their attention on how the rules on the use of force, or the law of armed conflict, apply to cyber activities conducted by states that give rise to physical damage, injury or death.

But in practice, the vast majority of state cyberattacks fall below this threshold. Far more common are persistent, low-level attacks that may leave no physical trace but that are capable of doing significant damage to a state’s ability to control its systems, often at serious economic cost.

Such cyber incursions might include network disruptions in the operation of another government’s websites; tampering with electoral infrastructure to change or undermine the result; or using cyber means to destabilize another state’s financial sector.

For these kinds of cyber operation, the principle of sovereignty, and the principle of non-intervention in another state’s internal affairs, are the starting point.

A UN Group of Government Experts (GGE) agreed in 2013 and 2015 that the principles in the UN Charter, including sovereignty and the prohibition on intervention in another state’s affairs, apply to states’ activities in cyberspace. The 2015 GGE also recommended eleven (non-binding) norms of responsible state behaviour in cyberspace.

However, states have not yet reached agreement on how to apply these principles. Until recently, there has also been very little knowledge of what states actually do in cyberspace, as they usually conduct cyber operations covertly and have been reluctant to put their views on record.

A new Chatham House research paper analyses the application of the principles of sovereignty and non-intervention to state cyberattacks that fall below the principle of use of force. As well as analysing the application of the law in this area, the paper also makes recommendations to governments on how they might best make progress in reaching agreement in this area.

Existing rules or new rules?

As the research paper makes clear, there is currently some debate, principally between countries in the West, about the extent to which sovereignty is a legally binding rule in the context of cyberspace and, if so, how it and the principle of non-intervention might apply in practice.

In the last few years, certain states have put on record how they consider international law to apply to states’ activities in cyberspace, namely the UK, Australia, France and the Netherlands. While there may be some differences in their approaches, which are discussed in the paper, there also remains important common ground: namely, that existing international law already provides a solid framework for regulating states’ cyber activities, as it regulates every other domain of state-to-state activity.

There is also an emerging trend for states to work together when attributing cyberattacks to hostile states, enabling them to call out malign cyber activity when it violates international law. (See, for example, the joint statements made in relation to the NotPetya cyber attack and malicious cyber activity attributed to the Russian government).

However, other countries have questioned whether existing international law as it stands is capable of regulating states’ cyber interactions and have called for ‘new legal instruments’ in this area.

This includes a proposal by the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (led by Russia and China) for an International Code of Conduct on Information Security, a draft of which was submitted to the UN in 2011 and 2015, without success. The UN has also formed a new Open-Ended Working Group (OEWG) under a resolution proposed by Russia to consider how international law applies to states’ activities in cyberspace.

The resolution establishing the OEWG, which began work earlier this year, includes the possibility of the group ‘introducing changes to the rules, norms and principles of responsible behaviour of States’ agreed in the 2013 and 2015 GGE reports. In the OEWG discussions at the UN in September, several countries claimed that a new legal instrument was needed to fill the ‘legal vacuum’ (Cuba) or ‘the gap of ungoverned areas’ (Indonesia).

It would be concerning if the hard-won consensus on the application of international law to cyberspace that has been reached at past GGEs started to unravel. In contrast to 2013 and 2015, the 2017 meeting failed to reach an agreement.

On 9 December, a renewed GGE will meet in New York, but the existence of the OEWG exploring the same issues in a separate process reflects the fact that cyber norms have become an area of geopolitical rivalry.

Aside from the application of international law, states are also adopting divergent approaches to the domestic regulation of cyberspace within their own territory. The emerging trend towards a ‘splinternet’ – i.e. between states that believe the internet should be global and open on the hand, and those that favour a ‘sovereignty and control’ model on the other  – is also likely to make discussions at the GGE more challenging.

Distinct from the international law concept of sovereignty is the notion of ‘cybersovereignty’, a term coined by China to describe the wide-ranging powers it assumes under domestic law to regulate its citizens’ access to the internet and personal data within its territory. This approach is catching on (as reflected in Russia’s recently enacted ‘Sovereign Internet Law’), with other authoritarian states likely to follow suit.

The importance of non-state actors

In parallel with regional and UN discussions on how international law applies, a number of initiatives by non-state actors have also sought to establish voluntary principles about responsible state behaviour in cyberspace.

The Global Commission on the Stability of Cyberspace, a multi-stakeholder body that has proposed principles, norms and recommendations to guide responsible behaviour by all parties in cyberspace, recently published its final report. The Cybersecurity Tech Accord  aims to promote collaboration between tech companies on stability and resilience in cyberspace. President Macron’s ‘Paris Call for Trust and Security in Cyberspace’ has to date received the backing of 67 states, 139 international and civil society organizations, and 358 private-sector organizations.

It remains to be seen in the long term whether the parallel processes at the UN will work constructively together or be competitive. But notwithstanding the challenging geopolitical backdrop, the UN GGE meeting next week at the least offers states the opportunity to consolidate and build on the results of past meetings; to increase knowledge and discussion about how international law might apply; and to encourage more states to put their own views of these issues on the record.




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Genetic Profile and Functional Proteomics of Anal Squamous Cell Carcinoma: Proposal for a Molecular Classification

Lucía Trilla-Fuertes
Apr 1, 2020; 19:690-700
Research




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Peptide-based interaction proteomics

Katrina Meyer
Apr 28, 2020; 0:R120.002034v1-mcp.R120.002034
Review




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Chemical Genetics of AGC-kinases Reveals Shared Targets of Ypk1, Protein Kinase A and Sch9

Michael Plank
Apr 1, 2020; 19:655-671
Research




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Flow-induced reorganization of laminin-integrin networks within the endothelial basement membrane uncovered by proteomics

Eelke P. Béguin
Apr 24, 2020; 0:RA120.001964v1-mcp.RA120.001964
Research




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Cell Cycle Profiling Reveals Protein Oscillation, Phosphorylation, and Localization Dynamics

Patrick Herr
Apr 1, 2020; 19:608-623
Research




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Dysregulation of Exosome Cargo by Mutant Tau Expressed in Human-Induced Pluripotent Stem Cell (iPSC) Neurons Revealed by Proteomics Analyses

Sonia Podvin
Apr 15, 2020; 0:RA120.002079v1-mcp.RA120.002079
Research




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Quantitative proteomics of human heart samples collected in vivo reveal the remodeled protein landscape of dilated left atrium without atrial fibrillation

Nora Linscheid
Apr 14, 2020; 0:RA119.001878v1-mcp.RA119.001878
Research




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MaxQuant software for ion mobility enhanced shotgun proteomics

Nikita Prianichnikov
Mar 10, 2020; 0:TIR119.001720v1-mcp.TIR119.001720
Technological Innovation and Resources




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An Improved Boosting to Amplify Signal with Isobaric Labeling (iBASIL) Strategy for Precise Quantitative Single-cell Proteomics

Chia-Feng Tsai
May 1, 2020; 19:828-838
Research




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Acquiring and Analyzing Data Independent Acquisition Proteomics Experiments without Spectrum Libraries

Lindsay K Pino
Apr 20, 2020; 0:P119.001913v1-mcp.P119.001913
Perspective




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Proximity Dependent Biotinylation: Key Enzymes and Adaptation to Proteomics Approaches

Payman Samavarchi-Tehrani
May 1, 2020; 19:757-773
Review




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Lebanon Is Paying the Cost of Its Dysfunctional Politics

26 February 2020

Nadim Shehadi

Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme
A series of fights to political stalemate have led its economy to the brink and cut it off from its natural economic partners in the Gulf.

2020-02-25-Leb1.jpg

Protests against economic conditions and government inaction turned violent in January. Photo: Getty Images.

To understand Lebanon’s financial collapse, look to its politics.

The country has been deeply damaged by an increasingly dysfunctional political system. A series of compromises have alienated it from its main markets in the Gulf and strangled its economy; anyone that has glanced at fluctuations in Lebanese bank deposits over the last 10 years can see the correlation.

Imagine if Boris Johnson or Donald Trump were obliged to form joint governments with Jeremy Corbyn or Bernie Sanders. The result would be paralysis and lack of accountability as each party pulls the country in opposite directions and blames the other for the state of limbo. This has been the state of affairs in Lebanon since the Doha agreement of 2008. 

That agreement followed an 18-month siege that paralyzed Beirut and an attack on the city by Hezbollah’s ‘black shirts’. The Doha formula imposed governments of national unity between Prime Minister Saad Hariri’s pro-Saudi camp and Hezbollah’s pro-Iran camp and their respective internal allies.

The pattern was set: each period of subsequent paralysis was followed by further compromise as the tug of war pulled the country away from its principal economic partners, the Arab Gulf states, with the regional balance of power tilting towards Hezbollah. 

It was not supposed to be like this. The Baabda Declaration in June 2012, reached after a process of national dialogue, was meant to secure Lebanon’s neutrality in regional conflicts, with both sides promising to hold back on external alliances and coexist despite difference over major regional issues like the war in Syria, the standoff between the US and Iran or relations with Israel or the Gulf states.

This has worn away. The Baabda declaration itself became a sham when Hezbollah inserted itself into the war in Syria in support of the Assad regime and overtly got involved in Iraq and Yemen as an Iranian proxy. This was followed by Saudi opposition to concessions by Hariri that led to the election of General Michel Aoun, an ally of Hezbollah, as president in October 2016; again, after a political paralysis that lasted 29 months with no active government and no head of state.  

The Saudis were also furious when President Aoun’s son-in-law, Foreign Minister Gebran Bassil, abstained from condemning the burning of the Saudi embassy in Tehran at an Arab League meeting in Cairo in January 2016, citing the need to preserve national unity.

Fearing that he was simply providing Hezbollah with protection in the guise of compromise, the Saudis pressured Hariri to resign in November 2017 during a trip to Riyadh, but he later challenged that by retracting on his resignation when back in Beirut. Lebanon was caught between two sides, and as the regional conflict intensified from tension to open confrontation, neutrality was no longer an option.

Gulf connections

An estimated 350,000 Lebanese expats live and work in Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar and Kuwait. These countries are also the main clients for Lebanese contractors, consultants and advertising companies, some of which have offices there. The domestic tourism industry relies heavily on Arab Gulf visitors and they are a principal source of foreign investments especially in the real estate sector.

Lebanon also enjoyed a certain degree of political and economic protection from the US and the Gulf, and Hezbollah benefited indirectly from that protection, as it also shielded it to a certain degree from sanctions.

The deterioration of relations meant that the country was cut off by its Gulf partners. This was manifested in travel bans for Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) nationals to Lebanon and a decrease in investments and bank deposits, as well as a decrease in remittances from Lebanese expats, partly because of economic crisis in the Gulf countries themselves.

Saudi Arabia withdrew $4 billion of aid to the Lebanese army and internal security forces, and no aid or deposits were forthcoming as the economic and financial situation deteriorated. 

The costs to the Lebanese economy include the opportunity cost created by the annual threat of war with Israel, after which trips are cancelled and projects postponed. Hezbollah also controls a section of Beirut port where it pays no duty or taxes. Add to that the economic fallout from the war in Syria, such as the impact on exports, the inflow of refugees and the cost of Hezbollah’s involvement.

The burden of these political factors is difficult to estimate but it constitutes the ransom that the Lebanese economy bears as a cost of the compromise. This is not to absolve Lebanese politicians from corruption or bankers of mismanagement but to add that political factors cannot be ignored.

The cumulative cost and economic impact of being cut off from its main economic partner eventually bankrupted the country. The fiscal and financial aspects, with Lebanon’s inability to service its debt, are but a reflection of these political factors. In the long run, the key to avoiding complete collapse is to restore relations with the GCC and free Lebanon from that very costly grip.




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POSTPONED: The Development of Libyan Armed Groups since 2014: Community Dynamics and Economic Interests

Invitation Only Research Event

18 March 2020 - 9:00am to 10:30am

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Abdul Rahman Alageli, Associate Fellow, MENA Programme, Chatham House
Emaddedin Badi, Non-Resident Scholar, Middle East Institute
Tim Eaton, Senior Research Fellow, MENA Programme Chatham House
Valerie Stocker, Independent Researcher

Since the overthrow of the regime of Muammar Gaddafi in 2011, Libya’s multitude of armed groups have followed a range of paths. While many of these have gradually demobilized, others have remained active, and others have expanded their influence. In the west and south of the country,  armed groups have used their state affiliation to co-opt the state and professionals from the state security apparatus into their ranks.

In the east, the Libyan Arab Armed Forces projects a nationalist narrative yet is ultimately subservient to its leader, Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar. Prevailing policy narratives presuppose that the interests of armed actors are distinct from those of the communities they claim to represent. Given the degree to which most armed groups are embedded in local society, however, successful engagement will need to address the fears, grievances and desires of the surrounding communities, even while the development of armed groups’ capacities dilutes their accountability to those communities.

This roundtable will discuss the findings of a forthcoming Chatham House research paper, ‘The Development of Libyan Armed Groups Since 2014: Community Dynamics and Economic Interests’, which presents insights from over 200 interviews of armed actors and members of local communities and posits how international policymakers might seek to curtail the continued expansion of the conflict economy.

PLEASE NOTE THIS EVENT IS POSTPONED UNTIL FURTHER NOTICE.

Event attributes

Chatham House Rule

Georgia Cooke

Project Manager, Middle East and North Africa Programme
+44 (0)20 7957 5740




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The Development of Libyan Armed Groups Since 2014: Community Dynamics and Economic Interests

17 March 2020

This paper explores armed group–community relations in Libya and the sources of revenue that have allowed armed groups to grow in power and influence. It draws out the implications for policy and identifies options for mitigating conflict dynamics.

Tim Eaton

Senior Research Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme

Abdul Rahman Alageli

Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme

Emadeddin Badi

Policy Leader Fellow, School of Transnational Governance, European University Institute

Mohamed Eljarh

Co-founder and CEO, Libya Outlook

Valerie Stocker

Researcher

Amru_24-2_13.jpg

Fighters of the UN-backed Government of National Accord patrol in Ain Zara suburb in Tripoli, February 2020. Photo: Amru Salahuddien

Summary

  • Libya’s multitude of armed groups have followed a range of paths since the emergence of a national governance split in 2014. Many have gradually demobilized, others have remained active, and others have expanded their influence. However, the evolution of the Libyan security sector in this period remains relatively understudied. Prior to 2011, Libya’s internal sovereignty – including the monopoly on force and sole agency in international relations – had been personally vested in the figure of Muammar Gaddafi. After his death, these elements of sovereignty reverted to local communities, which created armed organizations to fill that central gap. National military and intelligence institutions that were intended to protect the Libyan state have remained weak, with their coherence undermined further by the post-2014 governance crisis and ongoing conflict. As a result, the most effective armed groups have remained localized in nature; the exception is the Libyan Arab Armed Forces (LAAF), which has combined and amalgamated locally legitimate forces under a central command.
  • In the west and south of the country, the result of these trends resembles a kind of inversion of security sector reform (SSR) and disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR): the armed groups have used their state affiliation to co-opt the state and professionals from the state security apparatus into their ranks; and have continued to arm, mobilize and integrate themselves into the state’s security apparatus without becoming subservient to it. In the eastern region, the LAAF projects a nationalist narrative yet is ultimately subservient to its leader, Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar. The LAAF has co-opted social organizations to dominate political and economic decision-making.
  • The LAAF has established a monopoly over the control of heavy weapons and the flow of arms in eastern Libya, and has built alliances with armed groups in the east. Armed groups in the south have been persuaded to join the LAAF’s newly established command structure. The LAAF’s offensive on the capital, which started in April 2019, represents a serious challenge to armed groups aligned with the Tripoli-based Government of National Accord (GNA). The fallout from the war will be a challenge to the GNA or any future government, as groups taking part in the war will expect to be rewarded. SSR is thus crucial in the short term: if the GNA offers financial and technical expertise and resources, plus legal cover, to armed groups under its leadership, it will increase the incentive for armed groups to be receptive to its plans for reform.
  • Prevailing policy narratives presuppose that the interests of armed actors are distinct from those of the communities they claim to represent. Given the degree to which most armed groups are embedded in local society, however, successful engagement will necessarily rely on addressing the fears, grievances and desires of the surrounding communities. Yet the development of armed groups’ capacities, along with their increasing access to autonomous means of generating revenue, has steadily diluted their accountability to local communities. This process is likely to be accelerated by the ongoing violence around Tripoli.
  • Communities’ relationship to armed groups varies across different areas of the country, reflecting the social, political, economic and security environment:
  • Despite their clear preference for a more formal, state-controlled security sector, Tripoli’s residents broadly accept the need for    the presence of armed groups to provide security. The known engagement of the capital’s four main armed groups in criminal activity is a trade-off that many residents seem able to tolerate, providing that overt violence remains low. Nonetheless, there is a widespread view that the greed of Tripoli’s armed groups has played a role in stoking the current conflict.
  • In the east, many residents appear to accept (or even welcome) the LAAF’s expansion beyond the security realm, provided that it undertakes these roles effectively. That said, such is the extent of LAAF control that opposition to the alliance comes at a high price.
  • In the south, armed groups draw heavily on social legitimacy, acting as guardians of tribal zones of influence and defenders of their respective communities against outside threats, while also at times stoking local conflicts. Social protections continue to hold sway, meaning that accountability within communities is also limited.
  • To varying extents since 2014, Libya’s armed groups have developed networks that enmesh political and business stakeholders in revenue-generation models:
  • Armed groups in Tripoli have compensated for reduced financial receipts from state budgets by cultivating unofficial and illicit sources of income. They have also focused on infiltrating state institutions to ensure access to state budgets and contracts dispersed in the capital.
  • In the east of the country, the LAAF has developed a long-term strategy to dominate the security, political and economic spheres through the establishment of a quasi-legal basis for receiving funds from Libya’s rival state authorities. It has supplemented this with extensive intervention in the private sector. External patronage supports military operations, but also helps to keep this financial system, based on unsecured debt, afloat.
  • In the south, limited access to funds from the central state has spurred armed groups to become actively involved in the economy. This has translated into the taxation of movement and the imposition of protection fees, particularly on informal (and often illicit) activity.
  • Without real commitment from international policymakers to enforcing the arms embargo and protecting the economy from being weaponized, Libya will be consigned to sustained conflict, further fragmentation and potential economic collapse. Given the likely absence of a political settlement in the short term, international policymakers should seek to curtail the continued expansion of the conflict economy by reducing armed groups’ engagement in economic life.
  • In order to reduce illicit activities, international policymakers should develop their capacity to identify and target chokepoints along illicit supply chains, with a focus on restraining activities and actors in closest proximity to violence. Targeted sanctions against rent maximizers (both armed and unarmed) is likely to be the most effective strategy. More effective investigation and restraint of conflict economy actors will require systemic efforts to improve transparency and enhance the institutional capacity of anti-corruption authorities. International policymakers should also support the development of tailored alternative livelihoods that render conflict economy activities less attractive.




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Same Old Politics Will Not Solve Iraq Water Crisis

15 April 2020

Georgia Cooke

Project Manager, Middle East and North Africa Programme

Dr Renad Mansour

Senior Research Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme; Project Director, Iraq Initiative

Glada Lahn

Senior Research Fellow, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme
Addressing Iraq’s water crisis should be a priority for any incoming prime minister as it is damaging the country’s attempts to rebuild. But successive governments have allowed the problem to fester.

2020-04-15-Iraq-Water

Punting in the marshes south of the Iraqi city of Ammarah. Photo by Ghaith Abdul-Ahad/Getty Images.

Historically, Iraq lay claim to one of the most abundant water supplies in the Middle East. But the flow of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers has reduced by up to 40% since the 1970s, due in part to the actions of neighbouring countries, in particular Turkey, upstream.

Rising temperatures and reduced rainfall due to climate change are also negatively impacting Iraq’s water reserves. Evaporation from dams and reservoirs is estimated to lose the country up to 8 billion cubic metres of water every year.

A threat to peace and stability

Shortages have dried up previously fertile land, increasing poverty in agricultural areas. Shortages have also served to fuel conflict: communities faced with successive droughts and government inertia proved to be easy targets for ISIS recruiters, who lured farmers into joining them by offering money and food to feed their families. Economic hardship for those whose livelihoods relied upon river water has also driven rural to urban migration, putting significant strain on already over-populated towns and cities, exacerbating housing, job and electricity shortages, and widening the gap between haves and have-nots.

But scarcity isn’t the most crucial element of Iraq’s water crisis – contamination is. Decades of local government mismanagement, corrupt practices and a lack of regulation of dumping (it is estimated up to 70% of Iraq’s industrial waste is dumped directly into water) has left approximately three in every five citizens without a reliable source of potable water.

In 2018, 118,000 residents of Basra province were hospitalised with symptoms brought on by drinking contaminated water, which not only put a spotlight on the inadequacies of a crumbling healthcare system but sparked mass protests and a subsequent violent crackdown.

The water crisis is also undermining the stability of the country’s federal governance model, by occasionally sparking disputes between Baghdad and the Kurdistan Regional Government, as well as between governorates in the south.

The crisis is both a symptom and a cause of poor governance. Iraq is stuck in a cycle whereby government inaction causes shortages and contamination, which result in economic losses, reduced food supply, increased prices and widespread poor health. This in turn leads to increasing levels of poverty, higher demand on services and civil unrest, increasing the pressure on a weak, dysfunctional system of government.

What can be done?

The first priority should be modernising existing water-management infrastructure - a relic of a time when the problem was an excess rather than a shortage of water (the last time Iraq’s flood defences were required was 1968). Bureaucratic hurdles, widespread corruption and an endless cycle of other crises taking precedent prevent good initiatives from being implemented or scaled up.

Diversifying energy sources to improve provision is crucial. Baghdad has a sewage treatment plant that originally ran on its own electricity source, but this capacity was destroyed in 1991 and was never replaced. The city continues to suffer from dangerous levels of water pollution because the electricity supply from the grid is insufficient to power the plant. Solar energy has great potential in sun-drenched Iraq to bridge the gaping hole in energy provision, but successive governments have chosen to focus on fossil fuels rather than promoting investment to grow the renewables sector.

Heightened tension with upstream Turkey could turn water into another cause of regional conflict. But, if approached differently, collaboration between Iraq and its neighbour could foster regional harmony.

Turkey’s elevated geography and cooler climate mean its water reserves suffer 75% less evaporation than Iraq’s. Given that Turkey’s top energy priority is the diversification of its supply of imported hydrocarbons, a win-win deal could see Turkey exchange access to its water-management infrastructure for delivery of reduced cost energy supplies from Iraq.

German-French cooperation on coal and steel in the 1950s and the evolution of economic integration that followed might provide a model for how bilateral cooperation over one issue could result in cooperation with other regional players (in this case Iran and Syria) on a range of other issues. This kind of model would need to consider the future of energy, whereby oil and gas would be replaced by solar-power exports.

These solutions have been open to policymakers for years and yet they have taken little tangible action. While there are leaders and bureaucrats with the will to act, effective action is invariably blocked by a complex and opaque political system replete with vested interests in maintaining power and wealth via a weak state and limited services from central government.

Breaking the cycle

To break this cycle, Iraq needs a group of professional and able actors outside of government to work with willing elements of the state bureaucracy as a taskforce to pressure for action and accountability. Publishing the recommendations from a hitherto withheld report produced in the aftermath of Basra’s 2018 heath crisis would be a great start.

In time, this taskforce could champion the prioritisation of water on the national agenda, the implementation of infrastructure upgrades, and hold more productive conversations with neighbour states.

With such a high degree of state fragmentation and dysfunction in Iraq, looking to the central government to provide leadership will not yield results. Engagement with a coalition of non-state actors can begin to address the water crisis and also open a dialogue around new models of governance for other critical issues. This might even be a starting point for rewriting the tattered social contract in Iraq.

This piece is based on insights and discussion at a roundtable event, Conflict and the Water Crisis in Iraq, held at Chatham House on March 9 as part of the Iraq Initiative.




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Lebanese Women and the Politics of Disruption

Research Event

6 May 2020 - 1:00pm to 2:00pm

Event participants

Carmen Geha, Assistant Professor of Public Administration, Leadership and Organisational Development, American University of Beirut
Moderator: Lina Khatib, Director, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham House
Lebanese women have been at the forefront of the protest movement that has shaken Lebanon since October 2019. The active participation by women and their visibility in Lebanon's protest movement has challenged the gender norms prevalent in Lebanese society and politics. However, the COVID-19 pandemic and the nationwide lockdown that ensued has disrupted women's ability to organize, and is threatening the fragile progress towards female inclusion in the political process.
 
In a recent article, Carmen Geha discussed the politics of representation in the context of women's participation in public life in Lebanon and argued that the country's political system is maintained through tightly-knit informal power relations among sectarian politicians, making women's participation in politics virtually impossible. The article explained how the October 2019 revolution challenged that norm by creating inclusive spaces where women activists could confront politicians and thus, transform the way women participate in politics and public life.
 
In this webinar, part of the Chatham House project on the future of the state in the Middle East and North Africa, the article's author will discuss how women's activism in Lebanon has been affected by the coronavirus-induced lockdown. The speaker will consider how, under current circumstances, women activists can speak up collectively and bring back a movement to contest gender norms in order to build an alternative political model that can better represent women's priorities.
 
You can express your interest in attending by following this link. You will receive a Zoom confirmation email should your registration be successful. Alternatively, you can watch the event live on the MENA Programme Facebook page.

Reni Zhelyazkova

Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme
+44 (0)20 7314 3624




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Politics, policy-making and the presence of images of suffering children

7 May 2020 , Volume 96, Number 3

Helen Berents

In 2017 Trump expressed pity for the ‘beautiful babies’ killed in a gas attack on Khan Shaykhun in Syria before launching airstrikes against President Assad's regime. Images of suffering children in world politics are often used as a synecdoche for a broader conflict or disaster. Injured, suffering, or dead; the ways in which images of children circulate in global public discourse must be critically examined to uncover the assumptions that operate in these environments. This article explores reactions to images of children by representatives and leaders of states to trace the interconnected affective and political dimensions of these images. In contrast to attending to the expected empathetic responses prompted by images of children, this article particularly focuses on when such images prompt bellicose foreign policy decision-making. In doing this, the article forwards a way of thinking about images as contentious affective objects in international relations. The ways in which images of children's bodies and suffering are strategically deployed by politicians deserves closer scrutiny to uncover the visual politics of childhood inherent in these moments of international politics and policy-making.




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Long term follow-up and outcomes of re-treatment in an expanded 50 patient single-center phase II prospective trial of Lutetium-177 (177Lu) PSMA-617 theranostics in metastatic castrate-resistant prostate cancer

Objectives: Lutetium-177 (177Lu)-PSMA-617 (LuPSMA) is a radioligand with high affinity for prostate specific membrane antigen (PSMA) enabling targeted beta-irradiation of prostate cancer. We have previously reported favorable activity with low toxicity in a prospective phase II trial involving 30 men with metastatic castrate-resistant prostate cancer (mCRPC). We now report their longer-term outcomes including a 20 patient extension cohort and outcomes of subsequent systemic treatments following completion of trial therapy. Methods: 50 patients with PSMA-avid mCRPC who had progressed after standard therapies received up to 4 cycles of LuPSMA every 6 weeks. Endpoints included PSA response (PCWG2), toxicity (CTCAE v4.03), imaging response, patient-reported health-related quality of life (QoL), progression-free and overall survival. We also describe, as a novel finding, outcomes of men who subsequently progressed and had further systemic therapies, including LuPSMA. Results: 75 men were screened to identify 50 patients eligible for treatment. Adverse prognostic features of the cohort included short median PSA doubling time (2.3 months) and extensive prior treatment including prior docetaxel (84%), cabazitaxel (48%), and abiraterone and/or enzalutamide (90%). The mean administered radioactivity was 7.5 GBq/cycle. PSA decline ≥ 50% was achieved in 32 of 50 patients (64%, 95% CI 50-77%), including 22 patients (44%, 95% CI 30-59%) with ≥ 80% decrease. Of 27 patients with measurable soft tissue disease, 15 (56%) achieved an objective response by RECIST 1.1. The most common toxicities attributed to LuPSMA were self-limiting G1-2 dry mouth (66%), transient G1-2 nausea (48%), G3-4 thrombocytopenia (10%) and G3 anemia (10%). Brief pain inventory severity and interference scores decreased at all time points including at the 3 month follow-up with a decrease of -1.2 (95% CI -0.5 to -1.9, P = 0.001) and 1.0 (95% CI -0.2 to -0.18, P = 0.013), respectively. At a median follow-up of 31.4 months, median OS was 13.3 months (95% CI 10.5-18.7) with a significantly longer survival of 18.4 months (95% CI 13.8-23.8) in patients achieving a PSA decline ≥ 50%. At progression following prior response, further LuPSMA was administered to 15 (30%) patients (median 2 cycles commencing 359 days from enrolment) with PSA decline ≥ 50% in 11 patients (73%). 4 of 21 patients (19%) receiving other systemic therapies upon progression experienced PSA decline ≥ 50%. There were no unexpected adverse events with LuPSMA re-treatment. Conclusion: This expanded 50 patient cohort of men with extensive prior therapy confirms our earlier report of high response rates, low toxicity and improved QoL with LuPSMA radioligand therapy. Upon progression, re-challenge LuPSMA demonstrated higher response rates than other systemic therapies.




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Pre-treatment 18F-FDG PET/CT Radiomics predict local recurrence in patients treated with stereotactic radiotherapy for early-stage non-small cell lung cancer: a multicentric study

Purpose: The aim of this retrospective multicentric study was to develop and evaluate a prognostic FDG PET/CT radiomics signature in early-stage non-small cell lung cancer (NSCLC) patients treated with stereotactic radiotherapy (SBRT). Material and Methods: Patients from 3 different centers (n = 27, 29 and 8) were pooled to constitute the training set, whereas the patients from a fourth center (n = 23) were used as the testing set. The primary endpoint was local control (LC). The primary tumour was semi-automatically delineated in the PET images using the Fuzzy locally adaptive Bayesian algorithm, and manually in the low-dose CT images. A total of 184 IBSI-compliant radiomic features were extracted. Seven clinical and treatment parameters were included. We used ComBat to harmonize radiomic features extracted from the four institutions relying on different PET/CT scanners. In the training set, variables found significant in the univariate analysis were fed into a multivariate regression model and models were built by combining independent prognostic factors. Results: Median follow-up was 21.1 (1.7 – 63.4) and 25.5 (7.7 – 57.8) months in training and testing sets respectively. In univariate analysis, none of the clinical variables, 2 PET and 2 CT features were significantly predictive of LC. The best predictive models in the training set were obtained by combining one feature from PET, namely information correlation 2 (IC2) and one from CT (Flatness), reaching a sensitivity of 100% and a specificity of 96%. Another model combining 2 PET features (IC2 and Strength), reached sensitivity of 100% and specificity of 88%, both with an undefined hazard ratio (HR) (p<0.001). The latter model obtained an accuracy of 0.91 (sensitivity 100%, specificity 81%), with a HR undefined (P = 0.023) in the testing set, however other models relying on CT radiomics features only or the combination of PET and CT features failed to validate in the testing set. Conclusion: We showed that two radiomic features derived from FDG PET were independently associated with LC in patients with NSCLC undergoing SBRT and could be combined in an accurate predictive model. This model could provide local relapse-related information and could be helpful in clinical decision-making.




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Biokinetics of Radiolabeled Monoclonal Antibody BC8: Differences in Biodistribution and Dosimetry among Hematologic Malignancies.

We reviewed 111In-DOTA-anti-CD45 antibody (BC8) imaging and bone marrow biopsy measurements to ascertain biodistribution and biokinetics of the radiolabeled antibody and to investigate differences based on type of hematologic malignancy. Methods: Serial whole-body scintigraphic images (4 time-points) were obtained after infusion of the 111In-DOTA-BC8 (176-406 MBq) in 52 adult patients with hematologic malignancies (lymphoma, multiple myeloma, acute myeloid leukemia and myelodysplastic syndrome). Counts were obtained for the regions of interest for spleen, liver, kidneys, testicles (in males), and two marrow sites (acetabulum and sacrum) and correction for attenuation and background was made. Bone marrow biopsies were obtained 14-24 hours post-infusion and percent of administered activity was determined. Radiation absorbed doses were calculated. Results: Initial uptake in liver averaged 32% ± 8.4% (S.D.) of administered activity (52 patients), which cleared monoexponentially with biological half-time of 293 ± 157 hours (33 patients) or did not clear (19 patients). Initial uptake in spleen averaged 22% ± 12% and cleared with a biological half-time 271 ± 185 hours (36 patients) or longer (6 patients). Initial uptake in kidney averaged 2.4% ± 2.0% and cleared with a biological half-time of 243 ± 144 hours (27 patients) or longer (9 patients). Initial uptake in red marrow averaged 23% ± 11% and cleared with half-times of 215 ± 107 hours (43 patients) or longer (5 patients). Whole-body retention half-times averaged 198 ± 75 hours. Splenic uptake was higher in the AML/MDS group when compared to the lymphoma group (p ≤ 0.05) and to the multiple myeloma group (p ≤ 0.10). Liver represented the dose-limiting organ. For liver uptake, no significant differences were observed between the three malignancy groups. Average calculated radiation absorbed doses per unit administered activity for a therapy infusions of 90Y-DOTA-BC8 were for red marrow: 470 ± 260 cGy/MBq, liver 1100 ± 330 cGy/MBq, spleen 4120 ± 1950 cGy/MBq, total body 7520 ± 20 cGy/MBq, osteogenic cells 290 ± 200 cGy/MBq, and kidneys 240 ± 200 cGy/MBqR. Conclusion: 111In-DOTA-BC8 had long retention time in liver, spleen, kidneys, and red marrow, and the highest absorbed doses were calculated for spleen and liver. Few differences were observed by malignancy type. The exception was greater splenic uptake among leukemia/MDS group when compared to lymphoma and multiple myeloma groups.




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68Ga-PSMA guided bone biopsies for molecular diagnostics in metastatic prostate cancer patients

For individual treatment decisions in patients with metastatic prostate cancer (mPC), molecular diagnostics are increasingly used. Bone metastases are frequently the only source for obtaining metastatic tumor tissue. However, the success rate of computed tomography (CT)-guided bone biopsies for molecular analyses in mPC patients is only ~40%. Positron emission tomography (PET) using Gallium-68 prostate specific membrane antigen (68Ga-PSMA) is a promising tool to improve the harvest rate of bone biopsies for molecular analyses. Aim of this study was to determine the success rate of 68Ga-PSMA guided bone biopsies for molecular diagnostics in mPC patients. Methods: Within a prospective multicenter whole-genome sequencing trial (NCT01855477), 69 mPC patients underwent 68Ga-PSMA PET/CT prior to bone biopsy. Primary endpoint was success rate (tumor percentage ≥30%) of 68Ga-PSMA guided bone biopsies. At biopsy sites, 68Ga-PSMA uptake was quantified using rigid body image registration of 68Ga-PSMA PET/CT and interventional CT. Actionable somatic alterations were identified. Results: Success rate of 68Ga-PSMA guided biopsies for molecular analyses was 70%. At biopsy sites categorized as positive, inconclusive, or negative for 68Ga-PSMA uptake, 70%, 64%, and 36% of biopsies were tumor positive (≥30%), respectively (P = 0.0610). In tumor positive biopsies, 68Ga-PSMA uptake was significantly higher (P = 0.008), whereas radiodensity was significantly lower (P = 0.006). With an area under the curve of 0.84 and 0.70, both 68Ga-PSMA uptake (maximum standardized uptake value) and radiodensity (mean Hounsfield Units) were strong predictors for a positive biopsy. Actionable somatic alterations were detected in 73% of the sequenced biopsies. Conclusion: In patients with mPC, 68Ga-PSMA PET/CT improves the success rate of CT-guided bone biopsies for molecular analyses, thereby identifying actionable somatic alterations in more patients. Therefore, 68Ga-PSMA PET/CT may be considered for guidance of bone biopsies in both clinical practice and clinical trials.




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MITIGATE-NeoBOMB1, a Phase I/IIa Study to Evaluate Safety, Pharmacokinetics and Preliminary Imaging of 68Ga-NeoBOMB1, a Gastrin-releasing Peptide Receptor Antagonist, in GIST Patients

Introduction: Gastrin Releasing peptide receptors (GRPRs) are potential molecular imaging targets in a variety of tumors. Recently, a 68Ga-labelled antagonist to GRPRs, NeoBOMB1, was developed for PET. We report on the outcome of a Phase I/IIa clinical trial (EudraCT 2016-002053-38) within the EU-FP7 project Closed-loop Molecular Environment for Minimally Invasive Treatment of Patients with Metastatic Gastrointestinal Stromal Tumours (‘MITIGATE’) (grant agreement number 602306) in patients with oligometastatic gastrointestinal stromal tumors (GIST). Materials and Methods: The main objectives were evaluation of safety, biodistribution, dosimetry and preliminary tumor targeting of 68Ga-NeoBOMB1 in patients with advanced TKI-treated GIST using PET/CT. Six patients with histologically confirmed GIST and unresectable primary or metastases undergoing an extended protocol for detailed pharmacokinetic analysis were included. 68Ga-NeoBOMB1 was prepared using a kit procedure with a licensed 68Ge/68Ga generator. 3 MBq/kg body-weight were injected intravenously and safety parameters were assessed. PET/CT included dynamic imaging at 5 min, 11 min and 19 min as well as static imaging at 1, 2 and 3-4 h p.i. for dosimetry calculations. Venous blood samples and urine were collected for pharmacokinetics. Tumor targeting was assessed on a per-lesion and per-patient basis. Results: 68Ga-NeoBOMB1 (50 µg) was prepared with high radiochemical purity (yield >97%). Patients received 174 ± 28 MBq of the radiotracer, which was well tolerated in all patients over a follow-up period of 4 weeks. Dosimetry calculations revealed a mean adsorbed effective dose of 0.029 ± 0.06 mSv/MBq with highest organ dose to the pancreas (0.274 ± 0.099 mSv/MBq). Mean plasma half-life was 27.3 min with primarily renal clearance (mean 25.7 ± 5.4% of injected dose 4h p.i.). Plasma metabolite analyses revealed high stability, metabolites were only detected in the urine. In three patients a significant uptake with increasing maximum standard uptake values (SUVmax at 2h p.i.: 4.3 to 25.9) over time was found in tumor lesions. Conclusion: This Phase I/IIa study provides safety data for 68Ga-NeoBOMB1, a promising radiopharmaceutical for targeting GRPR-expressing tumors. Safety profiles and pharmacokinetics are suitable for PET imaging and absorbed dose estimates are comparable to other 68Ga-labelled radiopharmaceuticals used in clinical routine.




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Molecular imaging of PD-L1 expression and dynamics with the adnectin-based PET tracer 18F-BMS-986192

18F-BMS-986192, an adnectin-based human programmed cell death ligand 1 (PD-L1) tracer, was developed to non-invasively determine whole-body PD-L1 expression by positron emission tomography (PET). We evaluated usability of 18F-BMS-986192 PET to detect different PD-L1 expression levels and therapy-induced changes of PD-L1 expression in tumors. Methods: In vitro binding assays with 18F-BMS-986192 were performed in human tumor cell lines with different total cellular and membrane PD-L1 protein expression levels. Subsequently, PET imaging was executed in immunodeficient mice xenografted with these cell lines. Mice were treated with interferon gamma (IFN) intraperitoneally for 3 days or with the mitogen-activated protein kinase kinase (MEK1/2) inhibitor selumetinib by oral gavage for 24 hours. Thereafter 18F-BMS-986192 was administered intravenously, followed by a 60-minute dynamic PET scan. Tracer uptake was expressed as percentage injected dose per gram tissue (%ID/g). Tissues were collected to evaluate ex vivo tracer biodistribution and to perform flow cytometric, Western blot, and immunohistochemical tumor analyses. Results: 18F-BMS-986192 uptake reflected PD-L1 membrane levels in tumor cell lines, and tumor tracer uptake in mice was associated with PD-L1 expression measured immunohistochemically. In vitro IFN treatment increased PD-L1 expression in the tumor cell lines and caused up to 12-fold increase in tracer binding. In vivo, IFN did neither affect PD-L1 tumor expression measured immunohistochemically nor 18F-BMS-986192 tumor uptake. In vitro, selumetinib downregulated cellular and membrane levels of PD-L1 of tumor cells by 50% as measured by Western blotting and flow cytometry. In mice, selumetinib lowered cellular, but not membrane PD-L1 levels of tumors and consequently no treatment-induced change in 18F-BMS-986192 tumor uptake was observed. Conclusion: 18F-BMS-986192 PET imaging allows detection of membrane-expressed PD-L1, as soon as 60 minutes after tracer injection. The tracer can discriminate a range of tumor cell PD-L1 membrane expression levels.




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The Horn of Africa and the Gulf States: Strategic Engagements and Red Sea Geopolitics

Invitation Only Research Event

16 December 2019 - 9:00am to 12:15pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Ambassador Mohamed Ali Guyo, IGAD Special Envoy for the Red Sea, Gulf of Aden and Somalia
Julian Reilly, UK Special Envoy for the Red Sea and Horn of Africa
Parfait Onanga-Anyanga, United Nations Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa
Alexander Rondos, EU Special Representative for the Horn of Africa
Chair: Susan Stigant, Director of Africa Programs, United States Institute of Peace

Over the last five years, the prevailing order in the Horn of Africa has been influenced by increasing engagement from the Gulf states across the Red Sea. Their growing presence has presented governments in the region with significant policy challenges, as they seek to leverage interest and competition to further their own objectives with Gulf players and their allies, while simultaneously navigating the multiple overlapping tensions and disputes that have long marked the Horn region.

Balancing regional and global dynamics will continue to be a considerable challenge for states in the Horn that already have to deal with complex internal development and political and conflict challenges. Interventions by the Gulf states have heightened tensions around internal and cross-border relationships but they have also contributed to reconciliation and have the potential to fuel long-term regional economic integration. Developing a collective action plan and coordinated strategies for engagement on common issues with the Gulf states and along the shared Red Sea arena will enable countries in the Horn of Africa to better meet the challenges and benefits from external interest.

This high-level invitation-only roundtable will bring together the special envoys and representatives for the Horn of Africa and Red Sea, along with expert participants, to analyse regional dynamics and explore options to boost collaboration and burden-sharing towards greater integration, development and more durable peace and security on both sides of the Red Sea.

Event attributes

Chatham House Rule

Sahar Eljack

Programme Administrator, Africa Programme
+ 44 (0) 20 7314 3660




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Phosphoproteomic characterization of the signaling network resulting from activation of the chemokine receptor CCR2 [Genomics and Proteomics]

Leukocyte recruitment is a universal feature of tissue inflammation and regulated by the interactions of chemokines with their G protein–coupled receptors. Activation of CC chemokine receptor 2 (CCR2) by its cognate chemokine ligands, including CC chemokine ligand 2 (CCL2), plays a central role in recruitment of monocytes in several inflammatory diseases. In this study, we used phosphoproteomics to conduct an unbiased characterization of the signaling network resulting from CCL2 activation of CCR2. Using data-independent acquisition MS analysis, we quantified both the proteome and phosphoproteome in FlpIn-HEK293T cells stably expressing CCR2 at six time points after activation with CCL2. Differential expression analysis identified 699 significantly regulated phosphorylation sites on 441 proteins. As expected, many of these proteins are known to participate in canonical signal transduction pathways and in the regulation of actin cytoskeleton dynamics, including numerous guanine nucleotide exchange factors and GTPase-activating proteins. Moreover, we identified regulated phosphorylation sites in numerous proteins that function in the nucleus, including several constituents of the nuclear pore complex. The results of this study provide an unprecedented level of detail of CCR2 signaling and identify potential targets for regulation of CCR2 function.




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Thorough Performance Evaluation of 213 nm Ultraviolet Photodissociation for Top-down Proteomics [Technological Innovation and Resources]

Top-down proteomics studies intact proteoform mixtures and offers important advantages over more common bottom-up proteomics technologies, as it avoids the protein inference problem. However, achieving complete molecular characterization of investigated proteoforms using existing technologies remains a fundamental challenge for top-down proteomics. Here, we benchmark the performance of ultraviolet photodissociation (UVPD) using 213 nm photons generated by a solid-state laser applied to the study of intact proteoforms from three organisms. Notably, the described UVPD setup applies multiple laser pulses to induce ion dissociation, and this feature can be used to optimize the fragmentation outcome based on the molecular weight of the analyzed biomolecule. When applied to complex proteoform mixtures in high-throughput top-down proteomics, 213 nm UVPD demonstrated a high degree of complementarity with the most employed fragmentation method in proteomics studies, higher-energy collisional dissociation (HCD). UVPD at 213 nm offered higher average proteoform sequence coverage and degree of proteoform characterization (including localization of post-translational modifications) than HCD. However, previous studies have shown limitations in applying database search strategies developed for HCD fragmentation to UVPD spectra which contains up to nine fragment ion types. We therefore performed an analysis of the different UVPD product ion type frequencies. From these data, we developed an ad hoc fragment matching strategy and determined the influence of each possible ion type on search outcomes. By paring down the number of ion types considered in high-throughput UVPD searches from all types down to the four most abundant, we were ultimately able to achieve deeper proteome characterization with UVPD. Lastly, our detailed product ion analysis also revealed UVPD cleavage propensities and determined the presence of a product ion produced specifically by 213 nm photons. All together, these observations could be used to better elucidate UVPD dissociation mechanisms and improve the utility of the technique for proteomic applications.




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Mass Spectrometry Based Immunopeptidomics Leads to Robust Predictions of Phosphorylated HLA Class I Ligands [Technological Innovation and Resources]

The presentation of peptides on class I human leukocyte antigen (HLA-I) molecules plays a central role in immune recognition of infected or malignant cells. In cancer, non-self HLA-I ligands can arise from many different alterations, including non-synonymous mutations, gene fusion, cancer-specific alternative mRNA splicing or aberrant post-translational modifications. Identifying HLA-I ligands remains a challenging task that requires either heavy experimental work for in vivo identification or optimized bioinformatics tools for accurate predictions. To date, no HLA-I ligand predictor includes post-translational modifications. To fill this gap, we curated phosphorylated HLA-I ligands from several immunopeptidomics studies (including six newly measured samples) covering 72 HLA-I alleles and retrieved a total of 2,066 unique phosphorylated peptides. We then expanded our motif deconvolution tool to identify precise binding motifs of phosphorylated HLA-I ligands. Our results reveal a clear enrichment of phosphorylated peptides among HLA-C ligands and demonstrate a prevalent role of both HLA-I motifs and kinase motifs on the presentation of phosphorylated peptides. These data further enabled us to develop and validate the first predictor of interactions between HLA-I molecules and phosphorylated peptides.




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Interaction Proteomics Identifies ERbeta Association with Chromatin Repressive Complexes to Inhibit Cholesterol Biosynthesis and Exert An Oncosuppressive Role in Triple-negative Breast Cancer [Research]

Triple-negative breast cancer (TNBC) is characterized by poor response to therapy and low overall patient survival. Recently, Estrogen Receptor beta (ERβ) has been found to be expressed in a fraction of TNBCs where, because of its oncosuppressive actions on the genome, it represents a potential therapeutic target, provided a better understanding of its actions in these tumors becomes available. To this end, the cell lines Hs 578T, MDA-MB-468 and HCC1806, representing the claudin-low, basal-like 1 and 2 TNBC molecular subtypes respectively, were engineered to express ERβ under the control of a Tetracycline-inducible promoter and used to investigate the effects of this transcription factor on gene activity. The antiproliferative effects of ERβ in these cells were confirmed by multiple functional approaches, including transcriptome profiling and global mapping of receptor binding sites in the genome, that revealed direct negative regulation by ERβ of genes, encoding for key components of cellular pathways associated to TNBC aggressiveness representing novel therapeutic targets such as angiogenesis, invasion, metastasis and cholesterol biosynthesis. Supporting these results, interaction proteomics by immunoprecipitation coupled to nano LC-MS/MS mass spectrometry revealed ERβ association with several potential nuclear protein partners, including key components of regulatory complexes known to control chromatin remodeling, transcriptional and post-transcriptional gene regulation and RNA splicing. Among these, ERβ association with the Polycomb Repressor Complexes 1 and 2 (PRC1/2), known for their central role in gene regulation in cancer cells, was confirmed in all three TNBC subtypes investigated, suggesting its occurrence independently from the cellular context. These results demonstrate a significant impact of ERβ in TNBC genome activity mediated by its cooperation with regulatory multiprotein chromatin remodeling complexes, providing novel ground to devise new strategies for the treatment of these diseases based on ligands affecting the activity of this nuclear receptor or some of its protein partners.




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Guidance Document: Validation of a High-Performance Liquid Chromatography-Tandem Mass Spectrometry Immunopeptidomics Assay for the Identification of HLA Class I Ligands Suitable for Pharmaceutical Therapies [Commentary]

For more than two decades naturally presented, human leukocyte antigen (HLA)-restricted peptides (immunopeptidome) have been eluted and sequenced using liquid chromatography-tandem mass spectrometry (LC-MS/MS). Since, identified disease-associated HLA ligands have been characterized and evaluated as potential active substances. Treatments based on HLA-presented peptides have shown promising results in clinical application as personalized T cell-based immunotherapy. Peptide vaccination cocktails are produced as investigational medicinal products under GMP conditions. To support clinical trials based on HLA-presented tumor-associated antigens, in this study the sensitive LC-MS/MS HLA class I antigen identification pipeline was fully validated for our technical equipment according to the current US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) and European Medicines Agency (EMA) guidelines.

The immunopeptidomes of JY cells with or without spiked-in, isotope labeled peptides, of peripheral blood mononuclear cells of healthy volunteers as well as a chronic lymphocytic leukemia and a bladder cancer sample were reliably identified using a data-dependent acquisition method. As the LC-MS/MS pipeline is used for identification purposes, the validation parameters include accuracy, precision, specificity, limit of detection and robustness.