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The cation diffusion facilitator protein MamM's cytoplasmic domain exhibits metal-type dependent binding modes and discriminates against Mn2+ [Molecular Biophysics]

Cation diffusion facilitator (CDF) proteins are a conserved family of divalent transition metal cation transporters. CDF proteins are usually composed of two domains: the transmembrane domain, in which the metal cations are transported through, and a regulatory cytoplasmic C-terminal domain (CTD). Each CDF protein transports either one specific metal or multiple metals from the cytoplasm, and it is not known whether the CTD takes an active regulatory role in metal recognition and discrimination during cation transport. Here, the model CDF protein MamM, an iron transporter from magnetotactic bacteria, was used to probe the role of the CTD in metal recognition and selectivity. Using a combination of biophysical and structural approaches, the binding of different metals to MamM CTD was characterized. Results reveal that different metals bind distinctively to MamM CTD in terms of their binding sites, thermodynamics, and binding-dependent conformations, both in crystal form and in solution, which suggests a varying level of functional discrimination between CDF domains. Furthermore, these results provide the first direct evidence that CDF CTDs play a role in metal selectivity. We demonstrate that MamM's CTD can discriminate against Mn2+, supporting its postulated role in preventing magnetite formation poisoning in magnetotactic bacteria via Mn2+ incorporation.




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Evolving the naturally compromised chorismate mutase from Mycobacterium tuberculosis to top performance [Protein Structure and Folding]

Chorismate mutase (CM), an essential enzyme at the branch-point of the shikimate pathway, is required for the biosynthesis of phenylalanine and tyrosine in bacteria, archaea, plants, and fungi. MtCM, the CM from Mycobacterium tuberculosis, has less than 1% of the catalytic efficiency of a typical natural CM and requires complex formation with 3-deoxy-d-arabino-heptulosonate 7-phosphate synthase for high activity. To explore the full potential of MtCM for catalyzing its native reaction, we applied diverse iterative cycles of mutagenesis and selection, thereby raising kcat/Km 270-fold to 5 × 105 m−1s−1, which is even higher than for the complex. Moreover, the evolutionarily optimized autonomous MtCM, which had 11 of its 90 amino acids exchanged, was stabilized compared with its progenitor, as indicated by a 9 °C increase in melting temperature. The 1.5 Å crystal structure of the top-evolved MtCM variant reveals the molecular underpinnings of this activity boost. Some acquired residues (e.g. Pro52 and Asp55) are conserved in naturally efficient CMs, but most of them lie beyond the active site. Our evolutionary trajectories reached a plateau at the level of the best natural enzymes, suggesting that we have exhausted the potential of MtCM. Taken together, these findings show that the scaffold of MtCM, which naturally evolved for mediocrity to enable inter-enzyme allosteric regulation of the shikimate pathway, is inherently capable of high activity.




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A combinatorial native MS and LC-MS/MS approach reveals high intrinsic phosphorylation of human Tau but minimal levels of other key modifications [Neurobiology]

Abnormal changes of neuronal Tau protein, such as phosphorylation and aggregation, are considered hallmarks of cognitive deficits in Alzheimer's disease. Abnormal phosphorylation is thought to precede aggregation and therefore to promote aggregation, but the nature and extent of phosphorylation remain ill-defined. Tau contains ∼85 potential phosphorylation sites, which can be phosphorylated by various kinases because the unfolded structure of Tau makes them accessible. However, methodological limitations (e.g. in MS of phosphopeptides, or antibodies against phosphoepitopes) led to conflicting results regarding the extent of Tau phosphorylation in cells. Here we present results from a new approach based on native MS of intact Tau expressed in eukaryotic cells (Sf9). The extent of phosphorylation is heterogeneous, up to ∼20 phosphates per molecule distributed over 51 sites. The medium phosphorylated fraction Pm showed overall occupancies of ∼8 Pi (± 5) with a bell-shaped distribution; the highly phosphorylated fraction Ph had 14 Pi (± 6). The distribution of sites was highly asymmetric (with 71% of all P-sites in the C-terminal half of Tau). All sites were on Ser or Thr residues, but none were on Tyr. Other known posttranslational modifications were near or below our detection limit (e.g. acetylation, ubiquitination). These findings suggest that normal cellular Tau shows a remarkably high extent of phosphorylation, whereas other modifications are nearly absent. This implies that abnormal phosphorylations at certain sites may not affect the extent of phosphorylation significantly and do not represent hyperphosphorylation. By implication, the pathological aggregation of Tau is not likely a consequence of high phosphorylation.




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West Bank Annexation: International Rhetoric vs. Action

14 July 2020

Reni Zhelyazkova

Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme

Professor Yossi Mekelberg

Senior Consulting Research Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme
Israel may have delayed announcing its plans to annex West Bank lands but the international community now needs to transform its rhetoric into action if there is to be a lasting solution to the Israel-Palestine conflict, argue Reni Zhelyazkova and Yossi Mekelberg.

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Houses are pictured in the Maale Adumim settlement in the West Bank east of Jerusalem. The Israeli government has delayed plans to annex Jewish settlements in the West Bank and in the Jordan Valley. Photo: Getty Images

Observers of the Israel-Palestine conflict have been anticipating Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu’s, announcement to annex parts of the West Bank. It has been a tumultuous year for Israeli politics which has seen three inconclusive elections and resulted in a sharing of power between Netanyahu and Benny Gantz of the Blue and White party. However, since the coalition government was sworn in, Netanyahu has appeared to not lose any time in moving forward with his plans.

Annexation has long been Netanyahu’s political aspiration and was part of his recent re-election platform but the anticipated announcement from the Israeli government didn’t come straight away. The determining factor in the delay was the inability to reach an agreement with Washington about the scope of the annexation while divisions within the Israeli government itself, in addition to international condemnation from the region and beyond, has also played a part.

Discussions around annexation have so far yielded one major outcome: it has introduced a different rhetoric by the Trump-Netanyahu axis even though things on the ground don’t necessarily follow. Ever since President Donald Trump took office in 2016, there has been a marked change in Washington’s language around the Israel-Palestine conflict. It has shifted towards legitimizing Israel’s expansionist ambitions in the West Bank while marginalizing, and considerably weakening, the Palestinian Authority (PA) through a series of punitive measures.

This has further damaged relations between Israel and Palestine and has resulted in a fundamental change in the public discourse around the conflict, from emphasizing a just solution based on self-determination for both sides, to focusing on a de-facto one-state solution.

But how has the discourse shifted so dramatically in less than four years? First came the announcement of the US embassy move to Jerusalem, and with it, recognition of the city as Israel’s capital. In his statement, President Trump avoided recognizing Palestinian claims over Jerusalem and did not acknowledge their historical connection with the city. When the PA rejected the move, the US administration then retaliated by cutting aid and development funding and closing the PLO mission in Washington stating: ‘We have permitted the PLO office to conduct operations that support the objective of achieving a lasting...peace between Israelis and the Palestinians … However, the PLO has not taken steps to advance the start of...meaningful negotiations with Israel.’

On the question of Israel’s settlements in the West Bank, the current US administration has shied away from calling them ‘illegal’ despite being deemed illegitimate under international law and condemned on numerous occasions by the UN Security Council, the UN General Assembly, the EU, the Arab League and the Palestinians themselves. US Secretary of State, Mike Pompeo, has even gone as far as saying that the establishment of Israeli settlements in the West Bank is not inconsistent with international law.

The culmination of US discourse in recent months has been the unveiling of the ‘Peace to Prosperity’ plan. The language of the proposal, once again, has shown partiality towards Israel by not mentioning the illegality of Israel’s occupation of the West Bank, or that of settlements, and entirely ignoring previous Palestinian positions or acknowledging their sensitivities. There is little doubt that the current US administration understands the power of rhetoric and has been using it to change the trajectory of discussions away from a two-state solution towards an outcome that would only serve Israeli interests.

Indeed, US rhetoric has empowered Netanyahu immensely too, ushering in a new reality that has rendered a Palestinian state nothing more than a hypothetical option. The language, combined with a multitude of unilateral actions, is helping to dismantle any efforts towards a two-state solution and the upholding of previous international agreements.

Many European and regional governments have condemned any move towards annexation. Indeed, 1,000 European parliamentarians from across political lines have urged Israel to abandon its plans. This has notably included, German Foreign Minister, Heiko Mass, whose first overseas visit during the coronavirus crisis was to Israel to reinforce Germany’s position against unilateral action.

But actions speak louder than words, and in the case of the US, its rhetoric has been matched by action unlike its EU counterparts whose statements of condemnation have rarely been followed by concrete action. For instance, the EU ratified a landmark aviation agreement with Israel just days before 1 July and economic, technological and scientific cooperation between Israel and Europe has never been stronger casting doubt on the strength of political will among EU countries to take action against Israel.

In the Middle East, the United Arab Emirates has been the most vociferous in disapproving Israel’s annexation plans. However, again, it is important to look beyond the rhetoric. Cooperation between the UAE and Israel has in fact increased in recent years mainly due to common opposition to Iran’s regional influence but also due to shared interests. In May, for instance, the first publicly acknowledged commercial flight between the UAE and Israel landed at Ben Gurion airport carrying aid aimed at mitigating the effects of COVID-19 in the Palestinian territories. But, to many, it looked like a stepping-stone towards a normalization of relations between Abu Dhabi and Jerusalem.

Similarly, Jordan and Egypt have also expressed their concern but it is difficult to imagine a scenario where either country would go as far as abrogating peace agreements that they currently have in place with Israel.

In spite of this, the global response has overwhelmingly been critical of Israel’s plans to annex parts of the West Bank. This has demonstrated some level of unity among world leaders which has not been seen for some time and may have played a significant role in delaying the Israeli government’s plans. In parallel, united international condemnation has also prevented the US from dominating the Israeli-Palestinian conflict entirely.

While the US approach has played a key role in the Israel-Palestine conflict so far, it remains to be seen how the international community will translate its voice into action to prevent the annexation of occupied Palestinian land.




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EU Budget Battle Could Undermine its International Ambitions

17 July 2020

Alice Billon-Galland

Research Associate, Europe Programme

Vassilis Ntousas

Stavros Niarchos Foundation Academy Fellow, Europe Programme
EU’s heated budget negotiations risk producing a compromise at the expense of its longer-term international agenda.

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German Chancellor Angela Merkel (L) talks with French President Emmanuel Macron (C) and President of European Council Charles Michel (R) during an EU summit on 17 July 2020 in Brussels, Belgium. Photo by Thierry Monasse/Getty Images.

With all EU economies still reeling from COVID-19, the ongoing heated deliberations on the bloc’s next budget, which will determine the amount of money matching its priorities for the next seven years, have taken on an urgency rarely felt in Brussels.

Relying in part on an unprecedentedly large volume of jointly issued debt, the European Commission’s plan for a €750 billion coronavirus recovery instrument is embedded within a revamped proposal for the EU’s long-term budget, of €1.1 trillion for the 2021-27 period. 

Now the ball is in the member states’ court. All seem to agree that getting the EU budget right is crucial to fostering an economic recovery and ensuring the Union is on the right track towards its long-term pre-COVID objectives, from increasing its strategic autonomy to reaching climate neutrality by 2050. However, stark differences persist as to what that means in practice.

Most of the core divisions predate the pandemic’s outbreak. In a special European Council meeting in February, leaders failed to find common ground on the Union’s first post-Brexit budget. Net contributor countries, such as Austria, Denmark, Sweden and the Netherlands — the so-called ‘Frugal Four’— refused to agree to higher overall spending and instead advocated for cuts in the Common Agricultural Policy or cohesion funds, meeting the resistance of states like France and Portugal.

These early divisions foreshadowed the risk of a budget compromise that would leave little space for new policy priorities. The COVID-induced economic crisis has made a traditionally fraught political process even more difficult, putting the squeeze on what were previously priority areas of funding.

The Frugal Four agree on the need for the coronavirus recovery plan but vehemently oppose the volume of grants or the issuance of too much common debt in the proposed instrument, reflecting the unpopularity of these proposals with their domestic audiences. Hungary has also threatened to derail progress on the EU’s rescue plan if rule of law criteria are weaved into mechanisms for the allocation of EU funding.

As European leaders reconvene at the 17-18 July Council meeting, EU Council President Michel proposed a revised 'negotiating box' in preparation for the discussions. The document, which tries to bridge these intra-bloc divisions, bolts the demands for short-term recovery onto the EU’s longer-term ambitions. For instance, it sets an increased target of 30 per cent of funding to go toward climate-related projects, which is necessary for the Union’s green transformation. It also retains the link between the rule of law and EU funding — despite Budapest’s opposition — which is critical for the bloc’s internal accountability and transparency, and external credibility. Furthermore, it proposes a set of new mechanisms through which the EU can sustainably raise its own revenue, including a plastics levy as well as more controversial carbon border tax and digital levy.

Yet in several other critical ways, Michel’s proposals fall short. This is particularly true for some of the more ‘geopolitical’ goals of the Union, as previously expressed by Commission president Ursula von der Leyen, or the repeated calls by the Union’s high representative that the EU should learn to use the language of power.

For all the rhetoric around the EU’s need to boost its ability to act more autonomously in the field of security and defence, reductions in important thematic programmes in this domain could result in a critical loss of momentum, if confirmed. For instance, in Michel’s proposals, flagship defence initiatives such as the European defence fund and the military mobility plan are facing cuts of about 39 per cent and 74 per cent respectively (to some €7 billion for the former and €1.5 billion for the latter) compared with the initial Commission proposal of 2018.

Moreover, the tragic developments at the Greece-Turkey border in the beginning of the year might have brought migration back to the forefront of the EU’s attention, but the overall funding for migration and border management is also significantly lower compared to initial proposals. This serves as another example of a discrepancy between the figures on the table today and those that the EU commission had previously regarded as necessary to address the challenges the bloc faces.

Similarly, under the Council president’s latest proposal, the combined funding allocated for the EU’s external action (under the ‘Neighbourhood and the World’ heading) is lower than the figures in the Commission’s May announcements – from €118.2 billion to €113.9 billion overall. This represents an increase compared to the previous EU budget, but it is not in line with the elevated ambitions recognized by the Commission in May, which have only been made more compelling by the pandemic.

Brokering a deal in EU budget negotiations has always been a brutal affair, requiring sacrifices and compromise under the pressure of a ticking clock. 2020 was never likely to be an exception to this rule; but the pandemic has complicated the politics and raised the stakes.

The risk is that the budget negotiations lead to a compromise which, while delivering a historic coronavirus package, does not adequately support some of the key elements of the Union’s long-term agenda, especially its international ambitions.




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International Donors Can End Lebanon's Corruption

10 August 2020

Dr Lina Khatib

Director, Middle East and North Africa Programme
Change must come from within Lebanon, but Emmanuel Macron and others can help by ending their patronage of a disastrous regime.

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An anti-government protester in Beirut puts up a poster accusing corruption in Lebanon's state judiciary. Photo by Sam Tarling/Getty Images.

In the aftermath of the devastating Beirut port explosion last week, it is not just the role of the Lebanese political class that has come under scrutiny, but that of their international peers too.

Sunday’s international donor conference led by the French president, Emmanuel Macron, raised €253m (£228m) in relief funds, but it also signalled an important change in rhetoric. For the first time, donors affirmed that relief funds would directly go to the Lebanese people, and that longer-term economic assistance would be dependent on Lebanon implementing structural reforms.

This affirmation came hot on the heels of growing international attention on rampant corruption among Lebanon’s ruling political class, which is widely blamed for the port explosion. It sends the message to Lebanon’s rulers that, while their country desperately needs foreign assistance to stand on its feet, no one can help Lebanon if it does not also help itself.

But the communique issued following the conference glossed over the international community’s own role in sustaining Lebanon’s corrupt political class over a period of decades. At the aid conference, Macron said that Lebanon’s future is at stake. What donors need to recognise is that this future is a shared responsibility for them and Lebanon’s leaders alike.

With Lebanon’s debt greater than 170% of its GDP, and with the port explosion costing an estimated $15bn of damage, Lebanon needs foreign assistance to prevent it becoming a failed state. But what it needs even more desperately are reforms that would counter the corruption and lack of accountability that led it to this sorry state of affairs in the first place.

It is Lebanon’s existing political system – a power-sharing pact between different sects rather than a system of governance on the basis of competence – that facilitates its leaders’ reckless behaviour.

The international community is partly responsible for sustaining this system through cascading patronage. For decades, Lebanese leaders grew accustomed to neglecting the national interest and eventually being bailed out by international assistance. Dollar deposits would land in the central bank from Gulf donors, loans would be offered by European countries and foreign aid packages would flow to Lebanese state institutions – only for the majority of this money to end up lining the pockets of the country’s rulers, who frequently overcame their political differences to share state resources between them. The Lebanese state came to exist as a shell in the eyes of its citizens.

Lebanon’s rulers benefited from citizens’ low expectations from the state and the lack of measures ensuring transparency and accountability in the country. They brokered a social contract that cast the leaders as patrons and the people as clients rather than citizens. Foreign powers were well aware of this dynamic but they often turned a blind eye to it, and even nurtured it, because they believed the Lebanese political system brought stability and predictability following the tumultuous civil war.

With time the leaders’ greed grew, and with that the economic situation worsened. Leaders who behaved as de facto local authorities, granting constituents civil service jobs or minor privileges, provided them less and less. There was some international recognition that this dynamic was becoming unsustainable – international donors pledged $11bn during the CEDRE conference of 2018 on condition that Lebanon implemented structural reforms.

And in the wake of Lebanon’s recent economic deterioration, the International Monetary Fund said in April that any discussion of a loan to Lebanon would be subject to more reforms. On both occasions, Lebanon’s rulers ignored the calls for reform, counting on foreign support eventually coming in unconditionally as it used to in the past. International donor follow-up was sluggish.

The port explosion needs to be a wake-up call for any international entity seeking a stable Lebanon. The blast is ultimately the result of the decades during which political classes in Lebanon and outside it fostered the country’s dysfunctional political system. No long-term assistance should flow into Lebanon without strong conditions on transparency and accountability in how this assistance would be employed.

Foreign support is not the problem per se, but rather when it is handed on a plate unconditionally, maintaining the patronage cascade, exacerbating the weakness of state institutions, and further impoverishing Lebanese citizens.

With Lebanon’s economy almost crumbling in the aftermath of the explosion, there is an opportunity for the international community to exert leverage over Lebanese leaders – whose personal wealth grew partially from legal and illegal transactions through the devastated port – so that necessary reforms are implemented. Such leverage would not remove Lebanon’s defective political system, but would pressure its leaders to accept at least some basic reforms.

But for Lebanon to really turn a new page, it needs a new social contract and a new political system based on fairness, transparency and accountability. This is a change that can only start from within Lebanon, but it also depends on the international community abandoning their tacit support of a disastrous political status quo.

This article was originally published in The Guardian.




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Can the International Criminal Court Help Belarus?

26 August 2020

Kateryna Busol

Robert Bosch Stiftung Academy Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme
A referral of election violence in Belarus to the International Criminal Court could enhance the support for the Belarusian people at other crucial platforms.

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A protester carries a former Belarusian flag during an opposition rally by the Minsk Hero City Obelisk. Photo by Valery SharifulinTASS via Getty Images.

Making the case

The recent election results in Belarus have triggered revolution in yet another post-Soviet country and Aliaksandr Lukashenka’s response has been devastatingly brutal. However, the Belarusian people’s resilience and Western sanctionsadopted on 14 August – have proved effective. As some of the 6,700 jailed protesters were released, accounts of horrific treatment by law enforcement emerged: overcrowded cells, no food, torture, forced confessions, severe beatings , and threats of rape.

With reports of mounting violence, Polish MEP Radosław Sikorski warned Lukashenka to expect not just sanctions but also the possible intervention of the International Criminal Court (ICC), an idea supported by the opposition-led Belarus’ National Salvation. While there are significant impediments to the Court’s involvement, the impact of such an initiative could be ground-breaking.

Legal framework

The ICC considers criminal responsibility of top civilian or military leaders for only the most serious atrocities - war crimes, genocide, crimes against humanity and, in certain cases, the crime of aggression. In the context of Belarus, the Court’s jurisdiction over crimes against humanity might be relevant. According to the Rome Statute, the ICC’s founding treaty, crimes against humanity include widespread or systematic abuses directed against a civilian population. Atrocities relevant to Belarus include arbitrary imprisonment, torture, inhuman treatment, sexual violence, and enforced disappearances.

The ICC is a last resort. It can intervene only if states are unable or unwilling to properly investigate and prosecute serious crimes themselves. Although Belarus’s Criminal Code punishes crimes against humanity, as Lukashenka himself is implicated, impartial trials in the country are impossible while he is still in power. Other countries may investigate specific atrocities in Belarus under the universal jurisdiction principle. Universal jurisdiction greenlights investigations into the most serious crimes regardless of where they are perpetrated. German, Swedish and French proceedings on Syria are illustrative examples of this. Protesters may also file individual complaints of abuse to UN bodies under the protocols of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. The European Court of Human Rights is not an option for the protesters because Belarus is not a member of the Council of Europe.

As the UN mechanisms are yet to be triggered and there has not yet been any talk of universal jurisdiction proceedings, the question of recourse to the ICC remains. But as Belarus is not party to the Rome Statute, the only way to trigger the Court’s jurisdiction is a referral by the UN Security Council (UNSC). Even though it would be vetoed by Russia –  and, almost certainly, China – it could be worth pursuing.

The importance of symbolism

So far, the UNSC has referred to the ICC two situations in non-party states – Sudan and Libya. But for cases that do not end up being referred to the Court, the UNSC debates are as significant for what they manage to agree upon as they are for what they do not. Regarding Belarus, two impeded UNSC accountability initiatives are relevant: on Syria and MH17.

In 2014, Russia and China vetoed the referral of cases of violence in Syria to the ICC. In 2015, Russia was the only country to block the creation by the UNSC of a special tribunal to investigate Malaysian Airlines flight MH17, downed by a Russian missile over war-affected eastern Ukraine. In both cases, the vetoes delayed justice, but they did not prevent it. For Syria, special independent mechanisms to collect evidence for adjudication were developed. Although justice has yet to be done, except in states like Germany, the evidence is ready for any future court. For MH17, a proceeding at a domestic Dutch court became an alternative. Parallel to that, new evidence of Russia’s role in both Syria and the downing of MH17 emerged - contextualising its UNSC vetoes.

Russia’s stakes in the Belarusian elections are probably even higher: the victory of democracy in Belarus will deprive it of one of its closest and most dependent post-Soviet allies.

Even if Russia destroys any chance of Belarusian citizens using the ICC, the attempted ICC-Belarus discussion will not have been in vain. Russia’s opposition to the respective UNSC resolution would be a self-defeating validation of Lukashenka’s atrocities against his own people, unashamedly restated at one of the world’s top diplomatic negotiation tables. Similar to Syria and MH17, the UNSC would reconfirm its self-imposed impotency to defend basic human rights amid political conjuncture. This would bring more attention to the issue and catalyse action through other platforms, including the discussions across UN bodies and the consideration of Belarusians’ individual complaints of abuse, and could lead to tougher sanctions. It could also further make the case for universal jurisdiction proceedings in other countries.      

Supporting civil society

Belarusian civil society will need stronger support from democratic governments and human rights organizations in reporting and documenting the crimes. Other countries, neighbouring states in particular, should be ready to welcome Belarusian protesters through refugee schemes, so they are able to continue their activities from abroad.

When nationwide strikes enveloped Belarus, singers from the Minsk Opera supported protesters by singing Va, pensiero, the famed chorus of the Hebrew slaves from Verdi’s Nabucco – and a symbol of united Italy’s revival. The people of Belarus also want to live in a democratic state ‘where the mind is without fear and the head is held high’. And they deserve all the support they can get. The inevitable fall of Lukashenka’s regime might take time but it should not take more lives.




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Coronavirus infection and PARP expression dysregulate the NAD metabolome: An actionable component of innate immunity [Molecular Bases of Disease]

Poly(ADP-ribose) polymerase (PARP) superfamily members covalently link either a single ADP-ribose (ADPR) or a chain of ADPR units to proteins using NAD as the source of ADPR. Although the well-known poly(ADP-ribosylating) (PARylating) PARPs primarily function in the DNA damage response, many noncanonical mono(ADP-ribosylating) (MARylating) PARPs are associated with cellular antiviral responses. We recently demonstrated robust up-regulation of several PARPs following infection with murine hepatitis virus (MHV), a model coronavirus. Here we show that SARS-CoV-2 infection strikingly up-regulates MARylating PARPs and induces the expression of genes encoding enzymes for salvage NAD synthesis from nicotinamide (NAM) and nicotinamide riboside (NR), while down-regulating other NAD biosynthetic pathways. We show that overexpression of PARP10 is sufficient to depress cellular NAD and that the activities of the transcriptionally induced enzymes PARP7, PARP10, PARP12 and PARP14 are limited by cellular NAD and can be enhanced by pharmacological activation of NAD synthesis. We further demonstrate that infection with MHV induces a severe attack on host cell NAD+ and NADP+. Finally, we show that NAMPT activation, NAM, and NR dramatically decrease the replication of an MHV that is sensitive to PARP activity. These data suggest that the antiviral activities of noncanonical PARP isozyme activities are limited by the availability of NAD and that nutritional and pharmacological interventions to enhance NAD levels may boost innate immunity to coronaviruses.




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Priorities for implementing Ethiopia's national dialogue

Priorities for implementing Ethiopia's national dialogue 11 May 2022 — 1:00PM TO 3:00PM Anonymous (not verified) 3 May 2022 Online

Experts discuss challenges and priorities in shaping an inclusive and effective national dialogue in Ethiopia.

Ethiopia is grappling with numerous contentious national issues – not least persistent conflict in several parts of the country – which underscore the need for large-scale dialogue and reconciliation efforts to address the country’s deep-rooted societal and political divisions. Ethiopia’s newly established National Dialogue Commission – whose 11 commissioners were appointed in February 2022 – has begun a four-phased process of preparations for a dialogue, with its initial stage focused on stakeholder engagement and local knowledge mobilization.

There are major challenges, however, in ensuring inclusivity amidst ongoing conflict and questions on how a country-wide process will sit alongside local dialogue initiatives and wider mediation and peacebuilding efforts. Linking the process to constitutional bodies will also be an important priority to ensure dialogue outcomes are effectively implemented.

At this public event, panellists will exchange perspectives on how to shape an effective national dialogue in Ethiopia, including priorities for building a credible National Dialogue Commission and the roles and responsibilities of other national, regional and local-level actors. They will also discuss key implementation mechanisms and long-term priorities for trust-building and cultivating a conducive environment for inclusive dialogue.

This webinar is part of a series of events and outputs on Ethiopia’s political transition.

This event will also be broadcast live on the Chatham House Africa Programme’s Facebook page.




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Towards just transition in Africa: Green financing for nature-based solutions and rural resilience

Towards just transition in Africa: Green financing for nature-based solutions and rural resilience 21 July 2022 — 9:30AM TO 1:00PM Anonymous (not verified) 30 June 2022 Libreville and online

This hybrid event in Libreville explores just transition policy and green financing for nature-based solutions, with a particular focus on the integration of job creation priorities in conservation and rural resilience.

Global climate policies towards a ‘just transition’ under the Paris Agreement should align with and support African states’ national sustainable development priorities – in particular, the need for decent and fair job creation, as well as resilient and sustainable land, environment, and ecosystem management policies.

Achieving green growth requires innovative and more accessible financing models, especially as wealthy nations’ financial pledges have fallen short. Ahead of the ‘African COP27’ set to take place in Egypt in November 2022, there is a need for transformational strategic thinking and context-specific action from African governments, civil society, businesses and financiers, in their green financing demands and national implementation plans.

Preservation of biodiversity and nature is not only critical in the global fight against climate change but is also vital for conservation-based economic development. Natural capital stocks, such as terrestrial and marine ecosystems and biodiversity, produce benefits that support societal and individual well-being and economic prosperity, such as clean air, fresh water, regulation of water flows and pollination of crops – while also acting as important carbon sinks. Financing environmental protection must go beyond compensation and contribute to creating fair social and economic conditions for incentivizing conservation.

At this hybrid event in Libreville, participants will discuss green financing for nature-based solutions, particularly the integration of plans for job creation in conservation and rural resilience within just transition planning.

This event is part of a series on Towards Just Transition: Connecting Green Financing and Sustainable Job Creation in Africa, supported by the Chatham House Sustainability Accelerator.

This event will be held in French and English with simultaneous interpretation.

This event will also be broadcast live on the Chatham House Africa Programme’s Facebook page.




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Towards just transition in Africa: Continental coordination on green financing and job creation

Towards just transition in Africa: Continental coordination on green financing and job creation 6 October 2022 — 7:00AM TO 3:30PM Anonymous (not verified) 8 September 2022 Addis Ababa and online

At this hybrid conference in Addis Ababa, speakers take stock of preparations ahead of the ‘African COP27’ in November and discuss the key priorities for streamlining continental cooperation on policy approaches to just transition.

At this hybrid conference in Addis Ababa, speakers will take stock of policy efforts and preparations ahead of the ‘African COP27’ in November and discuss the key priorities for streamlining continental cooperation on policy approaches to just transition.

Global climate policies towards a ‘just transition’ under the Paris Agreement should align with and support African states’ national sustainable development priorities – in particular, the need for decent and fair job creation, as well as resilient and sustainable land, environment and ecosystem management policies.

They must also be cognizant of African nations’ urgent requirements for sustainable and accessible energy to underpin economic development. Achieving green growth requires innovative and more accessible financing models, especially as wealthy nations’ financial pledges have fallen short. It also requires clarity and cooperation to unlock investment in both renewable and transitional energy.

African countries face collective climate and employment-related challenges. However, policymaking often remains regionally siloed according to differing political, energy sector and ecological realities. There is a need for transformational strategic thinking and context-specific action from African governments, civil society, businesses and financiers, in their green financing demands and national implementation plans.

At this hybrid conference in Addis Ababa, speakers will take stock of policy efforts and preparations ahead of the ‘African COP27’ in November and discuss the key priorities for streamlining continental cooperation on policy approaches to just transition, job creation and green financing.

This event is the third in a series on Towards just transition: Connecting green financing and sustainable job creation in Africa, supported by the Chatham House Sustainability Accelerator.




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A natural climate change priority for Africa

A natural climate change priority for Africa Expert comment LJefferson 28 September 2022

Nature-based solutions can protect African nations’ shared natural endowment and meet the needs of their people.

Africa’s principal climate change negotiators have long understood the important contribution of ‘nature-based solutions’ (NBS) in delivering land (and sea) based options as part of the goals of the Paris Agreement. Limiting temperature rises to only 1.5°C by 2050 will demand finding innovative ways to protect Africa’s vast natural endowment that also meets the equally acute needs of its people. Nature-based solutions may do both.

Decision-makers on the continent and across the world need to understand that ‘business as usual’ cannot be an option given the potential for loss of life, conflict and chaos.

The urgency for Africa cannot be overstated. At a Chatham House conference in Libreville, the Gabonese minister for the environment highlighted that if global warming surges by 2.5° or 3°C the impact would be at least 6°C for Africa. Decision-makers on the continent and across the world need to understand that ‘business as usual’ cannot be an option given the potential for loss of life, conflict and chaos.

Adaption, mitigation, or both?

Although adaptation to climate change has hitherto tended to be the continent’s main concern, there has also been growing recognition of the ways that Africa’s natural environments, from forests and grasslands, to peatlands and coastal and marine ecosystems, all also mitigate its impacts by sequestering carbon. The Congo Basin alone is said to store upwards of 4 per cent of global emissions annually.

Arguing that African states should slow the development of their economies in response to a crisis born of the already-industrialized world does not find a responsive audience in a continent hungry for jobs and opportunity.

These environments are under increasing pressure. Deforestation is a sad reality, caused mostly by unsustainable and extensive agricultural practices focused on cash crops for export more than food production to feed local populations. And arguing that African states and peoples should slow the development of their economies and infrastructure in response to a crisis born of the already-industrialized world does not find a responsive audience in a continent hungry for jobs and opportunity.

Nature-based solutions offer an answer to this conundrum. There is growing evidence that natural habitats both help avoid losses from climate change-related disasters and can drive economic growth. There is thus potential for NBS to tackle both adaptation and mitigation challenges at relatively low cost.

NBS – the rocky road from commitment to policy

It was logical therefore for Africa and like-minded countries to work to integrate NBS more strongly into the climate change agenda at COP26. The final Glasgow Climate Pact duly emphasized the importance of protecting ecosystems. The Global Forest Finance Pledge signed in the margins was also significant. African focus, with COP 27 in Egypt soon to take place, is now on domestic implementation and delivery of these pledges. The new African Union Climate Change and Resilient Development strategy (2022-2032) sets out many of the challenges and opportunities.

Choosing the right development pathway is tough, requiring political will and inclusive governance. Besides the challenge of securing alternative national revenue if a country moves away from fossil-intensive fuels – particularly acute for Africa’s resource-producing states – there is a dizzying array of policy decisions to be taken. African governments need to choose the most appropriate renewable energy sources, secure alternative livelihoods and continue to meet basic needs of the most vulnerable in the context of radical restructuring.  

Towards African solutions

There can be no one-size-fits-all answer to these questions – it is sadly still necessary to underline the enormous geographic, cultural and political diversity of the continent – but African experts have begun to draw together some emerging common themes from work already underway.  

Maintaining the ‘status quo’ in agricultural practices is no longer an option. Emphasis on sustainable agriculture is urgently needed andthat includes the elaboration of a ‘new deal’ between nature and people.  

Conservation also needs to be reframed as an economic opportunity, particularly in the elaboration and development of ecosystem services that deliver the true value of Africa’s forests, and that involve, value and reward local communities, respecting their rights and livelihoods.

Maintaining the ‘status quo’ in agricultural practices is no longer an option. Emphasis on sustainable agriculture is urgently needed.

Regional cooperation is likewise key, including on the management of forest, wildlife and water resources – Africa’s ecosystems do not respect arbitrary political boundaries, and accomplishing the dual feat of protecting cross-border systems at the same time as realizing their economic potential will demand effective collaboration, as well as training, education and communication at all levels.

The imperative of finance

A further imperative will be securing sufficient developed country financing – whether that be to secure value for net sequestration and effective forest management or for models of context-appropriate ‘smarter’ sustainable rural conservation and ecosystem resilience.




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Sudan’s gold boom: Connections to conflict and transnational impacts

Sudan’s gold boom: Connections to conflict and transnational impacts 7 December 2022 — 2:00PM TO 3:30PM Anonymous (not verified) 24 November 2022 Online

At this event, experts will discuss Sudan’s gold sector, its connections to conflict, and transnational impacts. 

At this webinar panellists will discuss Sudan’s gold sector, its connections to conflict, and transnational impacts.

Sudan is one of the largest gold producers on the continent, with the industry constituting Sudan’s foremost source of hard currency since the secession of South Sudan in 2011 and resulting loss of oilfields.

The gold rush that has ensued has had important implications for domestic and transnational conflict dynamics. Military actors and armed groups have sought control of gold-producing areas in the peripheries and to capitalize on the flow of labour migrants, against a wider backdrop of conflict partly stemming from contestation for control between central and local actors.

International interests are prominent, including increased Russian involvement in the sector, while gold smuggling has also interlaced with mercenary activity in neighbouring CAR, Chad and Libya.
 
At this event, panellists will discuss Sudan’s gold trade, its connections to conflict, and transnational impacts, including the international politics of Sudan’s gold extraction and role of armed groups. It will also explore the environmental and socio-economic dimensions of gold in Sudan’s border areas. 
 
This roundtable is an output of the Cross-Border Conflict: Evidence, Policy and Trends (XCEPT) research programme, funded by UK Aid from the UK government.
 




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Kinetic Analysis and Metabolism of Poly(Adenosine Diphosphate-Ribose) Polymerase-1-Targeted 18F-Fluorthanatrace PET in Breast Cancer

Visual Abstract




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Feasibility, Tolerability, and Preliminary Clinical Response of Fractionated Radiopharmaceutical Therapy with 213Bi-FAPI-46: Pilot Experience in Patients with End-Stage, Progressive Metastatic Tumors

Visual Abstract




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International Metabolic Prognostic Index Is Superior to Other Metabolic Tumor Volume-Based Prognostication Methods in a Real-Life Cohort of Diffuse Large B-Cell Lymphoma

Visual Abstract




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Stoichiometry of Nucleotide Binding to Proteasome AAA+ ATPase Hexamer Established by Native Mass Spectrometry

Yadong Yu
Dec 1, 2020; 19:1997-2014
Research




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CMMB (Carboxylate Modified Magnetic Bead) -based isopropanol gradient peptide fractionation (CIF) enables rapid and robust off-line peptide mixture fractionation in bottom-up proteomics

Weixian Deng
Dec 22, 2020; 0:RA120.002411v1-mcp.RA120.002411
Research




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A proteomics-based assessment of inflammation signatures in endotoxemia

Sean A Burnap
Dec 7, 2020; 0:RA120.002305v1-mcp.RA120.002305
Research




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Mutation-independent Proteomic Signatures of Pathological Progression in Murine Models of Duchenne Muscular Dystrophy

Tirsa L. E. van Westering
Dec 1, 2020; 19:2047-2067
Research




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ProAlanase is an Effective Alternative to Trypsin for Proteomics Applications and Disulfide Bond Mapping

Diana Samodova
Dec 1, 2020; 19:2139-2156
Technological Innovation and Resources




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Agonist-activated glucagon receptors are deubiquitinated at early endosomes by two distinct deubiquitinases to facilitate Rab4a-dependent recycling [Signal Transduction]

The glucagon receptor (GCGR) activated by the peptide hormone glucagon is a seven-transmembrane G protein–coupled receptor (GPCR) that regulates blood glucose levels. Ubiquitination influences trafficking and signaling of many GPCRs, but its characterization for the GCGR is lacking. Using endocytic colocalization and ubiquitination assays, we have identified a correlation between the ubiquitination profile and recycling of the GCGR. Our experiments revealed that GCGRs are constitutively ubiquitinated at the cell surface. Glucagon stimulation not only promoted GCGR endocytic trafficking through Rab5a early endosomes and Rab4a recycling endosomes, but also induced rapid deubiquitination of GCGRs. Inhibiting GCGR internalization or disrupting endocytic trafficking prevented agonist-induced deubiquitination of the GCGR. Furthermore, a Rab4a dominant negative (DN) that blocks trafficking at recycling endosomes enabled GCGR deubiquitination, whereas a Rab5a DN that blocks trafficking at early endosomes eliminated agonist-induced GCGR deubiquitination. By down-regulating candidate deubiquitinases that are either linked with GPCR trafficking or localized on endosomes, we identified signal-transducing adaptor molecule–binding protein (STAMBP) and ubiquitin-specific protease 33 (USP33) as cognate deubiquitinases for the GCGR. Our data suggest that USP33 constitutively deubiquitinates the GCGR, whereas both STAMBP and USP33 deubiquitinate agonist-activated GCGRs at early endosomes. A mutant GCGR with all five intracellular lysines altered to arginines remains deubiquitinated and shows augmented trafficking to Rab4a recycling endosomes compared with the WT, thus affirming the role of deubiquitination in GCGR recycling. We conclude that the GCGRs are rapidly deubiquitinated after agonist-activation to facilitate Rab4a-dependent recycling and that USP33 and STAMBP activities are critical for the endocytic recycling of the GCGR.




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AMPK{beta}1 and AMPK{beta}2 define an isoform-specific gene signature in human pluripotent stem cells, differentially mediating cardiac lineage specification [Cell Biology]

AMP-activated protein kinase (AMPK) is a key regulator of energy metabolism that phosphorylates a wide range of proteins to maintain cellular homeostasis. AMPK consists of three subunits: α, β, and γ. AMPKα and β are encoded by two genes, the γ subunit by three genes, all of which are expressed in a tissue-specific manner. It is not fully understood, whether individual isoforms have different functions. Using RNA-Seq technology, we provide evidence that the loss of AMPKβ1 and AMPKβ2 lead to different gene expression profiles in human induced pluripotent stem cells (hiPSCs), indicating isoform-specific function. The knockout of AMPKβ2 was associated with a higher number of differentially regulated genes than the deletion of AMPKβ1, suggesting that AMPKβ2 has a more comprehensive impact on the transcriptome. Bioinformatics analysis identified cell differentiation as one biological function being specifically associated with AMPKβ2. Correspondingly, the two isoforms differentially affected lineage decision toward a cardiac cell fate. Although the lack of PRKAB1 impacted differentiation into cardiomyocytes only at late stages of cardiac maturation, the availability of PRKAB2 was indispensable for mesoderm specification as shown by gene expression analysis and histochemical staining for cardiac lineage markers such as cTnT, GATA4, and NKX2.5. Ultimately, the lack of AMPKβ1 impairs, whereas deficiency of AMPKβ2 abrogates differentiation into cardiomyocytes. Finally, we demonstrate that AMPK affects cellular physiology by engaging in the regulation of hiPSC transcription in an isoform-specific manner, providing the basis for further investigations elucidating the role of dedicated AMPK subunits in the modulation of gene expression.




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Distant coupling between RNA editing and alternative splicing of the osmosensitive cation channel Tmem63b [Cell Biology]

Post-transcriptional modifications of pre-mRNAs expand the diversity of proteomes in higher eukaryotes. In the brain, these modifications diversify the functional output of many critical neuronal signal molecules. In this study, we identified a brain-specific A-to-I RNA editing that changed glutamine to arginine (Q/R) at exon 20 and an alternative splicing of exon 4 in Tmem63b, which encodes a ubiquitously expressed osmosensitive cation channel. The channel isoforms lacking exon 4 occurred in ∼80% of Tmem63b mRNAs in the brain but were not detected in other tissues, suggesting a brain-specific splicing. We found that the Q/R editing was catalyzed by Adar2 (Adarb1) and required an editing site complementary sequence located in the proximal 5' end of intron 20. Moreover, the Q/R editing was almost exclusively identified in the splicing isoform lacking exon 4, indicating a coupling between the editing and the splicing. Elimination of the Q/R editing in brain-specific Adar2 knockout mice did not affect the splicing efficiency of exon 4. Furthermore, transfection with the splicing isoform containing exon 4 suppressed the Q/R editing in primary cultured cerebellar granule neurons. Thus, our study revealed a coupling between an RNA editing and a distant alternative splicing in the Tmem63b pre-mRNA, in which the splicing plays a dominant role. Finally, physiological analysis showed that the splicing and the editing coordinately regulate Ca2+ permeability and osmosensitivity of channel proteins, which may contribute to their functions in the brain.




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LDL apheresis as an alternate method for plasma LPS purification in healthy volunteers and dyslipidemic and septic patients

Auguste Dargent
Dec 1, 2020; 61:1776-1783
Research Articles




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Lipid signature of advanced human carotid atherosclerosis assessed by mass spectrometry imaging

Astrid M. Moerman
Dec 23, 2020; 0:jlr.RA120000974v1-jlr.RA120000974
Research Articles




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The emerging roles of the macular pigment carotenoids throughout the lifespan and in prenatal supplementation [Thematic Reviews]

Since the publication of the Age-Related Eye Disease Study (AREDS2) in 2013, the macular pigment carotenoids lutein and zeaxanthin have become well known to both the eye care community and the public. It is a fascinating aspect of evolution that primates have repurposed photoprotective pigments and binding proteins from plants and insects to protect and enhance visual acuity. Moreover, utilization of these plant-derived nutrients has been widely embraced for preventing vision loss from age-related macular degeneration (AMD). More recently, there has been growing awareness that these nutrients can also play a role in improving visual performance in adults. On the other hand, the potential benefits of lutein and zeaxanthin supplementation at very young ages have been underappreciated. In this review, we examine the biochemical mechanisms and supportive data for lutein and zeaxanthin supplementation throughout the lifespan, with particular emphasis on prenatal supplementation. We propose that prenatal nutritional recommendations may aim at improving maternal and infant carotenoid status. Prenatal supplementation with lutein and zeaxanthin might enhance infant visual development and performance and may even prevent retinopathy of prematurity, possibilities that should be examined in future clinical studies.




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Lipid signature of advanced human carotid atherosclerosis assessed by mass spectrometry imaging [Research Articles]

Carotid atherosclerosis is a risk factor for ischemic stroke, one of the main causes of mortality and disability worldwide. The disease is characterized by plaques, heterogeneous deposits of lipids and necrotic debris in the vascular wall, which grow gradually and may remain asymptomatic for decades. However, at some point a plaque can evolve to a high-risk plaque phenotype, which may trigger a cerebrovascular event. Lipids play a key role in the development and progression of atherosclerosis, but the nature of their involvement is not fully understood. Using matrix-assisted laser desorption/ionization mass spectrometry imaging, we visualized the distribution of approximately 200 different lipid signals, originating of > 90 uniquely assigned species, in 106 tissue sections of 12 human carotid atherosclerotic plaques. We performed unsupervised classification of the mass spectrometry dataset, as well as a histology-directed multivariate analysis. These data allowed us to extract the spatial lipid patterns associated with morphological plaque features in advanced plaques from a symptomatic population, revealing spatial lipid patterns in atherosclerosis and their relation to histological tissue type. The abundances of sphingomyelin and oxidized cholesteryl ester species were elevated specifically in necrotic intima areas, while diacylglycerols and triacylglycerols were spatially correlated to areas containing the coagulation protein fibrin. These results demonstrate a clear co-localization between plaque features and specific lipid classes, as well as individual lipid species in high-risk atherosclerotic plaques.




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UK clinics may be able to offer mitochrondrial donation next spring




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LDL apheresis as an alternate method for plasma LPS purification in healthy volunteers and dyslipidemic and septic patients [Research Articles]

Lipopolysaccharide (LPS) is a key player for innate immunity activation. It is therefore a prime target for sepsis treatment, as antibiotics are not sufficient to improve outcome during septic shock. An extracorporeal removal method by polymyxin (PMX) B direct hemoperfusion (PMX-DHP) is used in Japan, but recent trials failed to show a significant lowering of circulating LPS levels after PMX-DHP therapy. PMX-DHP has a direct effect on LPS molecules. However, LPS is not present in a free form in the circulation, as it is mainly carried by lipoproteins, including LDLs. Lipoproteins are critical for physiological LPS clearance, as LPSs are carried by LDLs to the liver for elimination. We hypothesized that LDL apheresis could be an alternate method for LPS removal. First, we demonstrated in vitro that LDL apheresis microbeads are almost as efficient as PMX beads to reduce LPS concentration in LPS-spiked human plasma, whereas it is not active in PBS. We found that PMX was also adsorbing lipoproteins, although less specifically. Then, we found that endogenous LPS of patients treated by LDL apheresis for familial hypercholesterolemia is also removed during their LDL apheresis sessions, with both electrostatic-based devices and filtration devices. Finally, LPS circulating in the plasma of septic shock and severe sepsis patients with gram-negative bacteremia was also removed in vitro by LDL adsorption. Overall, these results underline the importance of lipoproteins for LPS clearance, making them a prime target to study and treat endotoxemia-related conditions.




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Accurate MS-based Rab10 Phosphorylation Stoichiometry Determination as Readout for LRRK2 Activity in Parkinson's Disease [Research]

Pathogenic mutations in the Leucine-rich repeat kinase 2 (LRRK2) are the predominant genetic cause of Parkinson's disease (PD). They increase its activity, resulting in augmented Rab10-Thr73 phosphorylation and conversely, LRRK2 inhibition decreases pRab10 levels. Currently, there is no assay to quantify pRab10 levels for drug target engagement or patient stratification. To meet this challenge, we developed an high accuracy and sensitivity targeted mass spectrometry (MS)-based assay for determining Rab10-Thr73 phosphorylation stoichiometry in human samples. It uses synthetic stable isotope-labeled (SIL) analogues for both phosphorylated and nonphosphorylated tryptic peptides surrounding Rab10-Thr73 to directly derive the percentage of Rab10 phosphorylation from attomole amounts of the endogenous phosphopeptide. The SIL and the endogenous phosphopeptides are separately admitted into an Orbitrap analyzer with the appropriate injection times. We test the reproducibility of our assay by determining Rab10-Thr73 phosphorylation stoichiometry in neutrophils of LRRK2 mutation carriers before and after LRRK2 inhibition. Compared with healthy controls, the PD predisposing mutation carriers LRRK2 G2019S and VPS35 D620N display 1.9-fold and 3.7-fold increased pRab10 levels, respectively. Our generic MS-based assay further establishes the relevance of pRab10 as a prognostic PD marker and is a powerful tool for determining LRRK2 inhibitor efficacy and for stratifying PD patients for LRRK2 inhibitor treatment.




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Correction: Concentration Determination of >200 Proteins in Dried Blood Spots for Biomarker Discovery and Validation [Addition and Correction]




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Molecular Profiling of Innate Immune Response Mechanisms in Ventilator-associated Pneumonia [Research]

Ventilator-associated pneumonia (VAP) is a common hospital-acquired infection, leading to high morbidity and mortality. Currently, bronchoalveolar lavage (BAL) is used in hospitals for VAP diagnosis and guiding treatment options. Although BAL collection procedures are invasive, alternatives such as endotracheal aspirates (ETA) may be of diagnostic value, however, their use has not been thoroughly explored. Longitudinal ETA and BAL were collected from 16 intubated patients up to 15 days, of which 11 developed VAP. We conducted a comprehensive LC–MS/MS based proteome and metabolome characterization of longitudinal ETA and BAL to detect host and pathogen responses to VAP infection. We discovered a diverse ETA proteome of the upper airways reflective of a rich and dynamic host-microbe interface. Prior to VAP diagnosis by microbial cultures from BAL, patient ETA presented characteristic signatures of reactive oxygen species and neutrophil degranulation, indicative of neutrophil mediated pathogen processing as a key host response to the VAP infection. Along with an increase in amino acids, this is suggestive of extracellular membrane degradation resulting from proteolytic activity of neutrophil proteases. The metaproteome approach successfully allowed simultaneous detection of pathogen peptides in patients' ETA, which may have potential use in diagnosis. Our findings suggest that ETA may facilitate early mechanistic insights into host-pathogen interactions associated with VAP infection and therefore provide its diagnosis and treatment.




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Novel Proteome Extraction Method Illustrates a Conserved Immunological Signature of MSI-H Colorectal Tumors [Research]

Using a simple, environment friendly proteome extraction (TOP), we were able to optimize the analysis of clinical samples. Using our TOP method we analyzed a clinical cohort of microsatellite stable (MSS) and unstable (MSI-H) colorectal carcinoma (CRC). We identified a tumor cell specific, STAT1-centered, immune signature expressed by the MSI-H tumor cells. We then showed that long, but not short, exposure to Interferon- induces a similar signature in vitro. We identified 10 different temporal protein expression patterns, classifying the Interferon- protein temporal regulation in CRC. Our data sheds light on the changes that tumor cells undergo under long-term immunological pressure in vivo, the importance of STAT proteins in specific biological scenarios. The data generated could help find novel clinical biomarkers and therapeutic approaches.




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Analytical Guidelines for co-fractionation Mass Spectrometry Obtained through Global Profiling of Gold Standard Saccharomyces cerevisiae Protein Complexes [Research]

Co-fractionation MS (CF-MS) is a technique with potential to characterize endogenous and unmanipulated protein complexes on an unprecedented scale. However this potential has been offset by a lack of guidelines for best-practice CF-MS data collection and analysis. To obtain such guidelines, this study thoroughly evaluates novel and published Saccharomyces cerevisiae CF-MS data sets using very high proteome coverage libraries of yeast gold standard complexes. A new method for identifying gold standard complexes in CF-MS data, Reference Complex Profiling, and the Extending 'Guilt-by-Association' by Degree (EGAD) R package are used for these evaluations, which are verified with concurrent analyses of published human data. By evaluating data collection designs, which involve fractionation of cell lysates, it is found that near-maximum recall of complexes can be achieved with fewer samples than published studies. Distributing sample collection across orthogonal fractionation methods, rather than a single high resolution data set, leads to particularly efficient recall. By evaluating 17 different similarity scoring metrics, which are central to CF-MS data analysis, it is found that two metrics rarely used in past CF-MS studies – Spearman and Kendall correlations – and the recently introduced Co-apex metric frequently maximize recall, whereas a popular metric—Euclidean distance—delivers poor recall. The common practice of integrating external genomic data into CF-MS data analysis is also evaluated, revealing that this practice may improve the precision and recall of known complexes but is generally unsuitable for predicting novel complexes in model organisms. If studying nonmodel organisms using orthologous genomic data, it is found that particular subsets of fractionation profiles (e.g. the lowest abundance quartile) should be excluded to minimize false discovery. These assessments are summarized in a series of universally applicable guidelines for precise, sensitive and efficient CF-MS studies of known complexes, and effective predictions of novel complexes for orthogonal experimental validation.




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ProAlanase is an Effective Alternative to Trypsin for Proteomics Applications and Disulfide Bond Mapping [Technological Innovation and Resources]

Trypsin is the protease of choice in bottom-up proteomics. However, its application can be limited by the amino acid composition of target proteins and the pH of the digestion solution. In this study we characterize ProAlanase, a protease from the fungus Aspergillus niger that cleaves primarily on the C-terminal side of proline and alanine residues. ProAlanase achieves high proteolytic activity and specificity when digestion is carried out at acidic pH (1.5) for relatively short (2 h) time periods. To elucidate the potential of ProAlanase in proteomics applications, we conducted a series of investigations comprising comparative multi-enzymatic profiling of a human cell line proteome, histone PTM analysis, ancient bone protein identification, phosphosite mapping and de novo sequencing of a proline-rich protein and disulfide bond mapping in mAb. The results demonstrate that ProAlanase is highly suitable for proteomics analysis of the arginine- and lysine-rich histones, enabling high sequence coverage of multiple histone family members. It also facilitates an efficient digestion of bone collagen thanks to the cleavage at the C terminus of hydroxyproline which is highly prevalent in collagen. This allows to identify complementary proteins in ProAlanase- and trypsin-digested ancient bone samples, as well as to increase sequence coverage of noncollagenous proteins. Moreover, digestion with ProAlanase improves protein sequence coverage and phosphosite localization for the proline-rich protein Notch3 intracellular domain (N3ICD). Furthermore, we achieve a nearly complete coverage of N3ICD protein by de novo sequencing using the combination of ProAlanase and tryptic peptides. Finally, we demonstrate that ProAlanase is efficient in disulfide bond mapping, showing high coverage of disulfide-containing regions in a nonreduced mAb.




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Mutation-independent Proteomic Signatures of Pathological Progression in Murine Models of Duchenne Muscular Dystrophy [Research]

The absence of the dystrophin protein in Duchenne muscular dystrophy (DMD) results in myofiber fragility and a plethora of downstream secondary pathologies. Although a variety of experimental therapies are in development, achieving effective treatments for DMD remains exceptionally challenging, not least because the pathological consequences of dystrophin loss are incompletely understood. Here we have performed proteome profiling in tibialis anterior muscles from two murine DMD models (mdx and mdx52) at three ages (8, 16, and 80 weeks of age), all n = 3. High-resolution isoelectric focusing liquid chromatography-tandem MS (HiRIEF-LC–MS/MS) was used to quantify the expression of 4974 proteins across all 27 samples. The two dystrophic models were found to be highly similar, whereas multiple proteins were differentially expressed relative to WT (C57BL/6) controls at each age. Furthermore, 1795 proteins were differentially expressed when samples were pooled across ages and dystrophic strains. These included numerous proteins associated with the extracellular matrix and muscle function that have not been reported previously. Pathway analysis revealed multiple perturbed pathways and predicted upstream regulators, which together are indicative of cross-talk between inflammatory, metabolic, and muscle growth pathways (e.g. TNF, INF, NF-B, SIRT1, AMPK, PGC-1α, PPARs, ILK, and AKT/PI3K). Upregulation of CAV3, MVP and PAK1 protein expression was validated in dystrophic muscle by Western blot. Furthermore, MVP was upregulated during, but not required for, the differentiation of C2C12 myoblasts suggesting that this protein may affect muscle regeneration. This study provides novel insights into mutation-independent proteomic signatures characteristic of the dystrophic phenotype and its progression with aging.




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Stoichiometry of Nucleotide Binding to Proteasome AAA+ ATPase Hexamer Established by Native Mass Spectrometry [Research]

AAA+ ATPases constitute a large family of proteins that are involved in a plethora of cellular processes including DNA disassembly, protein degradation and protein complex disassembly. They typically form a hexametric ring-shaped structure with six subunits in a (pseudo) 6-fold symmetry. In a subset of AAA+ ATPases that facilitate protein unfolding and degradation, six subunits cooperate to translocate protein substrates through a central pore in the ring. The number and type of nucleotides in an AAA+ ATPase hexamer is inherently linked to the mechanism that underlies cooperation among subunits and couples ATP hydrolysis with substrate translocation. We conducted a native MS study of a monodispersed form of PAN, an archaeal proteasome AAA+ ATPase, to determine the number of nucleotides bound to each hexamer of the WT protein. We utilized ADP and its analogs (TNP-ADP and mant-ADP), and a nonhydrolyzable ATP analog (AMP-PNP) to study nucleotide site occupancy within the PAN hexamer in ADP- and ATP-binding states, respectively. Throughout all experiments we used a Walker A mutant (PANK217A) that is impaired in nucleotide binding as an internal standard to mitigate the effects of residual solvation on mass measurement accuracy and to serve as a reference protein to control for nonspecific nucleotide binding. This approach led to the unambiguous finding that a WT PAN hexamer carried – from expression host – six tightly bound ADP molecules that could be exchanged for ADP and ATP analogs. Although the Walker A mutant did not bind ADP analogs, it did bind AMP-PNP, albeit at multiple stoichiometries. We observed variable levels of hexamer dissociation and an appearance of multimeric species with the over-charged molecular ion distributions across repeated experiments. We posit that these phenomena originated during ESI process at the final stages of ESI droplet evolution.




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Douleurs côté droit sous les côtes : comment les soulager naturellement

En fonction de leurs causes, les douleurs du côté droit peuvent se manifester de différentes manières. Les symptômes de ces douleurs peuvent également varier d’une personne à une autre. Certaines personnes décrivent les douleurs du côté comme des sensations de crampes, de brûlures ou de piqûres. D’autres en revanche parlent de douleurs sourdes ou lancinantes qui irradient […]

L’article Douleurs côté droit sous les côtes : comment les soulager naturellement est apparu en premier sur Ortho Doc France.




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Detection of multiple autoantibodies in patients with ankylosing spondylitis using nucleic acid programmable protein arrays [11. Microarrays/Combinatorics/Display Technology]

Ankylosing Spondylitis (AS) is a common, inflammatory rheumatic disease, which primarily affects the axial skeleton and is associated with sacroiliitis, uveitis and enthesitis. Unlike other autoimmune rheumatic diseases, such as rheumatoid arthritis or systemic lupus erythematosus, autoantibodies have not yet been reported to be a feature of AS. We therefore wished to determine if plasma from patients with AS contained autoantibodies and if so, characterize and quantify this response in comparison to patients with Rheumatoid Arthritis (RA) and healthy controls. Two high-density nucleic acid programmable protein arrays expressing a total of 3498 proteins were screened with plasma from 25 patients with AS, 17 with RA and 25 healthy controls. Autoantigens identified were subjected to Ingenuity Pathway Analysis in order to determine patterns of signalling cascades or tissue origin. 44% of patients with Ankylosing Spondylitis demonstrated a broad autoantibody response, as compared to 33% of patients with RA and only 8% of healthy controls. Individuals with AS demonstrated autoantibody responses to shared autoantigens, and 60% of autoantigens identified in the AS cohort were restricted to that group. The AS patients autoantibody responses were targeted towards connective, skeletal and muscular tissue, unlike those of RA patients or healthy controls. Thus, patients with AS show evidence of systemic humoral autoimmunity and multispecific autoantibody production. Nucleic Acid Programmable Protein Arrays constitute a powerful tool to study autoimmune diseases.




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Metabolic profiling in colorectal cancer reveals signature metabolic shifts during tumorigenesis [13. Other]

Colorectal cancer (CRC) arises as the consequence of progressive changes from normal epithelial cells through polyp to tumor, and thus is an useful model for studying metabolic shift. In the present study, we studied the metabolomic profiles using high analyte specific gas chromatography/mass spectrometry (GC/MS) and liquid chromatography tandem mass spectrometry (LC/MS/MS) to attain a systems-level view of the shift in metabolism in cells progressing along the path to CRC. Colonic tissues including tumor, polyps and adjacent matched normal mucosa from 26 patients with sporadic CRC from freshly isolated resections were used for this study. The metabolic profiles were obtained using GC/MS and LC/MS/MS. Our data suggest there was a distinct profile change of a wide range of metabolites from mucosa to tumor tissues. Various amino acids and lipids in the polyps and tumors were elevated, suggesting higher energy needs for increased cellular proliferation. In contrast, significant depletion of glucose and inositol in polyps revealed that glycolysis may be critical in early tumorigenesis. In addition, the accumulation of hypoxanthine and xanthine, and the decrease of uric acid concentration, suggest that the purine biosynthesis pathway could have been substituted by the salvage pathway in CRC. Further, there was a step-wise reduction of deoxycholic acid concentration from mucosa to tumors. It appears that to gain a growth advantage, cancer cells may adopt alternate metabolic pathways in tumorigenesis and this flexibility allows them to adapt and thrive in harsh environment.




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N-glycomic signature of stage II colorectal cancer and its association with the tumor microenvironment [Research]

The choice for adjuvant chemotherapy in stage II colorectal cancer (CRC) is controversial as many patients are cured by surgery alone and it is difficult to identify patients with high-risk of recurrence of the disease. There is a need for better stratification of this group of patients. Mass spectrometry imaging could identify patients at risk. We report here the N-glycosylation signatures of the different cell populations in a group of stage II CRC tissue samples. The cancer cells, compared to normal epithelial cells, have increased levels of sialylation and high-mannose glycans, as well as decreased levels of fucosylation and highly branched N-glycans. When looking at the interface between cancer and its microenvironment, it seems that the cancer N-glycosylation signature spreads into the surrounding stroma at the invasive front of the tumor. This finding was more outspoken in patients with a worse outcome within this sample group.




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A proteomics-based assessment of inflammation signatures in endotoxemia [Research]

We have previously shown that multimers of plasma pentraxin-3 (PTX3) were predictive of survival in patients with sepsis. To characterize the release kinetics and cellular source of plasma protein changes in sepsis, serial samples were obtained from healthy volunteers (n=10, 3 time-points) injected with low-dose endotoxin (LPS) and analyzed using data-independent acquisition (DIA) MS. The human plasma proteome response was compared to an LPS-induced endotoxemia model in mice. Proteomic analysis of human plasma revealed a rapid neutrophil degranulation signature, followed by a rise in acute phase proteins. Changes in circulating PTX3 correlated with increases in neutrophil-derived proteins following LPS injection. Time course analysis of the plasma proteome in mice showed a time-dependent increase in multimeric PTX3, alongside increases in neutrophil-derived myeloperoxidase (MPO) upon LPS treatment. The mechanisms of oxidation-induced multimerisation of PTX3 were explored in two genetic mouse models: MPO global knock-out mice and LysM CreNox2KO mice, in which NADPH oxidase 2 (Nox2) is only deficient in myeloid cells. Nox2 is the enzyme responsible for the oxidative burst in neutrophils. Increases in plasma multimeric PTX3 were not significantly different between wildtype and MPO or LysM CreNox2KO knock-out mice. Thus, PTX3 may already be stored and released in a multimeric form. Through in vivo neutrophil depletion and multiplexed vascular proteomics, PTX3 multimer deposition within the aorta was confirmed to be neutrophil-dependent. Proteomic analysis of aortas from LPS-injected mice returned PTX3 as the most upregulated protein, where multimeric PTX3 was deposited as early as 2 h post-LPS along with other neutrophil-derived proteins. In conclusion, the rise in multimeric PTX3 upon LPS injection correlates with neutrophil-related protein changes in plasma and in aortas. MPO and myeloid Nox2 are not required for the multimerisation of PTX3; instead, neutrophil extravasation is responsible for the LPS-induced deposition of multimeric PTX3 in the aorta.




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CMMB (Carboxylate Modified Magnetic Bead) -based isopropanol gradient peptide fractionation (CIF) enables rapid and robust off-line peptide mixture fractionation in bottom-up proteomics [Research]

Deep proteome coverage in bottom-up proteomics requires peptide-level fractionation to simplify the complex peptide mixture before analysis by tandem mass spectrometry. By decreasing the number of co-eluting precursor peptide ions, fractionation effectively reduces the complexity of the sample leading to higher sample coverage and reduced bias towards high abundance precursors that are preferentially identified in data-dependent acquisition strategies. To achieve this goal, we report a bead-based off-line peptide fractionation method termed CIF or Carboxylate modified magnetic bead-based isopropanol gradient peptide fractionation. CIF is an extension of the SP3 (single-pot solid-phase-enhanced sample preparation) strategy and provides an effective but complementary approach to other commonly used fractionation methods including strong cation exchange (SCX) and reversed phase (RP)-based chromatography. We demonstrate that CIF is an effective offline separation strategy capable of increasing the depth of peptide analyte coverage both when used alone or as a second dimension of peptide fractionation in conjunction with high pH RP. These features make it ideally suited for a wide range of proteomic applications including the affinity purification of low abundance bait proteins.




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Exploring Public International Law and the Rights of Individuals with Chinese Scholars - Part One

Exploring Public International Law and the Rights of Individuals with Chinese Scholars - Part One Other resource sysadmin 29 October 2018

As part of a roundtable series, Chatham House and China University of Political Science and Law (CUPL) jointly organized this four-day meeting at Chatham House for international lawyers to discuss a wide range of issues related to public international law and the rights of individuals.

The Representative of China at the 19th Session of the Human Rights Council, Palais des Nations, Geneva. 27 February 2012. Photo: UN Photo Geneva/Violaine Martin.

The specific objectives were to:

  • create a platform for Chinese international law academics working on international human rights law issues to present their thinking and exchange ideas with counterparts from outside China;
  • build stronger understanding within the wider international law community of intellectual debates taking place in China about the international human rights system and China’s role within it;
  • support networking between Chinese and non-Chinese academics working on international human rights and related areas of international law.

The roundtable forms part of a wider Chatham House project exploring China’s impact on the international human rights system and was inspired by early discussions with a burgeoning community of Chinese academics thinking, writing (mainly in Chinese) and teaching about international human rights law.

For China University of Political Science and Law, one of the largest and most prestigious law schools in China and perhaps the only university in the world with an entire faculty of international law, the initiative is part of a drive to forge partnerships beyond China in the international law field.

The roundtable had a total of 22 participants, 10 Chinese (from universities and other academic institutions in Beijing and Shanghai) and 12 non-Chinese (from Australia, Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland, the United Kingdom and the United States).

All discussions were held in English under the Chatham House Rule.




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Exploring Public International Law and the Rights of Individuals with Chinese Scholars - Part Two

Exploring Public International Law and the Rights of Individuals with Chinese Scholars - Part Two Other resource sysadmin 30 October 2018

As part of a roundtable series, Chatham House and China University of Political Science and Law (CUPL) held a two-day roundtable meeting in Beijing on public international law and the rights of individuals.

The Representative of China at the 19th Session of the Human Rights Council, Palais des Nations, Geneva. 27 February 2012. Photo: UN Photo Geneva/Violaine Martin.

The specific objectives were to:

  • create a platform for Chinese international law academics working on international human rights law issues to present their thinking and exchange ideas with counterparts from outside China;
  • build stronger understanding within the wider international law community of intellectual debates taking place in China about the international human rights system and China’s role within it;
  • support networking between Chinese and non-Chinese academics working on international human rights and related areas of international law.

The roundtable forms part of a wider Chatham House project exploring China’s impact on the international human rights system and was inspired by early discussions with a burgeoning community of Chinese academics thinking, writing (mainly in Chinese) and teaching about international human rights law.

For CUPL, one of the largest and most prestigious law schools in China and perhaps the only university in the world with an entire faculty of international law, the initiative is part of a drive to forge partnerships beyond China in the international law field.

The meeting in Beijing was hosted by CUPL and involved 20 participants, 10 Chinese (from universities and other academic institutions in Beijing) and 10 non-Chinese (from Australia, the Netherlands, South Africa, Switzerland, the United Kingdom and the United States).

To ensure continuity while also expanding the experts network being built, the second meeting included a mix of participants from the first meeting and some new participants.

All discussions were held in English under the Chatham House Rule.




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Exploring Public International Law and the Rights of Individuals with Chinese Scholars - Part Three

Exploring Public International Law and the Rights of Individuals with Chinese Scholars - Part Three Other resource sysadmin 30 October 2018

As part of a roundtable series, Chatham House, China University of Political Science and Law (CUPL) and the Graduate Institute Geneva held a two-day roundtable meeting in Geneva on public international law and the rights of individuals.

The Representative of China at the 19th Session of the Human Rights Council, Palais des Nations, Geneva. 27 February 2012. Photo: UN Photo Geneva/Violaine Martin.

The specific objectives were to:

  • create a platform for Chinese international law academics working on international human rights law issues to present their thinking and exchange ideas with counterparts from outside China;
  • build stronger understanding within the wider international law community of intellectual debates taking place in China about the international human rights system and China’s role within it;
  • support networking between Chinese and non-Chinese academics working on international human rights and related areas of international law.

The roundtable forms part of a wider Chatham House project exploring China’s impact on the international human rights system and was inspired by early discussions with a burgeoning community of Chinese academics thinking, writing (mainly in Chinese) and teaching about international human rights law.

For CUPL, one of the largest and most prestigious law schools in China and perhaps the only university in the world with an entire faculty of international law, the initiative is part of a drive to forge partnerships beyond China in the international law field.

The meeting in Geneva was co-hosted by the Graduate Institute Geneva and involved 19 participants, 9 Chinese (from six research institutions in Beijing and Shanghai) and 11 non-Chinese (from eight research institutions in Australia, Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland, the United Kingdom and the United States).

To ensure continuity while also expanding the expert network being built, the third meeting included a mix of participants from the first two meetings and some new participants

All discussions were held in English under the Chatham House Rule.




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Exploring Public International Law Issues with Chinese Scholars – Part Four

Exploring Public International Law Issues with Chinese Scholars – Part Four Other resource sysadmin 30 October 2018

As part of a roundtable series, Chatham House and the China University of Political Science and Law (CUPL) held a two-day roundtable in Beijing on emerging issues of public international law.

The Representative of China at the 19th Session of the Human Rights Council, Palais des Nations, Geneva. 27 February 2012. Photo: UN Photo Geneva/Violaine Martin.

The specific objectives were to:

  • create a platform for Chinese international law academics working on international human rights law issues to present their thinking and exchange ideas with counterparts from outside China;
  • build stronger understanding within the wider international law community of intellectual debates taking place in China about the international human rights system and China’s role within it;
  • support networking between Chinese and non-Chinese academics working on international human rights and related areas of international law.

The roundtable forms part of a wider Chatham House project exploring China’s impact on the international human rights system and was inspired by early discussions with a burgeoning community of Chinese academics thinking, writing (mainly in Chinese) and teaching about international human rights law.

For CUPL, one of the largest and most prestigious law schools in China and perhaps the only university in the world with an entire faculty of international law, the initiative is part of a drive to forge partnerships beyond China in the international law field.

The meeting was co-hosted with CUPL and involved 28 participants, consisting of 19 Chinese participants (from six leading research institutions in Beijing and Shanghai) and nine nonChinese participants (from eight leading research institutions in Australia, the Netherlands, the UK, Switzerland, Canada and Singapore).

To ensure continuity while also expanding the expert network being built, the fifth meeting included a mix of participants from the previous meetings and some new participants.

All discussions were held in English under the Chatham House Rule.




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The Role of Sub-state and Non-state Actors in International Climate Processes: Civil Society

The Role of Sub-state and Non-state Actors in International Climate Processes: Civil Society Research paper sysadmin 27 November 2018

Given today’s challenging geopolitical conditions and the evolving nature of the international climate regime since Paris, civil society must now once again recalibrate its strategies to ensure continued and increasing relevance.

Photo by The Climate Reality Project, ‘People’s Climate March Protest’, via Unsplash, 2017.

This is one of four background papers feeding into a synthesis paper entitled The Role of Sub-state and Non-state Actors in International Climate Processes.

Summary

  • Following the failure of the 15th Conference of the Parties (COP 15) in Copenhagen in 2009, there was a step change in the sophistication and unity of civil society engagement on climate policy. This ensured that, subsequently, civil society was more effective in exercising multiple channels of influence around the negotiations for the Paris Agreement in 2015.
  • Civil society proved to be particularly effective at harnessing the twin narratives of climate science and economics, and at leveraging an emerging multi-level governance architecture, to create political space for climate leadership.
  • Given today’s challenging geopolitical conditions and the evolving nature of the international climate regime since Paris, civil society must now once again recalibrate its strategies to ensure continued and increasing relevance.
  • In particular, the shift to a more ‘nationally grounded’ implementation regime focusing on individual states’ climate commitments will require civil society to become more effective at influencing domestic politics. At the same time, civil society will need to continue to seek strategic synergies at the international level.
  • Civil society has a central role to play in ensuring that the first key test of the Paris ‘ratchet’ mechanism – revising countries’ pledged climate actions, or Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), by 2020 – is robust, science-informed and strongly rooted in domestic politics.




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The Role of Sub-state and Non-state Actors in International Climate Processes: Corporate Sector

The Role of Sub-state and Non-state Actors in International Climate Processes: Corporate Sector Research paper sysadmin 27 November 2018

Given the challenging political contexts since 2015, the corporate sector will have a key role to play in persuading national governments how technologies and expertise have moved on since the pledges were made.

Photo by Priscilla Du Preez, ‘Climate Reality’ via Unsplash, 2017.

This is one of four background papers feeding into a synthesis paper entitled The Role of Sub-state and Non-state Actors in International Climate Processes.

Summary

  • The corporate sector has traditionally engaged governments at national rather than international level in lobbying for action related to climate change. Where it has engaged at an international level, this has often been to restrain regulation and ambition, such as in air transport. Over time, many businesses have increasingly understood that there is more commercial opportunity in a strong, consistent approach to tackling climate mitigation and adaptation, and an increasing number are willing to speak up on the issue. The Paris Climate Conference in 2015 demonstrated this positive engagement.
  • Businesses are more powerful when engaging directly with national governments on detailed policies – by demonstrating what is possible and indirectly influencing national governments’ international pledges. Traditional trade/industry sector associations and groups have tended to suffer from the ‘lowest common denominator’ effect of their least progressive members. Progressive business groups coalescing around climate ambition can help to counter this.
  • Unlike at the Copenhagen climate talks in 2009, the business community provided a positive, supportive backdrop to the 2015 Paris talks, mindful of the public relations opportunities in taking a progressive stance and of the benefits of targets that reflected the science. The carbon market was a particular focus for corporates, which succeeded in getting emissions trading options and market mechanisms included in Article 6 of the Paris Agreement.
  • Given the challenging political contexts since 2015, the corporate sector will have a key role to play in persuading national governments how technologies and expertise have moved on since the pledges were made. With increasing awareness of resource scarcity, businesses are pursuing ever more creative solutions.
  • Wide recognition that the avoidance of future emissions is increasingly dependent on developing and emerging economies means that business voices from these countries will potentially be more influential in the next few years.