we Nicholas Burns: Facing Two Global Crises, We Need Thoughtful Leadership In Every Country By www.belfercenter.org Published On :: Mar 27, 2020 Mar 27, 2020Nicholas Burns: Facing Two Global Crises, We Need Thoughtful Leadership In Every Country Full Article
we Webber remains upbeat after crashing out in Korea By en.espnf1.com Published On :: Sun, 24 Oct 2010 12:18:15 GMT Mark Webber's title chances took a massive blow in the Korean Grand Prix as the Red Bull driver crashed into retirement on lap 19 of a wet Korean Grand Prix Full Article
we 'We must keep our feet on the ground' - di Montezemolo By en.espnf1.com Published On :: Mon, 25 Oct 2010 09:07:12 GMT Ferrari is not underestimating its rivals Red Bull and McLaren heading into the final two rounds of the season, despite Fernando Alonso taking an 11 point lead in the drivers' championship with victory at the Korean Grand Prix Full Article
we Confident Webber 'relishing' prospect of fight back By en.espnf1.com Published On :: Tue, 26 Oct 2010 11:32:36 GMT Red Bull driver Mark Webber is relishing the challenge of coming from behind in the final two races of the season to take the championship Full Article
we No light at the end of the tunnel with Renault - Newey By en.espnf1.com Published On :: Sun, 15 Mar 2015 03:24:26 GMT Red Bull's Adrian Newey says there is no light at the end of the tunnel for Renault as the manufacturer starts another season on the back foot compared to its rivals Full Article
we Beyond Trade: The Confrontation Between the U.S. and China By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Mar 3, 2020 Mar 3, 2020Could China and the US be stumbling down the path Germany and the United Kingdom took at the beginning of the last century? The possibility will strike many readers as inconceivable. But we should remember that when we say something is “inconceivable,” this is a claim not about what is possible in the world, but rather about what our limited minds can imagine. My answer to the question of whether we are sleepwalking toward war is “yes.” Full Article
we Beyond Trade: The Confrontation Between the U.S. and China By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Mar 3, 2020 Mar 3, 2020Could China and the US be stumbling down the path Germany and the United Kingdom took at the beginning of the last century? The possibility will strike many readers as inconceivable. But we should remember that when we say something is “inconceivable,” this is a claim not about what is possible in the world, but rather about what our limited minds can imagine. My answer to the question of whether we are sleepwalking toward war is “yes.” Full Article
we 'I'll be back', insists Webber By en.espnf1.com Published On :: Sun, 25 Jul 2010 16:17:44 GMT Mark Webber vowed to continue his fight for a first drivers' title after a disappointing German Grand Prix saw him finish an unaccustomed sixth Full Article
we China After Coronavirus – Should We Ever Trust Beijing Again? By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 8, 2020 Apr 8, 2020The coronavirus has exposed even deeper fault lines in the increasingly acrimonious U.S.-China relationship. The U.S. is now taking appropriate measures to mitigate the risk to our national security of relying on China for critical technology, precious metals and medical supplies. Full Article
we Will the New Oil Pact Open a Broader Dialogue Between Trump and Putin? By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 13, 2020 Apr 13, 2020Since President Trump moved into the White House, he has been eager for a dramatic initiative with Russian President Vladimir Putin, and he may finally have found one in Sunday’s announcement of a joint American-Russian-Saudi effort to stabilize world oil prices. Full Article
we Maxwell Taylor's Cold War: From Berlin to Vietnam By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: May 6, 2020 May 6, 2020Nathaniel Moir reviews Maxwell Taylor's Cold War: From Berlin to Vietnam by Ingo Trauschweizer. Full Article
we From “Western education is forbidden” to the world’s deadliest terrorist group By webfeeds.brookings.edu Published On :: Thu, 16 Apr 2020 15:15:10 +0000 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Boko Haram — which translates literally to “Western education is forbidden” — has, since 2009, killed tens of thousands of people in Nigeria, and has displaced more than two million others. This paper uses an interdisciplinary approach to examine the relationship between education and Boko Haram. It consists of i) a quantitative analysis… Full Article
we The fundamental connection between education and Boko Haram in Nigeria By webfeeds.brookings.edu Published On :: Thu, 07 May 2020 20:51:38 +0000 On April 2, as Nigeria’s megacity Lagos and its capital Abuja locked down to control the spread of the coronavirus, the country’s military announced a massive operation — joining forces with neighboring Chad and Niger — against the terrorist group Boko Haram and its offshoot, the Islamic State’s West Africa Province. This spring offensive was… Full Article
we Webinar: Jihadism at a crossroads By webfeeds.brookings.edu Published On :: Fri, 08 May 2020 17:19:01 +0000 Although jihadist groups have gripped the world’s attention for more than 20 years, today they are no longer in the spotlight. However, ISIS, al-Qaida, and al-Shabab remain active, and new groups have emerged. The movement as a whole is evolving, as is the threat it poses. On May 29, the Center for Middle East Policy… Full Article
we Was the TANF Welfare Program's Response to the Great Recession Adequate? By webfeeds.brookings.edu Published On :: Tue, 12 Aug 2014 12:06:00 -0400 "It is fortunate that a major feature of American social policy is a series of programs, often referred to as the safety net, that are designed to provide people with cash and other benefits when they fall on hard times—which they are more likely to do during a recession," write the authors of a new report on the response of the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program—the major federal welfare program that replaced Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) in 1996—to the Great Recession that lasted from December 2007 to June 2009. In their report, "The Responsiveness of the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families Program during the Great Recession," Ron Haskins, Vicky Albert, and Kimberly Howard write that "All in all, we conclude that the American system of balancing work requirements and welfare benefits worked fairly well, even during the most severe recession since the Depression of the 1930s." Their report is based on three studies: (1) an examination of the changes in the TANF rolls compared to changes in AFDC rolls during previous recessions, plus changes in TANF rolls in relation to rising unemployment state-by-state; (2) a review of data on single mothers' likelihood to receive TANF benefits during the 2001 and 2007 recessions, their receipt of other program benefits, and what actions single mothers took to deal with the recession; and (3) interviews with 44 directors of state TANF programs to determine their state's response. "An important question" noted by the authors at the outset "is whether the response of the nation's safety net program in general and the TANF program in particular was commensurate with the challenge posed by the huge level of unemployment during and following the Great Recession." Some Results of the TANF Study Haskins, Albert, and Howard arrived at a number of conclusions from the TANF/AFDC study, including: TANF rolls increased more in the 2001 recession and the 2007 Great Recession than did AFDC during previous, pre-welfare reform (1996) recessions. The increase in TANF rolls was greater during the period of rising unemployment in each state, which did not coincide exactly with the dates of the Great Recession, than during the official recession period nationally. The "nation's safety net as a whole performed well during the Great Recession and prevented millions of people from falling into poverty." "The nation experienced 51 different recessions and 51 different responses by the TANF program to the recession,” they write. "But the key point is that measuring the rise of the TANF caseload in response to the unique increase in unemployment in each state reveals TANF to have been more responsive to the recession." Some Results of the Single Mothers Study Compared with the 1990 recession before welfare reform, "single mothers were less likely to receive benefits from the TANF program during the 2001 and 2007 recessions." Single mothers were more likely to receive other "safety net" help such as Unemployment Compensation, Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (formerly food stamps), Supplemental Security Income, the Earned Income Tax Credit, and child care, school lunch and breakfast, and other benefits for their children. In all the 1990, 2001, and 2007 recessions, "single mothers took action on their own" by finding jobs, living with family, and other ways to "weather the recession." Based on income, "poverty among single mothers and their children was lower during the Great Recession than during the recession of 1990." Given the array of available benefits, the authors conclude that: a mother with two children earning even as little as $11,000 per year could and still can escape poverty, as measured by income that includes non-cash benefits and tax credits, because of the generosity of these benefits. In our view, the combination of strong work requirements and generous work support benefits is a reasonable policy, despite the fact that fewer mothers receive TANF now than in the past. Some Results of the TANF Directors Study "Arguably the people who know the most about the goals and operation of state TANF programs and how the programs responded to the recession are the state TANF directors," write Haskins, Albert, and Howard. "They were, after all, the point persons for state TANF programs before and during the Great Recession. Interviews with TANF directors can provide an insider's view of the TANF issues that we have so far analyzed from the outside." Some of their conclusions from these interviews include: Most states did not struggle to pay for growing TANF rolls during the Great Recession. Most state directors considered their state's response to the recession "as adequate or better." The directors had suggestions for improving the TANF program, including having more flexibility in work participation rates, gaining access to the Contingency Fund, and placing greater emphasis on job training. Some Policy Recommendations Although the authors believe that the TANF program worked well, especially in conjunction with other safety net programs, they suggest some potential reforms: TANF allows vocational training to count toward states fulfilling their work requirement, but only a maximum of 30 percent of the work requirement can be fulfilled by TANF recipients in education or training. In times of high unemployment, Congress could raise the percentage limit from 30 to 40 or even 50 percent when unemployment reaches some specified level in the state, given that most experts believe the unemployed should expand their skills through job training during recessions. Congress should consider changing the 12-week limit on job search during periods of high unemployment to as much as six months, given that the average period of search before finding a job increases sharply during periods of high unemployment. Download and read the full report for complete methodology, analysis, and data. Authors Fred Dews Full Article
we Can we take the politics out of the federal minimum wage? By webfeeds.brookings.edu Published On :: Wed, 15 Apr 2015 17:00:00 -0400 At 77 years of age, the federal minimum wage deserves a respite from the day-to-day combat of political life. Today, protestors around the country are demanding a $15 minimum. But few observers think this level is economically desirable: even fewer think that it is likely. Democrats want a higher minimum, and say so loudly. Republicans of a free-market persuasion mostly do not—but tend to stay silent because they know that swing voters look positively at raising the wages of low-earners. The minimum wage is lagging… Congressional political stalemate has meant the U.S. wage floor has lagged behind median earnings. In contrast wage growth in other OECD countries has performed much better, as this graph produced by the Hamilton Project shows: Advanced nations have de-politicized minimum wage decisions The federal minimum wage is an established piece of the U.S. policy furniture—and one that is quite dated. It now makes sense to consider taking some of the power and responsibility for setting the wage rate out of the hands of politicians—just as interest rates are set by the Federal Reserve. This is not a novel proposal in international terms. In most advanced economies, minimum wage decisions are not purely political. Out of 66 countries studied by Tito Boeri in 2009, 24 delegate the determination the minimum wage level to a tripartite body; 26 countries set the minimum wage after taking advice following formal consultation between the Government and representatives of employers and workers; and just 16 countries (including the U.S.) set the minimum wage through a simple legislative vote. Over in the U.K., the Conservative Prime Minister David Cameron just jacked up the national minimum wage by 3% up to £6.70, with barely a squeak of protest from employers or the right wing of his own party. Why? Because, like his two predecessors, he simply followed the advice of the Low Pay Commission, which is comprised of nine commissioners—three each from trade unions, employer organizations and academia. Two options for taking the political heat out of the U.S. minimum wage Can the U.S. follow suit? And if it can, what might the new system look like? Two options at least are worth considering. 1. A Federal Minimum Wage Advisory Board. This could be made up (like the U.K. version) of nine members: three representatives of employer organizations, three from labor organizations, and three independent labor economists. The Board would recommend a rate for the national minimum wage each year, which would then be enacted by Congress in the usual manner. The Board would have a strong incentive to set a rate likely to be adopted by Congress, in order to establish and maintain its reputation: there is, after all, little point in sitting on a Board that is ignored. The Board’s recommendation would not be binding and would not become the legal ‘default’ level. But because the advice is likely to be sensible, Congress would likely be inclined to follow it. 2. Wage Indexation. An alternative—favored by my Brookings colleague Gary Burtless—would be to simultaneously raise the minimum wage and introduce automatic indexing, lifting the minimum wage at the same rate as either consumer prices or the median wage—preferably the latter. In effect, this would do for the minimum wage what President Nixon did for Social Security. Congress would have the power to suspend a rise—perhaps if unemployment reached a certain threshold—but the default position would be to link changes in the minimum wage to changes in the median wage or in the broader consumer economy. Policy commitment devices in action These are both examples of what I have called policy commitment devices—in a new paper, Ulysses Goes to Washington—that help to overcome political myopia in order to support longer-term policy objectives. In the first case, taking advice from an independent commission, the commitment is somewhat less binding, although as James Madison knew, ‘the counsels and checks of friends’ can carry plenty of weight. Indexation would be a tighter form of binding, since inaction on the part of politicians would lead to an uprating of minimum wage, rather than the current stasis. For both sides, there are political attractions to sub-contracting some decision-making power over the minimum wage. By accepting the advice of an independent body or allowing indexation to do its silent work, Republicans can keep their business donors and right-wing critics at bay; Democrats can do the same for unions and the political left. Sometimes the most powerful thing politicians can do is give some power away. The minimum wage is now perhaps a case in point. Authors Richard V. Reeves Image Source: © Brian Snyder / Reuters Full Article
we It's time to stop reducing taxes on the wealthy By webfeeds.brookings.edu Published On :: Tue, 21 Apr 2015 00:00:00 -0400 House Republicans recently approved the “Death Tax Repeal Act of 2015.” If we care about our debt obligations, social mobility, or equality of opportunity, we should consider doing just the opposite: raising the tax and applying it to more of the super-wealthy. Currently, the estate tax doesn't touch the first $5.43 million of an individual’s assets and the first $10.86 million of couples’ assets. The tax kicks in after that amount, eventually rising to a top rate of 40 percent. Proponents of repeal make a number of claims to make their case. Let’s examine the most common. The estate tax affects a significant portion of Americans. Only about 5,400 estates will pay any estate tax this year. That’s about 0.2% of all estates – that’s right, just two tenths of one percent. That’s a fortieth of the 1970’s share. Americans worried about the Estate Tax have nothing to fear but fear itself. The estate tax hurts small farms and businesses. In fact, the estate tax touches virtually no small farms or businesses. The Urban-Brookings Tax Policy estimated how many farm and business estates worth under $5 million paid any tax in 2013. Twenty did. Twenty small farms and businesses paid any estate tax in 2013. And those 20 estates faced an average tax rate of 4.9%. Only 660 farm estates—of any size—paid the tax in 2013, and 100 of those farms had assets worth over $20 million. The USDA estimates that 0.6% of all farm estates owed federal estate tax in 2013. This is because families who farm for a living have access to generous deductions: up to $1 million for continuing to farm the land for the next 10 years and up to $500,000 for adopting conservation easements. They can also delay payment and lighten their tax liability by gifting their land to heirs. Small businesses have similarly generous carve-out. Repealing the estate tax doesn't affect the budget, because it’s a small share of federal revenue. In 2014, the estate tax represented 0.6% of federal collections, or roughly $20 billion annually, according to the Joint Committee on Taxation. But part of the reason that’s so low is because Congress has increased the exemption and lowered the rate in recent years; in 2001, the top rate was 55% and the exemption was only $675,000. Still, even today, repealing the tax is costly. The JCT estimates that repeal would cost the government $269 billion over the next decade. The estate tax represents double taxation. Well, maybe. It is true that people pay taxes on their income when earned and then may have to pay again when they pass it on to their heirs. However, because the super-wealthy keep much of their assets as unrealized capital gains (55% for those estates worth over $100 million), the estate tax is the only way, right now, to tax these capital gains. In that sense it can be viewed as a partial corrective within our funhouse of a tax system. Some capital gains, to be sure, are the fruits of hard work and entrepreneurial creativity but a lot are simply the result of gains among those wealthy enough to participate in speculative ventures. One thing is true: repeal would mean a large tax break for the wealthiest 0.2% of the population. The 1,336 families with estates worth more than $20 million would get almost three-fourths of the benefit from the repeal and enjoy an average windfall of $10 million each, according to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. The 318 families with estates worth more than $50 million would see an average windfall of $20 million each. These facts are often obscured by our penchant for individual stories. One Washington Post story for example, acknowledges many of the statistics above, but then goes on to give two examples of farmers who had to sell land to meet their tax burden, one of which is several decades old, when the exemption was much lower. Elected officials love these kinds of stories and tell them often. Are they unaware of the generous special provisions for this group? Do they truly believe that very wealthy families are the ones we should be helping? Or are they thinking about who is going to finance their next campaign? The estate tax is one of the most progressive aspects of our tax system. In a time of increasing inequality, it provides a way to counteract the formation of a “permanent ownership class.” If anything, we should consider raising the rate and lowering the exemption to pay down debt and invest in opportunities for the unlucky children at the bottom of the wealth ladder. We could start by closing the stepped-up basis loophole and raising the estate tax to Clinton-era levels. We could do so in a way that protects real farmers and small business owners. Wealthy heirs, meanwhile, will still do very well, much better than the rest of America. A serious estate tax would allow us to come closer to our national ideal, in which no child is born a prince, and every child can become as rich as a king. Note: An earlier version of this post said that the estate tax only applies to assets in excess of the exemption, which is incorrect. The estate tax is levied on the entire estate but is offset by a credit equal to the tax on the first $5.43 million. This version is corrected. Authors Edward RodrigueIsabel V. Sawhill Publication: Real Clear Markets Image Source: © Tami Chappell / Reuters Full Article
we Serving the underserved in workforce development: A Q&A with Beth Weigensberg By webfeeds.brookings.edu Published On :: Tue, 01 Sep 2015 15:00:00 -0400 Improving data in the field of workforce development is a necessary step to evaluating programs and replicating success. What does current data tell us about the populations served? What outcomes should we measure to ensure programs are meeting America’s workforce development needs? Earlier this month, we convened an expert group of policy makers, practitioners and scholars to address this problem, along with other challenges in workforce development. Previously, we interviewed Kate Blosveren Kreamer on the need to strengthen bridges from school to work. Next up in our Q&A series is Beth Weigensberg, a researcher at Mathematica Policy Research. Q: What important research questions remain unanswered in the area of workforce development? A: Although there is increasingly more rigorous research to assess effectiveness of programs, I feel a missing piece is understanding how to replicate and scale-up effective strategies. Often times workforce development programs that are deemed effective in one place do not always succeed when implemented in another. Research that evaluates effectiveness of programs should assess the role of contextual factors (including organizational, leadership, community, and political factors) to identify what is needed to successfully implement, replicate, and scale successful programs. Q: You mentioned that you often think about the unemployed populations that are harder to serve. Who are some of these underserved populations, and what workforce development programs work for them? A: The workforce development field has an unfortunate history of “creaming”—programs selectively work with individuals most likely to succeed at finding employment, leaving those “harder-to-serve” individuals struggling to find assistance. Individuals that are often considered “hard-to-serve” include those who are homeless, disabled, formerly incarcerated, older workers, non-English speakers, low-income, and youth who are disconnected from school and employment. Increasing efforts to focus on these “harder-to-serve” populations include specialized targeted programs and strategies to help address the complex needs of these individuals, which often extend beyond skill development and finding a job. These specialized programs often provide additional support services to help address their complex needs, which can serve as additional barriers to obtaining and retaining employment. Q: What improvements can be made to better measure success? A: Intermediate measures of engagement and skill development would provide interim measures of progress, while the ultimate objectives are obviously employment and educational attainment. Ongoing evaluation on interim measures allows for earlier acknowledgment of achievement and identification of those struggling to progress. Assessing outcomes in ways that control for different populations or barriers to employment, such as using risk-adjusted methodologies, can help us evaluate workforce development programs in an equitable manner. One of the biggest challenges in the field is ensuring we have valid and reliable data to accurately estimate outcomes. The data available to assess outcomes are usually limited by what is collected in management information systems, which are often developed to be responsive to reporting requirements of publically-funded programs. But these siloed data do not allow for comprehensive assessment of workforce development outcomes within a state, locality, or even within a community-based employment and training organization that relies on numerous funding sources. Efforts are needed to integrate data and assess standardized outcome measures across program and funding silos to allow for more comprehensive assessment of outcomes within the field. Authors Beth AkersEllie Klein Image Source: © David Ryder / Reuters Full Article
we Webinar: Great levelers or great stratifiers? College access, admissions, and the American middle class By webfeeds.brookings.edu Published On :: Fri, 01 May 2020 13:23:37 +0000 One year after Operation Varsity Blues, and in the midst of one of the greatest crises higher education has ever seen, college admissions and access have never been more important. A college degree has long been seen as a ticket into the middle class, but it is increasingly clear that not all institutions lead to… Full Article
we The Low-Yield Nuclear Warhead: A Dangerous Weapon Based on Bad Strategic Thinking By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Jan 28, 2020 Jan 28, 2020In the unintuitive world of nuclear weapons strategy, it’s often difficult to identify which decisions can serve to decrease the risk of a devastating nuclear conflict and which might instead increase it. Such complexity stems from the very foundation of the field: Nuclear weapons are widely seen as bombs built never to be used. Historically, granular—even seemingly mundane—decisions about force structure, research efforts, or communicated strategy have confounded planners, sometimes causing the opposite of the intended effect. Full Article
we Arms Control Agreement With Russia Should Cover More Than Nuclear Weapons By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Feb 23, 2020 Feb 23, 2020With the Russia investigation and impeachment behind him, President Trump finally may feel empowered to engage with Russian President Vladimir Putin and pursue an arms control deal. Full Article
we Budapest Memorandum at 25: Between Past and Future By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Mar 17, 2020 Mar 17, 2020On December 5, 1994, leaders of the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Russian Federation met in Budapest, Hungary, to pledge security assurances to Ukraine in connection with its accession to the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) as a non-nuclear-weapons state. The signature of the so-called Budapest Memorandum concluded arduous negotiations that resulted in Ukraine’s agreement to relinquish the world’s third-largest nuclear arsenal, which the country inherited from the collapsed Soviet Union, and transfer all nuclear warheads to Russia for dismantlement. The signatories of the memorandum pledged to respect Ukraine’s territorial integrity and inviolability of its borders, and to refrain from the use or threat of military force. Russia breached these commitments with its annexation of Crimea in 2014 and aggression in eastern Ukraine, bringing the meaning and value of security assurance pledged in the Memorandum under renewed scrutiny. On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the memorandum’s signature, the Project on Managing the Atom at the Belfer Center for Science & International Affairs at the Harvard Kennedy School, with the support of the Center for U.S.-Ukrainian Relations and the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute, hosted a conference to revisit the history of the Budapest Memorandum, consider the repercussions of its violation for international security and the broader nonproliferation regime, and draw lessons for the future. The conference brought together academics, practitioners, and experts who have contributed to developing U.S. policy toward post-Soviet nuclear disarmament, participated in the negotiations of the Budapest Memorandum, and dealt with the repercussions of its breach in 2014. The conference highlighted five key lessons learned from the experience of Ukraine’s disarmament, highlighted at the conference. Full Article
we Maxwell Taylor's Cold War: From Berlin to Vietnam By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: May 6, 2020 May 6, 2020Nathaniel Moir reviews Maxwell Taylor's Cold War: From Berlin to Vietnam by Ingo Trauschweizer. Full Article
we Coronavirus has shown us a world without traffic. Can we sustain it? By webfeeds.brookings.edu Published On :: Fri, 01 May 2020 15:34:45 +0000 There are few silver linings to the COVID-19 pandemic, but free-flowing traffic is certainly one of them. For the essential workers who still must commute each day, driving to work has suddenly become much easier. The same applies to the trucks delivering our surging e-commerce orders. Removing so many cars from the roads has even… Full Article
we Webinar: What role will the Army play in great power competition after COVID-19? By webfeeds.brookings.edu Published On :: Wed, 22 Apr 2020 13:43:31 +0000 Two years after the National Defense Strategy was published, it’s time to take stock of where the Army stands. On an immediate level, the age of COVID-19 presents the Army with an unprecedented set of challenges. From ensuring high levels of readiness to keeping up recruitment, the pandemic has forced the Army to adapt quickly… Full Article
we Webinar: A conversation with Secretary of Defense Mark T. Esper By webfeeds.brookings.edu Published On :: Fri, 24 Apr 2020 17:56:35 +0000 The COVID-19 pandemic is among the most serious challenges confronting the globe since World War II. Its projected human and economic costs are devastating. While the armed forces of the United States will rise to this challenge as they have others, the Department of Defense will not stop planning for long-term threats to America's security,… Full Article
we Webinar: Space junk—Addressing the orbital debris challenge By webfeeds.brookings.edu Published On :: Fri, 01 May 2020 17:09:27 +0000 Decades of space activity have littered Earth’s orbit with orbital debris, popularly known as space junk. Objects in orbit include spent rocket bodies, inactive satellites, a wrench, and even a toothbrush. The current quantity and density of man-made debris significantly increases the odds of future collisions either as debris damages space systems or as colliding… Full Article
we Webinar: Policing in the era of COVID-19 By webfeeds.brookings.edu Published On :: The consequences of the novel coronavirus pandemic stretch across the entirety of government services. Major police agencies have reported absentee rates as high as 20% due to officers who are either themselves afflicted with the virus or in need of self-quarantine. Reported crimes are generally down in America’s cities as a result of the many… Full Article
we Why the AI revolution hasn’t swept the military By webfeeds.brookings.edu Published On :: Wed, 06 May 2020 15:03:02 +0000 In games such as chess and Go, artificial intelligence has repeatedly demonstrated its ability to outwit the experts. Ad networks and recommendation engines are getting eerily good at predicting what consumers want to buy next. Artificial intelligence, it seems, is changing many aspects of our lives, especially on the internet. But what has been described… Full Article
we The Political Power of Proxies: Why Nonstate Actors Use Local Surrogates By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 10, 2020 Apr 10, 2020Unlike state sponsors, which value proxies primarily for their military utility, nonstate sponsors use proxies mainly for their perceived political value. An analysis of three case studies—al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula, the People’s Protection Units in Syria, and Hezbollah in Lebanon—illustrates this argument. Full Article
we The Low-Yield Nuclear Warhead: A Dangerous Weapon Based on Bad Strategic Thinking By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Jan 28, 2020 Jan 28, 2020In the unintuitive world of nuclear weapons strategy, it’s often difficult to identify which decisions can serve to decrease the risk of a devastating nuclear conflict and which might instead increase it. Such complexity stems from the very foundation of the field: Nuclear weapons are widely seen as bombs built never to be used. Historically, granular—even seemingly mundane—decisions about force structure, research efforts, or communicated strategy have confounded planners, sometimes causing the opposite of the intended effect. Full Article
we Arms Control Agreement With Russia Should Cover More Than Nuclear Weapons By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Feb 23, 2020 Feb 23, 2020With the Russia investigation and impeachment behind him, President Trump finally may feel empowered to engage with Russian President Vladimir Putin and pursue an arms control deal. Full Article
we Budapest Memorandum at 25: Between Past and Future By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Mar 17, 2020 Mar 17, 2020On December 5, 1994, leaders of the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Russian Federation met in Budapest, Hungary, to pledge security assurances to Ukraine in connection with its accession to the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) as a non-nuclear-weapons state. The signature of the so-called Budapest Memorandum concluded arduous negotiations that resulted in Ukraine’s agreement to relinquish the world’s third-largest nuclear arsenal, which the country inherited from the collapsed Soviet Union, and transfer all nuclear warheads to Russia for dismantlement. The signatories of the memorandum pledged to respect Ukraine’s territorial integrity and inviolability of its borders, and to refrain from the use or threat of military force. Russia breached these commitments with its annexation of Crimea in 2014 and aggression in eastern Ukraine, bringing the meaning and value of security assurance pledged in the Memorandum under renewed scrutiny. On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the memorandum’s signature, the Project on Managing the Atom at the Belfer Center for Science & International Affairs at the Harvard Kennedy School, with the support of the Center for U.S.-Ukrainian Relations and the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute, hosted a conference to revisit the history of the Budapest Memorandum, consider the repercussions of its violation for international security and the broader nonproliferation regime, and draw lessons for the future. The conference brought together academics, practitioners, and experts who have contributed to developing U.S. policy toward post-Soviet nuclear disarmament, participated in the negotiations of the Budapest Memorandum, and dealt with the repercussions of its breach in 2014. The conference highlighted five key lessons learned from the experience of Ukraine’s disarmament, highlighted at the conference. Full Article
we Maxwell Taylor's Cold War: From Berlin to Vietnam By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: May 6, 2020 May 6, 2020Nathaniel Moir reviews Maxwell Taylor's Cold War: From Berlin to Vietnam by Ingo Trauschweizer. Full Article
we The Low-Yield Nuclear Warhead: A Dangerous Weapon Based on Bad Strategic Thinking By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Jan 28, 2020 Jan 28, 2020In the unintuitive world of nuclear weapons strategy, it’s often difficult to identify which decisions can serve to decrease the risk of a devastating nuclear conflict and which might instead increase it. Such complexity stems from the very foundation of the field: Nuclear weapons are widely seen as bombs built never to be used. Historically, granular—even seemingly mundane—decisions about force structure, research efforts, or communicated strategy have confounded planners, sometimes causing the opposite of the intended effect. Full Article
we Arms Control Agreement With Russia Should Cover More Than Nuclear Weapons By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Feb 23, 2020 Feb 23, 2020With the Russia investigation and impeachment behind him, President Trump finally may feel empowered to engage with Russian President Vladimir Putin and pursue an arms control deal. Full Article
we Budapest Memorandum at 25: Between Past and Future By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Mar 17, 2020 Mar 17, 2020On December 5, 1994, leaders of the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Russian Federation met in Budapest, Hungary, to pledge security assurances to Ukraine in connection with its accession to the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) as a non-nuclear-weapons state. The signature of the so-called Budapest Memorandum concluded arduous negotiations that resulted in Ukraine’s agreement to relinquish the world’s third-largest nuclear arsenal, which the country inherited from the collapsed Soviet Union, and transfer all nuclear warheads to Russia for dismantlement. The signatories of the memorandum pledged to respect Ukraine’s territorial integrity and inviolability of its borders, and to refrain from the use or threat of military force. Russia breached these commitments with its annexation of Crimea in 2014 and aggression in eastern Ukraine, bringing the meaning and value of security assurance pledged in the Memorandum under renewed scrutiny. On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the memorandum’s signature, the Project on Managing the Atom at the Belfer Center for Science & International Affairs at the Harvard Kennedy School, with the support of the Center for U.S.-Ukrainian Relations and the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute, hosted a conference to revisit the history of the Budapest Memorandum, consider the repercussions of its violation for international security and the broader nonproliferation regime, and draw lessons for the future. The conference brought together academics, practitioners, and experts who have contributed to developing U.S. policy toward post-Soviet nuclear disarmament, participated in the negotiations of the Budapest Memorandum, and dealt with the repercussions of its breach in 2014. The conference highlighted five key lessons learned from the experience of Ukraine’s disarmament, highlighted at the conference. Full Article
we Maxwell Taylor's Cold War: From Berlin to Vietnam By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: May 6, 2020 May 6, 2020Nathaniel Moir reviews Maxwell Taylor's Cold War: From Berlin to Vietnam by Ingo Trauschweizer. Full Article
we COVID-19's Painful Lesson About Strategy and Power By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Mar 26, 2020 Mar 26, 2020Joseph Nye writes that while trade wars have set back economic globalization, the environmental globalization represented by pandemics and climate change is unstoppable. Borders are becoming more porous to everything from drugs to infectious diseases to cyber terrorism, and the United States must use its soft power of attraction to develop networks and institutions that address these new threats. Full Article
we The Arctic is Transforming… Can We? By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: May 1, 2020 May 1, 2020Joel Clement describes how the Arctic is transforming into a warmer, wetter, and less predictable climate state, what the consequences are for the Arctic's indigenous inhabitants, and what measures can be taken to build resilience. Full Article
we Webber blames Vettel for collision By en.espnf1.com Published On :: Sun, 30 May 2010 14:57:10 GMT Mark Webber has blamed Sebastian Vettel for the accident that saw Red Bull lose the lead of the Turkish Grand Prix Full Article
we Red Bull's Marko turns on Webber after accident By en.espnf1.com Published On :: Sun, 30 May 2010 16:27:46 GMT Red Bull's F1 bosses on Sunday backed Sebastian Vettel after the young German's crash with team-mate Mark Webber in the Turkish Grand Prix Full Article
we Webber was in fuel-save mode before accident By en.espnf1.com Published On :: Sun, 30 May 2010 18:05:55 GMT Red Bull has revealed Mark Webber was running his engine in a fuel-saving mode ahead of the accident with Sebastian Vettel that cost the team a potential 1-2 finish Full Article
we Mosley blames Webber for collision By en.espnf1.com Published On :: Thu, 03 Jun 2010 15:23:41 GMT Former FIA president Max Mosley thinks Mark Webber is to blame for the incident that coast Red Bull Racing the chance of victory in Turkey Full Article
we The Political Power of Proxies: Why Nonstate Actors Use Local Surrogates By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Apr 10, 2020 Apr 10, 2020Unlike state sponsors, which value proxies primarily for their military utility, nonstate sponsors use proxies mainly for their perceived political value. An analysis of three case studies—al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula, the People’s Protection Units in Syria, and Hezbollah in Lebanon—illustrates this argument. Full Article
we The Arctic is Transforming… Can We? By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: May 1, 2020 May 1, 2020Joel Clement describes how the Arctic is transforming into a warmer, wetter, and less predictable climate state, what the consequences are for the Arctic's indigenous inhabitants, and what measures can be taken to build resilience. Full Article
we The Low-Yield Nuclear Warhead: A Dangerous Weapon Based on Bad Strategic Thinking By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Jan 28, 2020 Jan 28, 2020In the unintuitive world of nuclear weapons strategy, it’s often difficult to identify which decisions can serve to decrease the risk of a devastating nuclear conflict and which might instead increase it. Such complexity stems from the very foundation of the field: Nuclear weapons are widely seen as bombs built never to be used. Historically, granular—even seemingly mundane—decisions about force structure, research efforts, or communicated strategy have confounded planners, sometimes causing the opposite of the intended effect. Full Article
we Arms Control Agreement With Russia Should Cover More Than Nuclear Weapons By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Feb 23, 2020 Feb 23, 2020With the Russia investigation and impeachment behind him, President Trump finally may feel empowered to engage with Russian President Vladimir Putin and pursue an arms control deal. Full Article
we Budapest Memorandum at 25: Between Past and Future By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Mar 17, 2020 Mar 17, 2020On December 5, 1994, leaders of the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Russian Federation met in Budapest, Hungary, to pledge security assurances to Ukraine in connection with its accession to the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) as a non-nuclear-weapons state. The signature of the so-called Budapest Memorandum concluded arduous negotiations that resulted in Ukraine’s agreement to relinquish the world’s third-largest nuclear arsenal, which the country inherited from the collapsed Soviet Union, and transfer all nuclear warheads to Russia for dismantlement. The signatories of the memorandum pledged to respect Ukraine’s territorial integrity and inviolability of its borders, and to refrain from the use or threat of military force. Russia breached these commitments with its annexation of Crimea in 2014 and aggression in eastern Ukraine, bringing the meaning and value of security assurance pledged in the Memorandum under renewed scrutiny. On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the memorandum’s signature, the Project on Managing the Atom at the Belfer Center for Science & International Affairs at the Harvard Kennedy School, with the support of the Center for U.S.-Ukrainian Relations and the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute, hosted a conference to revisit the history of the Budapest Memorandum, consider the repercussions of its violation for international security and the broader nonproliferation regime, and draw lessons for the future. The conference brought together academics, practitioners, and experts who have contributed to developing U.S. policy toward post-Soviet nuclear disarmament, participated in the negotiations of the Budapest Memorandum, and dealt with the repercussions of its breach in 2014. The conference highlighted five key lessons learned from the experience of Ukraine’s disarmament, highlighted at the conference. Full Article
we Maxwell Taylor's Cold War: From Berlin to Vietnam By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: May 6, 2020 May 6, 2020Nathaniel Moir reviews Maxwell Taylor's Cold War: From Berlin to Vietnam by Ingo Trauschweizer. Full Article
