y Data Driven Respiratory Gating Outperforms Device-Based Gating for Clinical FDG PET/CT By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-03T15:14:37-07:00 A data-driven method for respiratory gating in PET has recently been commercially developed. We sought to compare the performance of the algorithm to an external, device-based system for oncological [18F]-FDG PET/CT imaging. Methods: 144 whole-body [18F]-FDG PET/CT examinations were acquired using a Discovery D690 or D710 PET/CT scanner (GE Healthcare), with a respiratory gating waveform recorded by an external, device based respiratory gating system. In each examination, two of the bed positions covering the liver and lung bases were acquired with duration of 6 minutes. Quiescent period gating retaining ~50% of coincidences was then able to produce images with an effective duration of 3 minutes for these two bed positions, matching the other bed positions. For each exam, 4 reconstructions were performed and compared: data driven gating (DDG-retro), external device-based gating (RPM Gated), no gating but using only the first 3 minutes of data (Ungated Matched), and no gating retaining all coincidences (Ungated Full). Lesions in the images were quantified and image quality was scored by a radiologist, blinded to the method of data processing. Results: The use of DDG-retro was found to increase SUVmax and to decrease the threshold-defined lesion volume in comparison to each of the other reconstruction options. Compared to RPM-gated, DDG-retro gave an average increase in SUVmax of 0.66 ± 0.1 g/mL (n=87, p<0.0005). Although results from the blinded image evaluation were most commonly equivalent, DDG-retro was preferred over RPM gated in 13% of exams while the opposite occurred in just 2% of exams. This was a significant preference for DDG-retro (p=0.008, n=121). Liver lesions were identified in 23 exams. Considering this subset of data, DDG-retro was ranked superior to Ungated Full in 6/23 (26%) of cases. Gated reconstruction using the external device failed in 16% of exams, while DDG-retro always provided a clinically acceptable image. Conclusion: In this clinical evaluation, the data driven respiratory gating technique provided superior performance as compared to the external device-based system. For the majority of exams the performance was equivalent, but data driven respiratory gating had superior performance in 13% of exams, leading to a significant preference overall. Full Article
y Lesion detection and administered activity By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-03T15:14:37-07:00 Full Article
y FDG-PET assessment of malignant pleural mesothelioma: Total Lesion volume and Total Lesion Glycolysis; the central role of volume. By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-13T14:09:24-07:00 Cancer Survival is related to tumor volume. FDG PET measurement of tumor volume holds promise but is not yet a clinical tool. Measurements come in two forms: the total lesion volume (TLV) based on the number of voxels in the tumor and secondly the total lesion glycolysis (TLG) which is the TLV multiplied by the average SUL per voxel of the tumor (SUL is the standardize uptake value normalized for lean mass). In this study we measured tumor volume in patients with malignant pleural mesothelioma (MPM). METHODS: A threshold-based program in IDL was developed to measure tumor volume in FDG PET images. 19 patients with malignant pleural mesothelioma (MPM) were studied before and after two cycles (6 weeks) of chemo-immunotherapy. Measurements included the total lesion volume (TLV), Total Lesion Glycolysis (TLG), the sum of the SULs in the tumor (SUL- total), a measure of total FDG uptake, and the average SUL per voxel. RESULTS: Baseline MPM volumes (TLV) ranged from 11 to 2610 cc. TLG values ranged from 32 to 8552 SUL-cc and were strongly correlated with TLV. While tumor volumes ranged over 3 orders of magnitude, the average SUL per voxel, SUL-average, stayed within a narrow range of 2.4 to 5.3 units. Thus, TLV was the major component of TLG while SUL-average was a minor component and was essentially constant. Further evaluation of SUL-average showed that in this cohort it’s two components SUL-total and tumor volume changed in parallel and were strongly correlated, r= 0.99, p<.01. Thus, whether the tumors were large or small, the FDG uptake as measured by SUL-total was proportional to the total tumor volume. Conclusion: TLG equals TLV multiplied by the average SUL per voxel, essentially TLV multiplied by a constant. Thus TLG, commonly considered a measure of "metabolic activity" in tumors, is also in this cohort a measure of tumor volume. The constancy of SUL per voxel is due to FDG uptake being proportional to tumor volume. Thus, in this study, the FDG uptake was also a measure of volume. Full Article
y Folate Receptor {beta} Targeted PET Imaging of Macrophages in Autoimmune Myocarditis By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-13T14:09:24-07:00 Rationale: Currently available imaging techniques have limited specificity for the detection of active myocardial inflammation. Aluminum fluoride-18-labeled 1,4,7-triazacyclononane-N,N',N''-triacetic acid conjugated folate (18F-FOL) is a positron emission tomography (PET) tracer targeting folate receptor β (FR-β) that is expressed on activated macrophages at sites of inflammation. We evaluated 18F-FOL PET for the detection of myocardial inflammation in rats with autoimmune myocarditis and studied expression of FR-β in human cardiac sarcoidosis specimens. Methods: Myocarditis was induced by immunizing rats (n = 18) with porcine cardiac myosin in complete Freund’s adjuvant. Control rats (n = 6) were injected with Freund’s adjuvant alone. 18F-FOL was intravenously injected followed by imaging with a small animal PET/computed tomography (CT) scanner and autoradiography. Contrast-enhanced high-resolution CT or 2-deoxy-2-18F-fluoro-D-glucose (18F-FDG) PET images were used for co-registration. Rat tissue sections and myocardial autopsy samples of 6 patients with cardiac sarcoidosis were studied for macrophages and FR-β. Results: The myocardium of 10 out of 18 immunized rats showed focal macrophage-rich inflammatory lesions with FR-β expression occurring mainly in M1-polarized macrophages. PET images showed focal myocardial 18F-FOL uptake co-localizing with inflammatory lesions (SUVmean, 2.1 ± 1.1), whereas uptake in the remote myocardium of immunized rats and controls was low (SUVmean, 0.4 ± 0.2 and 0.4 ± 0.1, respectively; P < 0.01). Ex vivo autoradiography of tissue sections confirmed uptake of 18F-FOL in myocardial inflammatory lesions. Uptake of 18F-FOL to inflamed myocardium was efficiently blocked by a non-labeled FR-β ligand folate glucosamine in vivo. The myocardium of patients with cardiac sarcoidosis showed many FR-β-positive macrophages in inflammatory lesions. Conclusion: In a rat model of autoimmune myocarditis, 18F-FOL shows specific uptake in inflamed myocardium containing macrophages expressing FR-β, which were also present in human cardiac sarcoid lesions. Imaging of FR-β expression is a potential approach for the detection of active myocardial inflammation. Full Article
y Biodistribution of a CD3/EpCAM bispecific T-cell engager is driven by the CD3 arm By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-13T14:09:24-07:00 BiTE® (Bispecific T-cell engager) molecules are designed to engage and activate cytotoxic T-cells to kill tumor cells. Little is known about their biodistribution in immunocompetent settings. To explore their pharmacokinetics and the role of the immune cells, BiTE molecules were radiolabeled with positron emission tomography (PET) isotope zirconium-89 (89Zr) and studied in immunocompetent and immunodeficient mouse models. PET images and ex-vivo biodistribution in immunocompetent mice with 89Zr-muS110, targeting mouse CD3 (Kd = 2.9 nM) and mouse EpCAM (Kd = 21 nM), and 89Zr-hyS110, targeting only mouse CD3 (Kd = 2.9 nM), showed uptake in tumor, spleen and other lymphoid organs, while the human-specific control BiTE 89Zr-AMG 110 showed similar tumor uptake but lacked spleen uptake. 89Zr-muS110 spleen uptake was lower in immunodeficient than in immunocompetent mice. After repeated administration of non-radiolabeled muS110 to immunocompetent mice 89Zr-muS110 uptake in spleen, and other lymphoid tissues, decreased and was comparable to uptake in immunodeficient mice, indicating saturation of CD3 binding sites. Autoradiography and immunohistochemistry demonstrated colocalization of 89Zr-muS110 and 89Zr-hyS110 with CD3-positive T-cells in the tumor and spleen but not with EpCAM expression. Also, uptake in the duodenum correlated with a high incidence of T-cells. This study shows that in immunocompetent mice the BiTE 89Zr-muS110 distribution is predominantly based on its high affinity CD3 binding arm. Significance: 89Zr-muS110 biodistribution is mainly dependent on the T-cell targeting arm with limited contribution of its second arm, targeting EpCAM. These findings highlight the need for extensive biodistribution studies of novel bispecific constructs as results might have implications for their respective drug development and clinical translation. Full Article
y PET imaging of phosphodiesterase-4 identifies affected dysplastic bone in McCune-Albright syndrome, a genetic mosaic disorder By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-13T14:09:24-07:00 McCune-Albright syndrome (MAS) is a mosaic disorder arising from gain-of-function mutations in the GNAS gene, which encodes the 3', 5'-cyclic adenosine monophosphate (cAMP) pathway-associated G-protein, Gsα. Clinical manifestations of MAS in a given individual, including fibrous dysplasia, are determined by the timing and location of the GNAS mutation during embryogenesis, the tissues involved, and the role of Gsα in the affected tissues. The Gsα mutation results in dysregulation of the cAMP signaling cascade, leading to upregulation of phosphodiesterase type 4 (PDE4), which catalyzes the hydrolysis of cAMP. Increased cAMP levels have been found in vitro in both animal models of fibrous dysplasia and in cultured cells from individuals with MAS, but not in humans with fibrous dysplasia. Positron emission tomography (PET) imaging of PDE4 with 11C-(R)-rolipram has been used successfully to study the in vivo activity of the cAMP cascade. To date, it remains unknown whether fibrous dysplasia and other symptoms of MAS, including neuropsychiatric impairments, are associated with increased PDE4 activity in humans. Methods: 11C-(R)-rolipram whole-body and brain PET scans were performed in six individuals with MAS (three for brain scans and six for whole-body scans) and nine healthy controls (seven for brain scans and six for whole-body scans). Results: 11C-(R)-rolipram binding correlated with known locations of fibrous dysplasia in the periphery of individuals with MAS; no uptake was observed in the bones of healthy controls. In peripheral organs and the brain, no difference in 11C-(R)-rolipram uptake was noted between participants with MAS and healthy controls. Conclusion: This study is the first to find evidence for increased cAMP activity in areas of fibrous dysplasia in vivo. No differences in brain uptake between MAS participants and controls were detected, which could be due to several reasons, including the limited anatomic resolution of PET. Nevertheless, the results confirm the usefulness of PET scans with 11C-(R)-rolipram to indirectly measure increased cAMP pathway activation in human disease. Full Article
y Assessing the Activity of Multidrug Resistance-Associated Protein 1 at the Lung Epithelial Barrier By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-13T14:09:24-07:00 Multidrug resistance-associated protein 1 (ABCC1) is abundantly expressed at the lung epithelial barrier, where it may influence the pulmonary disposition of inhaled drugs and contribute to variability in therapeutic response. Aim of this study was to assess the impact of ABCC1 on the pulmonary disposition of 6-bromo-7-11C-methylpurine (11C-BMP), a prodrug radiotracer which is intracellularly conjugated with glutathione to form the ABCC1 substrate S-(6-(7-11C-methylpurinyl))glutathione (11C-MPG). Methods: Groups of Abcc1(-/-) rats, wild-type rats pretreated with the ABCC1 inhibitor MK571 and wild-type control rats underwent dynamic PET scans after administration of 11C-BMP intravenously (i.v.) or by intratracheal aerosolization (i.t.). In vitro transport experiments were performed with unlabeled BMP in the human distal lung epithelial cell line NCI-H441. Results: Pulmonary kinetics of radioactivity were significantly different between wild-type and Abcc1(-/-) rats, but differences were more pronounced after i.t. than after i.v. administration. After i.v. administration lung exposure (AUClung) was 77% higher and the elimination slope of radioactivity washout from the lungs (kE,lung) was 70% lower, whereas after i.t. administration AUClung was 352% higher and kE,lung was 86% lower in Abcc1(-/-) rats. Pretreatment with MK571 decreased kE,lung by 20% after i.t. radiotracer administration. Intracellular accumulation of MPG in NCI-H441 cells was significantly higher and extracellular efflux was lower in presence than in absence of MK571. Conclusion: PET with pulmonary administered 11C-BMP can measure ABCC1 activity at the lung epithelial barrier and may be applicable in humans to assess the effects of disease, genetic polymorphisms or concomitant drug intake on pulmonary ABCC1 activity. Full Article
y Repurposing Molecular Imaging and Sensing for Cancer Image-Guided Surgery By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-17T08:32:41-07:00 Gone are the days when medical imaging was used primarily to visualize anatomical structures. The emergence of molecular imaging, championed by radiolabeled fluorodeoxyglucose positron emission tomography (18FDG PET) has expanded the information content derived from imaging to include pathophysiological and molecular processes. Cancer imaging, in particular, has leveraged advances in molecular imaging agents and technology to improve the accuracy of tumor detection, interrogate tumor heterogeneity, monitor treatment response, focus surgical resection, and enable image-guided biopsy. Surgeons are actively latching on to the incredible opportunities provided by medical imaging for preoperative planning, intraoperative guidance, and postoperative monitoring. From label-free techniques to enabling cancer-selective imaging agents, image-guided surgery provides surgical oncologists and interventional radiologists both macroscopic and microscopic views of cancer in the operating room. This review highlights the current state of molecular imaging and sensing approaches available for surgical guidance. Salient features of nuclear, optical, and multimodal approaches will be discussed, including their strengths, limitations and clinical applications. To address the increasing complexity and diversity of methods available today, this review provides a framework to identify a contrast mechanism, suitable modality, and device. Emerging low cost, portable, and user-friendly imaging systems make the case for adopting some of these technologies as the global standard of care in surgical practice. Full Article
y The Changing Face of Nuclear Cardiology: Guiding Cardiovascular Care towards Molecular Medicine By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-17T08:32:41-07:00 Radionuclide imaging of myocardial perfusion, function, and viability has been established for decades and remains a robust, evidence-based and broadly available means for clinical workup and therapeutic guidance in ischemic heart disease. Yet, powerful alternative modalities have emerged for this purpose, and their growth has resulted in increasing competition. But the potential of the tracer principle goes beyond the assessment of physiology and function, towards the interrogation of biology and molecular pathways. This is a unique selling point of radionuclide imaging, which has been under-recognized in cardiovascular medicine until recently. Now, molecular imaging methods for the detection of myocardial infiltration, device infection and cardiovascular inflammation are successfully gaining clinical acceptance. This is further strengthened by the symbiotic quest of cardiac imaging and therapy for an increasing implementation of molecular-targeted procedures, where specific therapeutic interventions require specific diagnostic guidance towards the most suitable candidates. This review will summarize the current advent of clinical cardiovascular molecular imaging and highlight its transformative contribution to the evolution of cardiovascular therapy beyond mechanical interventions and broad "blockbuster" medication, towards a future of novel, individualized molecular targeted and molecular imaging-guided therapies. Full Article
y MITIGATE-NeoBOMB1, a Phase I/IIa Study to Evaluate Safety, Pharmacokinetics and Preliminary Imaging of 68Ga-NeoBOMB1, a Gastrin-releasing Peptide Receptor Antagonist, in GIST Patients By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-24T14:33:41-07:00 Introduction: Gastrin Releasing peptide receptors (GRPRs) are potential molecular imaging targets in a variety of tumors. Recently, a 68Ga-labelled antagonist to GRPRs, NeoBOMB1, was developed for PET. We report on the outcome of a Phase I/IIa clinical trial (EudraCT 2016-002053-38) within the EU-FP7 project Closed-loop Molecular Environment for Minimally Invasive Treatment of Patients with Metastatic Gastrointestinal Stromal Tumours (‘MITIGATE’) (grant agreement number 602306) in patients with oligometastatic gastrointestinal stromal tumors (GIST). Materials and Methods: The main objectives were evaluation of safety, biodistribution, dosimetry and preliminary tumor targeting of 68Ga-NeoBOMB1 in patients with advanced TKI-treated GIST using PET/CT. Six patients with histologically confirmed GIST and unresectable primary or metastases undergoing an extended protocol for detailed pharmacokinetic analysis were included. 68Ga-NeoBOMB1 was prepared using a kit procedure with a licensed 68Ge/68Ga generator. 3 MBq/kg body-weight were injected intravenously and safety parameters were assessed. PET/CT included dynamic imaging at 5 min, 11 min and 19 min as well as static imaging at 1, 2 and 3-4 h p.i. for dosimetry calculations. Venous blood samples and urine were collected for pharmacokinetics. Tumor targeting was assessed on a per-lesion and per-patient basis. Results: 68Ga-NeoBOMB1 (50 µg) was prepared with high radiochemical purity (yield >97%). Patients received 174 ± 28 MBq of the radiotracer, which was well tolerated in all patients over a follow-up period of 4 weeks. Dosimetry calculations revealed a mean adsorbed effective dose of 0.029 ± 0.06 mSv/MBq with highest organ dose to the pancreas (0.274 ± 0.099 mSv/MBq). Mean plasma half-life was 27.3 min with primarily renal clearance (mean 25.7 ± 5.4% of injected dose 4h p.i.). Plasma metabolite analyses revealed high stability, metabolites were only detected in the urine. In three patients a significant uptake with increasing maximum standard uptake values (SUVmax at 2h p.i.: 4.3 to 25.9) over time was found in tumor lesions. Conclusion: This Phase I/IIa study provides safety data for 68Ga-NeoBOMB1, a promising radiopharmaceutical for targeting GRPR-expressing tumors. Safety profiles and pharmacokinetics are suitable for PET imaging and absorbed dose estimates are comparable to other 68Ga-labelled radiopharmaceuticals used in clinical routine. Full Article
y CXCR4-targeted positron emission tomography imaging of central nervous system B-cell lymphoma By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-24T14:33:41-07:00 C-X-C chemokine receptor 4 is a transmembrane chemokine receptor involved in growth, survival, and dissemination of cancer, including aggressive B-cell lymphoma. Magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) is the standard imaging technology for central nervous system involvement of B-cell lymphoma and provides high sensitivity but moderate specificity. Therefore, novel molecular and functional imaging strategies are urgently required. Methods: In this proof-of-concept study, 11 patients with lymphoma of the CNS (CNSL, n = 8 primary and n = 3 secondary involvement) were imaged with the CXCR4-directed positron emission tomography (PET) tracer 68Ga-Pentixafor. To evaluate the predictive value of this imaging modality, treatment response, as determined by MRI, was correlated with quantification of CXCR4 expression by 68Ga-Pentixafor PET in vivo before initiation of treatment in 7 of 11 patients. Results: 68Ga-Pentixafor-PET showed excellent contrast characteristics to the surrounding brain parenchyma in all patients with active disease. Furthermore, initial CXCR4 uptake determined by PET correlated with subsequent treatment response as assessed by MRI. Conclusion: 68Ga-Pentixafor-PET represents a novel diagnostic tool for central nervous system lymphoma with potential implications for theranostic approaches as well as response and risk assessment. Full Article
y Targeting Fibroblast Activation Protein:Radiosynthesis and Preclinical Evaluation of an 18F-labeled FAP Inhibitor By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-24T14:33:41-07:00 Fibroblast activation protein (FAP) has emerged as an interesting molecular target used in the imaging and therapy of various types of cancers. Gallium-68–labeled chelator-linked FAP inhibitors (FAPIs) have been successfully applied to positron emission tomography (PET) imaging of various tumor types. To broaden the spectrum of applicable PET tracers for extended imaging studies of FAP-dependent diseases, we herein report the radiosynthesis and preclinical evaluation of an 18F–labeled glycosylated FAP inhibitor ([18F]FGlc-FAPI). Methods: An alkyne-bearing precursor was synthesized and subjected to click chemistry–based radiosynthesis of [18F]FGlc-FAPI by two-step 18F-fluoroglycosylation. FAP-expressing HT1080hFAP cells were used to study competitive binding to FAP, cellular uptake, internalization, and efflux of [18F]FGlc-FAPI in vitro. Biodistribution studies and in vivo small animal PET studies of [18F]FGlc-FAPI compared to [68Ga]Ga-FAPI-04 were conducted in nude mice bearing HT1080hFAP tumors or U87MG xenografts. Results: [18F]FGlc-FAPI was synthesized with a 15% radioactivity yield and a high radiochemical purity of >99%. In HT1080hFAP cells, [18F]FGlc-FAPI showed specific uptake, a high internalized fraction, and low cellular efflux. Compared to FAPI-04 (IC50 = 32 nM), the glycoconjugate, FGlc-FAPI (IC50 = 167 nM), showed slightly lower affinity for FAP in vitro, while plasma protein binding was higher for [18F]FGlc-FAPI. Biodistribution studies revealed significant hepatobiliary excretion of [18F]FGlc-FAPI; however, small animal PET studies in HT1080hFAP xenografts showed higher specific tumor uptake of [18F]FGlc-FAPI (4.5 % injected dose per gram of tissue [ID/g]) compared to [68Ga]Ga-FAPI-04 (2 %ID/g). In U87MG tumor–bearing mice, both tracers showed similar tumor uptake, but [18F]FGlc-FAPI showed a higher tumor retention. Interestingly, [18F]FGlc-FAPI demonstrated high specific uptake in bone structures and joints. Conclusion: [18F]FGlc-FAPI is an interesting candidate for translation to the clinic, taking advantage of the longer half-life and physical imaging properties of F-18. The availability of [18F]FGlc-FAPI may allow extended PET studies of FAP-related diseases, such as cancer, but also arthritis, heart diseases, or pulmonary fibrosis. Full Article
y Semi-automatically quantified tumor volume using Ga-68-PSMA-11-PET as biomarker for survival in patients with advanced prostate cancer By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-24T14:33:41-07:00 Prostate specific membrane antigen (PSMA) targeting Positron Emission Tomography (PET) imaging is becoming the reference standard for prostate cancer (PC) staging, especially in advanced disease. Yet, the implications of PSMA-PET derived whole-body tumor volume for overall survival are poorly elucidated to date. This might be due to the fact that (semi-) automated quantification of whole-body tumor volume as PSMA-PET biomarker is an unmet clinical challenge. Therefore, a novel semi-automated software is proposed and evaluated by the present study, which enables the semi-automated quantification of PSMA-PET biomarkers such as whole-body tumor volume. Methods: The proposed quantification is implemented as a research prototype (MI Whole Body Analysis Suite, v1.0, Siemens Medical Solutions USA, Inc., Knoxville, TN). PSMA accumulating foci were automatically segmented by a percental threshold (50% of local SUVmax). Neural networks were trained to segment organs in PET-CT acquisitions (training CTs: 8,632, validation CTs: 53). Thereby, PSMA foci within organs of physiologic PSMA uptake were semi-automatically excluded from the analysis. Pretherapeutic PSMA-PET-CTs of 40 consecutive patients treated with 177Lu-PSMA-617 therapy were evaluated in this analysis. The volumetric whole-body tumor volume (PSMATV50), SUVmax, SUVmean and other whole-body imaging biomarkers were calculated for each patient. Semi-automatically derived results were compared with manual readings in a sub-cohort (by one nuclear medicine physician using syngo.MM Oncology software, Siemens Healthineers, Knoxville, TN). Additionally, an inter-observer evaluation of the semi-automated approach was performed in a sub-cohort (by two nuclear medicine physicians). Results: Manually and semi automatically derived PSMA metrics were highly correlated (PSMATV50: R2=1.000; p<0.001; SUVmax: R2=0.988; p<0.001). The inter-observer agreement of the semi-automated workflow was also high (PSMATV50: R2=1.000; p<0.001; ICC=1.000; SUVmax: R2=0.988; p<0.001; ICC=0.997). PSMATV50 [ml] was a significant predictor of overall survival (HR: 1.004; 95%CI: 1.001-1.006, P = 0.002) and remained so in a multivariate regression including other biomarkers (HR: 1.004; 95%CI: 1.001-1.006 P = 0.004). Conclusion: PSMATV50 is a promising PSMA-PET biomarker that is reproducible and easily quantified by the proposed semi-automated software. Moreover, PSMATV50 is a significant predictor of overall survival in patients with advanced prostate cancer that receive 177Lu-PSMA-617 therapy. Full Article
y Radioiodine Ablation of Remaining Thyroid Lobe in Patients with Differentiated Thyroid Cancer Treated by Lobectomy. A systematic review and meta-analysis. By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-24T14:33:41-07:00 Purpose: We aimed to conduct a systematic review and meta-analysis of studies reporting the performance of radioactive iodine therapy (131-I therapy) in differentiating thyroid cancer (DTC) patients requiring a completion treatment following lobectomy. We also evaluated the response to 131-I therapy according to 2015ATA guidelines and the adverse events. Methods: A specific search strategy was designed to find articles evaluating the use of I-131 in patients with evidence of DTC after lobectomy. PubMed, CENTRAL, Scopus and Web of Science were searched. The search was updated until January 2020, without language restriction. Data were cross-checked and any discrepancy discussed. A proportion meta-analysis (with 95%CI) was performed using the random-effects model. Meta-regressions on I-131 success were attempted. Results: The pooled success ablation rate was 69% with better results in patients receiving a single administration of about 3.7 GBq; high heterogeneity was found (I2 85%), and publication bias was absent (Egger test: P = 0.57). Incomplete structural responses were recorded in only 14 of 695 (2%) patients enrolled in our analysis. Incomplete biochemical responses were observed in 8 to 24% of patients, with higher rates (24%) in patients receiving low radioiodine activities (~1.1 GBq) and lower rates (from 8 to 18%) in patients receiving higher activities of radioiodine (~3.7 Gbq). Neck pain due to thyroiditis was reported in up to 18% of patients but, in most cases, symptoms resolved after oral paracetamol or a short course of prednisone. Conclusion: Lobar ablation with 131-I is effective especially when high 131I activities are used. However, the rate of incomplete biochemical response to initial treatment appears to be slightly higher than the classical scheme of initial treatment of DTC. "Radioisotopic lobectomy" should be considered for patients with low-to-intermediate risk DTC requiring completion treatment after lobectomy due to specific individual risk factors and/or patient’s preferences. Full Article
y Yttrium-90 Radioembolization: Telemedicine during COVID-19 outbreak, opportunity for prime time. By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-04-24T14:33:41-07:00 Full Article
y PET imaging quantifying 68Ga-PSMA-11 uptake in metastatic colorectal cancer By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-05-01T11:16:57-07:00 At diagnosis 22% of colorectal cancer (CRC) patients have metastases and 50% later develop metastasis. Peptide receptor radionuclide therapy (PRRT) with lutetium-177 (177Lu)-PSMA-617 is employed to treat metastatic prostate cancer (PC). 177Lu-PSMA-617 targets Prostate Specific Membrane Antigen (PSMA) a cell surface protein enriched in PC and the neovasculature of other solid tumors including CRC. We performed gallium-68 (68Ga)-PSMA-11 PET-CT imaging of ten metastatic CRC patients to assess metastasis avidity. Eight patients had lesions lacking avidity and two had solitary metastases exhibiting very low avidity. Despite expression of PSMA in CRC neovasculature, none of the patients exhibited tumor avidity sufficient to be considered for 177Lu-PSMA-617 PRRT. Full Article
y The Impact of Radiobiologically-Informed Dose Prescription on the Clinical Benefit of Yttrium-90 SIRT in Colorectal Cancer Patients By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-05-01T11:16:57-07:00 The purpose of this study was to establish the dose-response relationship of selective internal radiation therapy (SIRT) in patients with metastatic colorectal cancer (mCRC), when informed by radiobiological sensitivity parameters derived from mCRC cell lines exposed to yttrium-90 (90Y). Methods: 23 mCRC patients with liver metastases refractory to chemotherapy were included. 90Y bremsstrahlung SPECT images were transformed into dose maps assuming the local dose deposition method. Baseline and follow-up CT scans were segmented to derive liver and tumor volumes. Mean, median, and D70 (minimum dose to 70% of tumor volume) values determined from dose maps were correlated with change in tumor volume and vRECIST response using linear and logistic regression, respectively. Radiosensitivity parameters determined by clonogenic assays of mCRC cell lines HT-29 and DLD-1 after exposure to 90Y or external beam radiotherapy (EBRT; 6MV photons) were used in biological effective dose (BED) calculations. Results: Mean administered radioactivity was 1469±428 MBq (847-2185 MBq), achieving a mean radiation absorbed tumor dose of 35.5±9.4 Gy and mean normal liver dose of 26.4±6.8 Gy. A 1.0 Gy increase in mean, median, and D70 absorbed dose was associated with reduction in tumor volume of 1.8%, 1.8%, and 1.5%, respectively, and increased probability of vRECIST response (odds ratio: 1.09, 1.09, and 1.10 respectively). Threshold mean, median and D70 doses for response were 48.3, 48.8, and 41.8 Gy respectively. EBRT-equivalent BEDs for 90Y are up to 50% smaller than those calculated by applying protraction-corrected radiobiological parameters derived from EBRT alone. Conclusion: Dosimetric studies have assumed equivalence between 90Y SIRT and EBRT, leading to inflation of BED for SIRT and possible under-treatment. Radiobiological parameters for 90Y were applied to a BED model, providing a calculation method that has the potential to improve assessment of tumor control. Full Article
y Integrity of neurocognitive networks in dementing disorders as measured with simultaneous PET/fMRI By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-05-01T11:16:57-07:00 Background: Functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) studies have reported altered integrity of large-scale neurocognitive networks (NCNs) in dementing disorders. However, findings on specificity of these alterations in patients with Alzheimer’s disease (AD) and behavioral variant frontotemporal dementia (bvFTD) are still very limited. Recently, NCNs have been successfully captured using positron emission tomography (PET) with F18-fluordesoxyglucose (FDG). Methods: Network integrity was measured in 72 individuals (38 male) with mild AD, bvFTD, and healthy controls using a simultaneous resting state fMRI and FDG-PET. Indices of network integrity were calculated for each subject, network, and imaging modality. Results: In either modality, independent component analysis revealed four major NCNs: anterior default mode network (DMN), posterior DMN, salience network, and right central executive network (CEN). In fMRI data, integrity of posterior DMN was found to be significantly reduced in both patient groups relative to controls. In the AD group anterior DMN and CEN appeared to be additionally affected. In PET data, only integrity of posterior DMN in patients with AD was reduced, while three remaining networks appeared to be affected only in patients with bvFTD. In a logistic regression analysis, integrity of anterior DMN as measured with PET alone accurately differentiated between the patient groups. A correlation between indices of two imaging modalities was overall low. Conclusion: FMRI and FDG-PET capture partly different aspects of network integrity. A higher disease specificity of NCNs as derived from PET data supports metabolic connectivity imaging as a promising diagnostic tool. Full Article
y Reshaping the amyloid buildup curve in Alzheimer's disease? - Partial volume effect correction of longitudinal amyloid PET data By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-05-01T11:16:57-07:00 It was hypothesized that the brain β-amyloid buildup curve plateaus at an early symptomatic Alzheimer's disease (AD) stage. Atrophy-related partial volume effects (PVEs) degrade signal in hot-spot imaging techniques, such as amyloid positron emission tomography (PET). This longitudinal analysis of amyloid-sensitive PET data investigated the shape of the β-amyloid curve in AD applying PVE correction (PVEC). We analyzed baseline and 2-year follow-up data of 216 symptomatic individuals on the AD continuum (positive amyloid status) enrolled in Alzheimer's Disease Neuroimaging Initiative (17 AD dementia, 199 mild cognitive impairment), including 18F-florbetapir PET, magnetic resonance imaging and mini mental state examination (MMSE) scores. For PVEC, the modified Müller-Gärtner method was performed. Compared to non-PVE-corrected data, PVE-corrected data yielded significantly higher regional and composite standardized uptake value ratio (SUVR) changes over time (P=0.0002 for composite SUVRs). Longitudinal SUVR changes in relation to MMSE decreases showed a significantly higher slope of the regression line in the PVE-corrected as compared to the non-PVE-corrected PET data (F=7.1, P=0.008). These PVEC results indicate that the β-amyloid buildup curve does not plateau at an early symptomatic disease stage. A further evaluation of the impact of PVEC on the in-vivo characterization of time-dependent AD pathology, including the reliable assessment and comparison of other amyloid tracers, is warranted. Full Article
y Molecular imaging of PD-L1 expression and dynamics with the adnectin-based PET tracer 18F-BMS-986192 By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-05-01T11:16:57-07:00 18F-BMS-986192, an adnectin-based human programmed cell death ligand 1 (PD-L1) tracer, was developed to non-invasively determine whole-body PD-L1 expression by positron emission tomography (PET). We evaluated usability of 18F-BMS-986192 PET to detect different PD-L1 expression levels and therapy-induced changes of PD-L1 expression in tumors. Methods: In vitro binding assays with 18F-BMS-986192 were performed in human tumor cell lines with different total cellular and membrane PD-L1 protein expression levels. Subsequently, PET imaging was executed in immunodeficient mice xenografted with these cell lines. Mice were treated with interferon gamma (IFN) intraperitoneally for 3 days or with the mitogen-activated protein kinase kinase (MEK1/2) inhibitor selumetinib by oral gavage for 24 hours. Thereafter 18F-BMS-986192 was administered intravenously, followed by a 60-minute dynamic PET scan. Tracer uptake was expressed as percentage injected dose per gram tissue (%ID/g). Tissues were collected to evaluate ex vivo tracer biodistribution and to perform flow cytometric, Western blot, and immunohistochemical tumor analyses. Results: 18F-BMS-986192 uptake reflected PD-L1 membrane levels in tumor cell lines, and tumor tracer uptake in mice was associated with PD-L1 expression measured immunohistochemically. In vitro IFN treatment increased PD-L1 expression in the tumor cell lines and caused up to 12-fold increase in tracer binding. In vivo, IFN did neither affect PD-L1 tumor expression measured immunohistochemically nor 18F-BMS-986192 tumor uptake. In vitro, selumetinib downregulated cellular and membrane levels of PD-L1 of tumor cells by 50% as measured by Western blotting and flow cytometry. In mice, selumetinib lowered cellular, but not membrane PD-L1 levels of tumors and consequently no treatment-induced change in 18F-BMS-986192 tumor uptake was observed. Conclusion: 18F-BMS-986192 PET imaging allows detection of membrane-expressed PD-L1, as soon as 60 minutes after tracer injection. The tracer can discriminate a range of tumor cell PD-L1 membrane expression levels. Full Article
y 177Lu-EB-PSMA radioligand therapy with escalating doses in patients with metastatic castration-resistant prostate cancer By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-05-01T11:16:57-07:00 Purpose: This study is designed to assess the safety and therapeutic response to 177Lu-EB-PSMA treatment with escalating doses in patients with metastatic castration-resistant prostate cancer (mCRPC). Methods: With institutional review board approval and informed consent, patients were randomly divided into three groups: Group A (n = 10) were treated with 1.18 ± 0.09 GBq/dose of 177Lu-EB-PSMA. Group B (n = 10) were treated with 2.12 ± 0.19 GBq/dose of 177Lu-EB-PSMA. Group C (n = 8) were treated with 3.52 ± 0.58 GBq/dose of 177Lu-EB-PSMA. Eligible patients received up to three cycles of 177Lu-EB-PSMA therapy, at eight-week intervals. Results: Due to disease progression or bone marrow suppression, 4 out of 10, 5 out of 10, and 5 out of 10 patients completed three cycles therapy as planned in Groups A, B, and C, respectively. The prostate-specific antigen (PSA) response was correlated with treatment dose, with PSA disease control rates in Group B (70%) and C (75%) being higher than that in Group A (10%) (P = 0.007), but no correlation between Group B and Group C was found. 68Ga-PSMA PET/CT showed response in all the treatment groups, however, there was no significant difference between the three groups. Hematologic toxicity study found that platelets in Group B and Group C decreased more than those in Group A, and that Grade 4 thrombocytopenia occurred in 2 (25.0%) patients in Group C. No serious nephritic or hepatic side effects were observed. Conclusion: This study demonstrates that 2.12 GBq/dose of 177Lu-EB-PSMA seems to be safe and adequate in tumor treatment. Further investigations with increased number of patients are warranted. Full Article
y NEMESIS: Non-inferiority, Individual Patient Meta-analysis of Selective Internal Radiation Therapy with Yttrium-90 Resin Microspheres versus Sorafenib in Advanced Hepatocellular Carcinoma By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-05-01T11:16:57-07:00 In randomized clinical trials (RCTs), no survival benefit has been observed for selective internal radiotherapy (SIRT) over sorafenib in patients with advanced hepatocellular carcinoma (aHCC). This study aimed to assess by means of a meta-analysis whether overall survival (OS) with SIRT, as monotherapy or followed by sorafenib, is non-inferior to sorafenib, and compare safety profiles for patients with aHCC. Methods: We searched MEDLINE, EMBASE, and the Cochrane Library up to February 2019 to identify RCTs comparing SIRT as monotherapy, or followed by sorafenib, to sorafenib monotherapy among patients with aHCC. The main outcomes were OS and frequency of treatment-related severe adverse events (AEs grade ≥3). The per-protocol population was the primary analysis population. A non-inferiority margin of 1.08 in terms of hazard ratio (HR) was pre-specified for the upper boundary of 95% confidence interval (CI) for OS. Pre-specified subgroup analyses were performed. Results: Three RCTs, involving 1,243 patients, comparing sorafenib with SIRT (SIRveNIB and SARAH) or SIRT followed by sorafenib (SORAMIC), were included. After randomization, 411/635 (64.7%) patients allocated to SIRT and 522/608 (85.8%) allocated to sorafenib completed the studies without major protocol deviations. Median OS with SIRT, whether or not followed by sorafenib, was non-inferior to sorafenib (10.2 and 9.2 months, [HR 0.91, 95% CI 0.78–1.05]). Treatment-related severe adverse events were reported in 149/515 patients (28.9%) who received SIRT and 249/575 (43.3%) who received sorafenib only (p<0.01). Conclusion: SIRT as initial therapy for aHCC is non-inferior to sorafenib in terms of OS, and offers a better safety profile. Full Article
y Unexplained Hyperthyroglobulinemia in Differentiated Thyroid Cancer Patients Indicates Radioiodine Adjuvant Therapy: A Prospective Multicenter Study By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-05-01T11:16:58-07:00 Background: The management for totally thyroidectomized differentiated thyroid cancer (TT-DTC) patients with unexplained hyperthyroglobulinemia remains indeterminate due to evidence scarcity. This multicenter study aimed at prospectively evaluating the response to radioiodine (131I) adjuvant therapy (RAT) and its potential role in risk stratification and causal clarification. Methods: TT-DTC patients with stimulated serum thyroglobulin (Tgoff) levels > 10 ng/mL but no structurally evident disease were consecutively enrolled in five tertiary care institutions. After the administration of 5.55 GBq of 131I, the risk of presence of persistent/recurrent/metastatic DTC (prmDTC) was compared to that before RAT. The causes of hyperthyroglobulinemia were explored and the response to RAT was assessed 6-12 months post RAT. The change in suppressed thyroglobulin (Tgon) level was reported. Results: A cohort of 254 subjects with a median Tgoff of 27.1 ng/mL was enrolled for the analyses. Immediately after RAT, low-, intermediate-, and high-risk were identified in 5.9%, 88.6%, and 5.5% patients, respectively, with no significant difference in risk stratification compared with that before RAT (P = 0.952). During the follow-up (median, 10.6 months), hyperthyroglobulinemia was ultimately attributed to thyroid remnant, biochemical disease, and structural/functional disease in 17.3%, 54.3%, and 28.3% of subjects, respectively. In addition, excellent, indeterminate, biochemical incomplete, and structural/functional incomplete responses were achieved in 18.1%, 27.2%, 36.2%, and 18.5% of patients, respectively. Notably, distribution for either cause of hyperthyroglobulinemia or response to RAT was comparable among the three postoperative risk groups. Tgon levels in patients who merely received RAT declined significantly over time. Conclusion: Our study demonstrated that over 90% of TT-DTC patients with unexplained hyperthyroglobulinemia are stratified as intermediate-high risk, and RAT using 5.55 GBq of 131I reveals biochemical/functional/structural disease and yields non-structural/functional incomplete response in more than 80% patients, suggesting TT-DTC patients with unexplained hyperthyroglobulinemia as explicit candidates for RAT. Full Article
y Receptor-targeted photodynamic therapy of glucagon-like peptide 1 receptor positive lesions By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-05-08T13:18:58-07:00 Treatment of hyperinsulinemic hypoglycemia is challenging. Surgical treatment of insulinomas and focal lesions in congenital hyperinsulinism (CHI) is invasive and carries major risks of morbidity. Medication to treat nesidioblastosis and diffuse CHI has varying efficacy and causes significant side effects. Here, we describe a novel method for therapy of hyperinsulinemic hyperglycemia, highly selectively killing beta cells by targeted photodynamic therapy (tPDT) with exendin-4-IRDye700DX, targeting the glucagon-like peptide 1 receptor (GLP-1R). A competitive binding assay was performed using Chinese hamster lung (CHL) cells transfected with the GLP-1R. The efficacy and specificity of tPDT with exendin-4-IRDye700DX was examined in vitro in cells with different levels of GLP-1R expression. Tracer biodistribution was determined in BALB/c nude mice bearing subcutaneous CHL-GLP-1R xenografts. Induction of cellular damage and the effect on tumor growth were analyzed to determine treatment efficacy. Exendin-4-IRDye700DX has a high affinity for the GLP-1R with an IC50 value of 6.3 nM. TPDT caused significant specific phototoxicity in GLP-1R positive cells (2.3 ± 0.8 % and 2.7 ± 0.3 % remaining cell viability in CHL-GLP-1R and INS-1 cells resp.). The tracer accumulates dose-dependently in GLP-1R positive tumors. In vivo tPDT induces cellular damage in tumors, shown by strong expression of cleaved-caspase-3 and leads to a prolonged median survival of the mice (36.5 vs. 22.5 days resp. p<0.05). These data show in vitro as well as in vivo evidence for the potency of tPDT using exendin-4-IRDye700DX. This could in the future provide a new, minimally invasive and highly specific treatment method for hyperinsulinemic hypoglycemia. Full Article
y Confirmation of 123I-FP-CIT-SPECT (ioflupane) quantification methods in dementia with Lewy body and other neurodegenerative disorders By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-05-08T13:18:58-07:00 Rationale: To conduct a retrospective study comparing three 123I-FP-CIT-SPECT quantitative methods in patients with neurodegenerative syndromes as referenced to neuropathological findings. Methods: 123I-FP-CIT-SPECT and neuropathological findings among patients with neurodegenerative syndromes from the Mayo Alzheimer's Disease Research Center and Mayo Clinic Study of Aging were examined. Three 123I-FP-CIT-SPECT quantitative assessment Methods: MIMneuro (MIM Software Inc.), DaTQUANT (GE Healthcare), and manual region of interest (ROI) creation on an Advantage Workstation (GE Healthcare) were compared to neuropathological findings describing the presence or absence of Lewy body disease (LBD). Striatum to background ratios (SBRs) generated by DaTQUANT were compared to the calculated SBRs of the manual method and MIMneuro. The left and right SBRs for caudate, putamen and striatum were evaluated with the manual method. For DaTQUANT and MIMneuro the left, right, total and average SBRs and z-scores for whole striatum, caudate, putamen, anterior putamen, and posterior putamen were calculated. Results: The cohort included 24 patients [20 (83%) male, aged 75.4 +/- 10.0 at death]. The antemortem clinical diagnoses were Alzheimer’s disease dementia (ADem, N = 6), probable dementia with Lewy bodies (pDLB, N = 12), mixed ADem/pDLB (N = 1), Parkinson’s disease with mild cognitive impairment (N = 2), corticobasal syndrome (N = 1), idiopathic rapid eye movement sleep behavior disorder (iRBD) (N = 1) and behavioral variant frontotemporal dementia (N = 1). Seventeen (71%) had LBD pathology. All three 123I-FP-CIT-SPECT quantitative methods had area under the receiver operating characteristics (AUROC) values above 0.93 and up to 1.000 (p<0.001) and showed excellent discrimination between LBD and non-LBD patients in each region assessed, p<.001. There was no significant difference between the accuracy of the regions in discriminating the two groups, with good discrimination for both caudate and putamen. Conclusion: All three 123I-FP-CIT-SPECT quantitative methods showed excellent discrimination between LBD and non-LBD patients in each region assessed, using both SBRs and z-scores. Full Article
y Amyloid PET in Dementia Syndromes: A Chinese Multicenter Study By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-05-08T13:18:58-07:00 Cerebral β-amyloid deposits and regional glucose metabolism assessed by positron emission tomography (PET) are used to distinguish between Alzheimer's disease (AD) and other dementia syndromes. In the present multicenter study, we estimated the prevalence of β-amyloid deposits on PET imaging in a wide variety of dementia syndromes and mild cognitive impairment (MCI) within a memory clinic population. Methods: Of the 1193 consecutive patients with cognitive impairment (CI) who received combined 18F-AV45 and/or 11C-PIB PET, 960 were diagnosed with AD, 36 with frontotemporal dementia (FTD), 5 with dementia with Lewy bodies (DLB), 144 with MCI, 29with vascular dementia (VaD), 4 with corticobasal syndrome (CBS) and 15 with unclassifiable dementia. Baseline clinical diagnoses were independently established without access to PET imaging results. ApoE genotype analysis was performed in CI patients and 231 gender- and age-matched controls. Results: Of the 1193 CI patients, 860 (72.1%) were amyloid-positive. The prevalence of amyloid positivity in AD and MCI patients was 86.8% (833/960) and 9.7% (14/144), respectively. In FTD patients, the prevalence of β-amyloid deposits was 5.6% (2/36). In the 4 CBS patients, two were amyloid-positive. Three of the 5 DLB patients showed amyloid positivity, as did 6 of the 29 VaD (20.7%) patients. The ApoE4 allele frequency was significantly increased in amyloid-positive CI patients (30.5%) as compared with other amyloid-negative CI patients (14%) or controls (7.3%). Conclusion: Amyloid imaging may potentially be the most helpful parameter for differential diagnosis in dementia, particularly to distinguish between AD and FTD. Amyloid PET can be used in conjunction with the ApoE4 allele genetic risk test for amyloid deposits. Full Article
y Interim PET evaluation in diffuse large B-cell lymphoma employing published recommendations: Comparison of the Deauville 5-point scale and the {Delta}SUVmax method By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-05-08T13:18:58-07:00 The value of interim 18F-fluorodeoxyglucose positron emission tomography (iPET) guided treatment decisions in patients with diffuse large B-cell lymphoma (DLBCL) has been the subject of much debate. This investigation focuses on a comparison of the Deauville score and the deltaSUVmax (SUVmax) approach – two methods to assess early metabolic response to standard chemotherapy in DLBCL. Methods: Of 609 DLBCL patients participating in the Positron Emission Tomography-guided Therapy of Aggressive non-Hodgkin Lymphomas (PETAL) trial, iPET scans of 596 patients originally evaluated using the SUVmax method were available for post-hoc assessment of the Deauville score. A commonly used definition of an unfavorable iPET result according to the Deauville score is an uptake greater than that of the liver, whereas an unfavorable iPET scan with regard to the SUVmax approach is characterized as a relative reduction of the maximum standardized uptake value between baseline and iPET staging of less than or equal to 66%. We investigated the two methods’ correlation and concordance by Spearman’s rank correlation coefficient and the agreement in classification, respectively. We further used Kaplan-Meier curves and Cox regression to assess differences in survival between patient subgroups defined by the pre-specified cut-offs. Time-dependent receiver operating curve analysis provided information on the methods’ respective discrimination performance. Results: Deauville score and SUVmax approach differed in their iPET-based prognosis. The SUVmax approach outperformed the Deauville score in terms of discrimination performance – most likely due to a high number of false-positive decisions by the Deauville score. Cut-off-independent discrimination performance remained low for both methods, but cut-off-related analyses showed promising results. Both favored the SUVmax approach, e.g. for the segregation by iPET response, where the event-free survival hazard ratio was 3.14 (95% confidence interval (CI): 2.22 – 4.46) for SUVmax and 1.70 (95% CI: 1.29 – 2.24) for the Deauville score. Conclusion: When considering treatment intensification, the currently used Deauville score cut-off of an uptake above that of the liver seems to be inappropriate and associated with potential harm for DLBCL patients. The SUVmax criterion of a relative reduction of the maximum standardized uptake value of less than or equal to 66% should be considered as an alternative. Full Article
y The effects of monosodium glutamate on PSMA radiotracer uptake in men with recurrent prostate cancer: a prospective, randomized, double-blind, placebo-controlled intra-individual imaging study. By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-05-08T13:18:58-07:00 The prostate-specific membrane antigen (PSMA) is an excellent target for theranostic applications in prostate cancer (PCa). However, PSMA-targeted radioligand therapy can cause undesirable effects due to high accumulation of PSMA radiotracers in salivary glands and kidneys. This study assessed orally administered monosodium glutamate (MSG) as a potential means of reducing kidney and salivary gland radiation exposure using a PSMA targeting radiotracer. Methods: This prospective, double-blind, placebo-controlled study enrolled 10 biochemically recurrent PCa patients. Each subject served as his own control. [18F]DCFPyl PET/CT imaging sessions were performed 3 – 7 days apart, following oral administration of either 12.7 g of MSG or placebo. Data from the two sets of images were analyzed by placing regions of interest on lacrimal, parotid and submandibular glands, left ventricle, liver, spleen, kidneys, bowel, urinary bladder, gluteus muscle and malignant lesions. The results from MSG and placebo scans were compared by paired analysis of the ROI data. Results: A total of 142 pathological lesions along with normal tissues were analyzed. As hypothesized a priori, there was a significant decrease in maximal standardized uptake values corrected for lean body mass (SULmax) on images obtained following MSG administration in the parotids (24 ± 14%, P = 0.001), submandibular glands (35 ± 11%, P<0.001) and kidneys (23 ± 26%, P = 0.014). Significant decreases were also observed in lacrimal glands (49 ± 13%, P<0.001), liver (15 ± 6%, P<0.001), spleen (28 ± 13%, P = 0.001) and bowel (44 ± 13%, P<0.001). Mildly lower blood pool SULmean was observed after MSG administration (decrease of 11 ± 13%, P = 0.021). However, significantly lower radiotracer uptake in terms of SULmean, SULpeak, and SULmax was observed in malignant lesions on scans performed after MSG administration compared to the placebo studies (SULmax median decrease 33%, range -1 to 75%, P<0.001). No significant adverse events occurred and vital signs were stable following placebo or MSG administration. Conclusion: Orally administered MSG significantly decreased salivary gland, kidney and other normal organ PSMA radiotracer uptake in human subjects, using [18F]DCFPyL as an exemplar. However, MSG caused a corresponding reduction in tumor uptake, which may limit the benefits of this approach for diagnostic and therapeutic applications. Full Article
y Inclusive Growth and Job Creation in Africa: The Outlook for 2019 and Beyond By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 24 Sep 2019 15:25:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 30 September 2019 - 1:30pm to 2:30pm Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE Event participants Abebe Aemro Selassie, Director, African Department, International Monetary FundChair: Elizabeth Donnelly, Deputy Head and Research Fellow, Africa Programme, Chatham House The IMF projects real GDP growth of 3.3 per cent in 2019 for sub-Saharan Africa but there is a mixed picture across the continent with growth in Mauritania, Senegal, Ethiopia and Rwanda outstripping projected growth rates for South Africa and Nigeria, for example, while a handful of economies seek to emerge from crisis. Yet, as is increasingly well documented, even strong growth has not delivered lasting socio-economic transformation in many contexts. And that most pressing of needs – job creation including to accommodate, in the next 15 years, an increase in the working age population greater than that in the rest of the world combined – remains a pressing concern for governments and societies. With populations continuing to grow at faster rates than economic growth, and a significant proportion of jobs outside agriculture being in the informal sector, investment in formal labour markets is crucial to creating inclusive economic growth. At this event, the International Monetary Fund’s Africa Director, Abebe Aemro Selassie will discuss the outlook for sub-Saharan African economies in 2019 and progress towards achieving inclusive economic growth to accommodate future demographic change. Attendance at this event is by invitation only. Department/project Africa Programme, Inclusive Economic Growth, Governance and Technology Yusuf Hassan Parliamentary and Media Outreach Assistant, Africa Programme +44 (0) 20 7314 3645 Email Full Article
y Sudan Stakeholder Dialogues: Options for Economic Stabilization, Recovery and Inclusive Growth By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 01 Oct 2019 13:54:18 +0000 3 October 2019 The Chatham House Africa Programme designed the Sudan Stakeholder Dialogues series to help identify the factors that have led to the current economic crisis, the immediate steps that need to be taken to avert collapse and stabilize the economy, and the longer-term structural reforms required to set Sudan on the path to recovery. The project is funded by Humanity United. Read online Download PDF in Arabic Download PDF in English Ahmed Soliman Research Fellow, Horn of Africa, Africa Programme @AhmedSolHoA 2019-10-03-Sudan.jpg An employee removes bread from the oven at a bakery in the Sudanese capital, Khartoum, on 24 May 2019. Photo: Getty Images. Three private roundtable meetings were convened in the first quarter of 2019, with the aim of generating informed and constructive new thinking on policy options and reforms that could help Sudan build a more economically prosperous, stable and inclusive nation. The roundtables were held under the Chatham House Rule.The project sought to offer a neutral space for discussion to policymakers and influencers from a broad range of backgrounds: Sudanese government officials, opposition figures, economists, experts on Sudan’s political economy and governance, civil society figures, representatives of international financial institutions, and other international policymakers.This paper draws together the key themes and findings from each of the three roundtables, ranging from broad structural economic issues to sector-specific priority interventions. It presents options and recommendations for Sudanese leaders, including the transitional government, in support of building a more economically prosperous, peaceful and inclusive nation. Department/project Africa Programme, Inclusive Economic Growth, Governance and Technology, Horn of Africa, Sudan Stakeholder Dialogues: Options for Economic Stabilization, Recovery and Inclusive Growth Full Article
y Mobilizing Multinational Military Operations in Africa: Quick Fixes or Sustainable Solutions? By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 16 Oct 2019 09:55:01 +0000 Research Event 25 October 2019 - 9:30am to 11:15am Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE Event participants Professor Tony Chafer, University of PortsmouthProfessor Gordon Cumming, Cardiff UniversityDr Roel van der Velde, Cardiff UniversityAhmed Soliman, Research Fellow, Horn of Africa, Chatham HouseDr Elisa Lopez Lucia, Université Libre de Bruxelles; University of PortsmouthChair: Janet Adama Mohammed, West Africa Programme Director, Conciliation Resources Peacekeeping missions which have sought to address evolving forms of conflict and instability on the African continent – led by the United Nations, African Union and European Union – have frequently been overstretched.Across regions including the Sahel, the Horn and West Africa, the issues of violent extremism and criminality – often set against a backdrop of collapsing or severely weakened central states – have led to the mobilisation of a diverse set of new collective responses.These include notable African-led efforts such as AMISOM in Somalia or more recently the G5 Sahel, where France have played a pivotal role in initiating new and more ad hoc approaches to coalition-building.As existing multinational missions in Africa continue to evolve on the ground and while new collective opportunities increasingly present themselves, it is critical for policymakers to understand how far such efforts reflect meaningful long-term solutions to the challenges of conflict and insecurity.At this roundtable event, participants will reflect on how such missions become mobilised and legitimised, the extent to which they can be defined as ‘new’, and whether they represent a truly sustainable means to tackle the issue of conflict in Africa.This roundtable is held in partnership with Cardiff University and the University of Portsmouth and is supported by the Leverhulme Trust. Department/project Africa Programme, West Africa, African Peace and Security, Horn of Africa Fergus Kell Projects Assistant, Africa Programme + 44 (0) 20 7314 3671 Email Full Article
y Prospects for Peace and Stability in South Sudan By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 29 Oct 2019 15:20:01 +0000 Research Event 11 November 2019 - 5:00pm to 6:15pm Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE Event participants Alan Boswell, Senior Analyst for South Sudan, International Crisis GroupMiklos Gosztonyi, Conflict Analyst, South Sudan, Norwegian Refugee CouncilNaomi Pendle, Research Fellow, Firoz Lalji Centre for Africa, London School of EconomicsGolda Abbé, Founding Member, Ghidam (Via Skype)Chair: Teohna Williams, CEO, Business Plan for Peace South Sudan’s prolonged peace process is approaching a critical juncture. There is uncertainty about whether the country’s political leaders will meet the 12 November 2019 deadline to form a transitional government of national unity – a process already delayed after a revitalized power-sharing deal was signed in September 2018. A political impasse has been caused by a lack of progress on outstanding issues such as deciding on the number of states and reunifying the security forces. The latter issue is seen as critical to preventing the reoccurrence of large-scale violence which would exacerbate already considerable humanitarian needs. Continued mediation by regional and international partners remains important to finding a way forward and preventing a return to widespread conflict.At this event, a panel of speakers will examine the status of the peace deal, the issue of federalism and subdivision, measures needed to prevent the humanitarian crisis from worsening and opportunities to foster greater security and unity in the country.THIS EVENT IS NOW FULL AND REGISTRATION HAS CLOSED. Department/project Africa Programme, African Peace and Security, Horn of Africa Sahar Eljack Programme Administrator, Africa Programme + 44 (0) 20 7314 3660 Email Full Article
y Secrecy, spies and the global South: intelligence studies beyond the 'Five Eyes' alliance By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 06 Nov 2019 09:08:36 +0000 6 November 2019 , Volume 95, Number 6 Zakia Shiraz and Richard J. Aldrich Read online The study of secrecy and spies remain subjects dominated by Anglo-American experiences. In recent years there has been some effort to refocus the lens of research upon ‘intelligence elsewhere’, including the global South. This is partly because of intense interest in the Arab Spring and ‘managed democracy’, placing a wider range of secret services under the spotlight. However, the approach to research is still dominated by concepts and methods derived from studying the English-speaking states of the ‘Five Eyes’ alliance and their European outriders. This article calls for a re-examination of research strategies for Intelligence Studies and for those theorizing surveillance, suggesting that both fields have much to learn from area studies and development studies, especially in the realm of research practice and ethics. If the growing number of academics specializing in intelligence genuinely wish to move forward and examine the global South they will need to rethink their tool-kit and learn from other disciplines. We suggest there is a rich tradition to draw upon. Full Article
y Rebel diplomacy and digital communication: public diplomacy in the Sahel By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 06 Nov 2019 09:12:16 +0000 6 November 2019 , Volume 95, Number 6 Michèle Bos and Jan Melissen Read online Most research on social media as a tool for public diplomacy focuses on its use by recognized international actors to advance their national interest and reputation, deliver foreign policy objectives or promote their global interests. This article highlights the need for paying more attention to non-state diplomacy in conflict situations outside the western world. We examine how rebel groups use new media to enhance their communications, and what the motivations behind this are. Our public diplomacy perspective helps convey the scope of rebel communications with external actors and provides insights for policy-makers seeking to ascertain the nature, intentions and capacities of myriad rebel groups. Our focus is on the Sahel region, where numerous such groups vying for international attention and support make use of multiple social media channels. We analyse two groups in Mali: the MNLA, a Tuareg secessionist group; and Ansar Dine, a Salafist insurgency with ties to Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb. Our qualitative analysis of Ansar Dine and MNLA communications on several digital platforms helps identify these African rebel groups' international and local framing activities. Rebel groups use public diplomacy nimbly and pragmatically. The digital age has fundamentally changed which stakeholders such groups can reach, and we suggest that social media increase the power they are able to carve out for themselves on the international stage. Full Article
y China's ivory bans: enhancing soft power through wildlife conservation By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 06 Nov 2019 09:20:21 +0000 6 November 2019 , Volume 95, Number 6 Jonas Gamso Read online China has been a major market for elephant ivory for centuries. However, the Chinese government recently enacted bans on imports and exports of ivory (2015) and on the domestic ivory trade (2017). These bans appear to have come in response to intensive influence campaigns and public shaming from domestic and foreign activists, who cited declining elephant populations and highlighted China's role. However, this shaming-narrative is at odds with conventional wisdom regarding Chinese policy-making: China typically resists international pressures and its authoritarian government is thought to be largely insulated from domestic efforts by civil society groups. This article reconciles Beijing's ivory policy with these conventional beliefs about policy-making in China. I argue that the Chinese government saw unique benefits to banning the ivory trade, under growing international scrutiny, as doing so enhanced Chinese soft power while having very little impact on its sovereignty or development. Non-government organizations (NGOs) operating both inside and outside of China played a role as well: NGOs in China helped to shift Chinese public opinion towards favouring the bans, while those operating abroad led public relations efforts to publicize Chinese demand for ivory to foreign audiences. Efforts by the latter group of NGOs intensified pressure on the Chinese government to rein in the ivory market, while increasing the soft power benefits that banning ivory would bring to Beijing. Full Article
y Diversity and Unity: African Agency in International Affairs By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Fri, 22 Nov 2019 09:30:36 +0000 22 November 2019 Professor Carlos Lopes Associate Fellow, Africa Programme @lopesinsights More and more, African countries are able to act in concert to stand up for the interests of the continent. 2019-11-22-AU.jpg Delegates leave the plenary hall of the Africa Union headquarters in Addis Ababa in January 2018. Photo: Getty Images. The conventional wisdom is that Africa is at the periphery of international affairs, and the perpetual subject – or victim – of decisions by powerful political or economic actors from outside the continent. The argument then goes on that the diversity of African countries, their atomization and fragmentation, further weakens the ability of the continent to act as a unified whole. As with much cliché about Africa, it does not tell the whole story. Soft vs hard powerThere is no denying that the structure of international affairs, built on foundations which preceded the independence of the vast majority of African states, places limits on the continent’s ability to independently shape the course of its development and its international engagements. African countries lack the hard power that would typically allow them to be bolder in the global scene.But Africa has long found softer approaches to exercise its agency, through international institutions and diplomatic arrangements. The collective mobilization at the level of the UN, leading up to the successful 1969 declaration by the General Assembly of apartheid as a crime against humanity, is a good example of early post-independence collective influence.The last two decades have further empowered African countries, as economic development has been translated into increased diplomatic capacity, and socioeconomic potential has given weight to a more assertive leadership.There are many examples, including: the successful integration of African priorities in the Sustainable Development Goals, notably financing for development; the push to include a substantial climate financing component for developing countries in the Paris Agreement; enhanced coordination between African non-permanent members of the UN Security Council; the condemnation of the International Criminal Court; or the solid resistance to reversals of the Doha Round at the World Trade Organization.A fragmented unity?It is also correct to note that individual African countries are quite diverse. Today, there are 55 member states of the African Union (AU); 30 are middle income economies with the rest towards the bottom of various indexes measuring progress and wellbeing. Socioeconomic and political divergences undeniably exist within the continent. But these factors have not prevented the continent from demonstrating some impressive feats of collective agency.The internal processes put in place by the AU have created a level of continental diplomacy which is more coordinated than any other continental block bar the EU. African countries have also proved adept at using other diplomatic alliances to exercise collective agency, for instance as the most powerful voice within the G77, a coalition of developing nations. Africa’s Future in a Changing Global Order: Agency in International Relations HE Jakaya Kikwete, former president of the Republic of Tanzania, addresses a Chatham House conference on the role that African states and citizens play in international relations. This has allowed Africa to build tactical alliances with countries and blocs from across the globe, resisting being drawn into any one sphere of influence. It has thus retained ultimate control of decision-making, even on issues of traditional ‘hard’ politics, notably the establishment of the African Peace and Security Architecture and the subsequent building of African capacity to collectively manage its peace and security efforts.Among other things, this collective political will has powered African opposition to a formal permanent presence of US Africa Command (AFRICOM) and helped resolve conflicts from West Africa to Zimbabwe and Lesotho.Another extraordinary example of collective political resistance can be observed in the trade discussions taking place between Africa and Europe. The EU is Africa's number-one trading partner. It designed and aggressively promoted new bilateral economic partnership agreements (EPAs) at a time when Africans were busy putting together a continental free-trade area. The apparent imbalance between the collective weight of the EU and the weakness of African states seemed likely to end African aspirations to continental integration.But, to the surprise of many, the majority of African countries were able to resist pressure to sign the EPAs. Almost 20 years into the negotiations, only 15 countries have signed them, with 5 of these being interim agreements. Comparatively, 54 African countries signed the African Continental Free Trade Area agreement in 2018, and 28 have so far ratified.The ongoing debate between Europe and Africa on migration is an equally useful illustration of how the continent has become more protective of its interests. Despite pressure, the continent has collectively resisted attempts to externalize the EU’s internal migration management challenges to Africa. Rather, it has emphasized finding solutions that would also benefit its nationals through a mobility framework that privileges the management of intra-Africa migration. Diversity and unityThere are of course different levels of agency at work. The power of African countries is uneven both vis-à-vis the international community and within the continent itself, where development pathways are increasingly divergent. Achieving collective positions and joint action demands the careful balancing of regional and bilateral objectives and assuaging multiple – and sometimes contradictory – concerns. It is not easy in Africa, like for any other region.However, there is no denying that Africans have realized the need for bolder action in the international arena, and the importance of unity in achieving their goals. The call by Africa’s leaders for the reform of their continental organization, the AU, demonstrates their recognition of its current limitations. This must now go beyond good intentions.This article is the first of a series on African agency in international affairs. Full Article
y Economic Recovery and Anticorruption in South Africa: Assessing Progress on the Reform Agenda By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Mon, 25 Nov 2019 16:10:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 4 December 2019 - 3:00pm to 4:00pm Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE Event participants Professor Nick Binedell, Founding Director and Sasol Chair of Strategic Management, Gordon Institute of Business Science (GIBS), University of Pretoria South Africa has significant economic potential based on its resource endowment, quality human capital and well-developed infrastructure compared to the region. However, the country’s economic growth rate has not topped 2 per cent since 2013, and in 2018, was below 1 per cent. This has put a strain on citizens and communities in a country that still suffers from structural inequality, poverty and high unemployment. Economic recovery and anti-corruption were the central pillars of President Cyril Ramaphosa’s 2019 electoral campaign and he has set an investment target of $100 billion. However, voters and investors alike are demanding faster and more visible progress from the country’s enigmatic leader who has a reputation for caution and calculation.At this event, Professor Nick Binedell will discuss the progress of and opposition to the president’s economic reform agenda and the opportunities for international investment to support long term inclusive and sustainable growth in South Africa.Attendance at this event is by invitation only. Event attributes Chatham House Rule Department/project Africa Programme, Southern Africa, Inclusive Economic Growth, Governance and Technology Sahar Eljack Programme Administrator, Africa Programme + 44 (0) 20 7314 3660 Email Full Article
y The African Continental Free Trade Area Could Boost African Agency in International Trade By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 10 Dec 2019 09:17:12 +0000 10 December 2019 Tighisti Amare Assistant Director, Africa Programme @tighistiamare Treasure Thembisile Maphanga Director, Trade and Industry, African Union Commission (2012–19) The agreement, which entered into force in May, could be a major step for Africa’s role in international trade, if the continent can overcome barriers to implementation. 2019-12-10-Niger.jpg Delegates arrive at the closing ceremony of the African Union summit in Niger in July. Photo: Getty Images. The entry into force of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) on 30 May, after only three years of negotiations, is an economic, political and diplomatic milestone for the African Union (AU) and its member states, crucial for economic growth, job creation, and making Africa a meaningful player in international trade. But the continent will have to work together to ensure that the potential benefits are fully realized.A necessary innovationWith its advances in maintaining peace and security, abundant natural resources, high growth rates, improved linkages to global supply chains and a youthful population, Africa is emerging as a new global centre of economic growth, increasingly sought after as a partner by the world’s biggest economies. Governments from across Africa have been taking a more assertive role in international markets, including through proactive diversification of trading partners, and the continent remains a strong advocate for the multilateral trading system.However, this is not yet reflected in outcomes. The African Union does not have observer status at the World Trade Organization, despite diplomatic efforts in the past decade. Africa has less than a three per cent share of global trade, and the growing trend towards protectionism across the global economy may only increase the vulnerability of a disunited Africa. Its fractured internal market means that trade within Africa is lower than for any other region on the globe, with intra-African trade just 18 per cent of overall exports, as compared to 70 per cent in Europe.The AfCFTA is the continent’s tool to address the disparity between Africa’s growing economic significance and its peripheral place in the global trade system, to build a bridge between present fragmentation and future prosperity. It is an ambitious, comprehensive agreement covering trade in goods, services, investment, intellectual property rights and competition policy. It has been signed by all of Africa’s states with the exception of Eritrea.It is the AU's Agenda 2063 flagship project, brought about by the decisions taken at the January 2012 African Union Summit to boost intra-African trade and to fast track the establishment of the Continental Free Trade Area. It builds upon ambitions enshrined in successive agreements including the Lagos Plan of Action and the Abuja Treaty. Access to new regional markets and reduced non-tariff barriers are intended to help companies scale up, driving job creation and poverty reduction, as well as attracting inward investment to even Africa’s smaller economies.The signing in 2018 of the instruments governing the Single Air Transport Market and the Protocol on Free Movement of Persons, Right of Residence and Right of Establishment provided another step towards the gradual elimination of barriers to the movement of goods, services and people within the continent.Tests to comeHowever, while progress is being made towards the ratification of the AfCFTA, much remains to be done before African countries can fully trade under its terms. The framework for implementation is still under development, and the creation of enabling infrastructure that is critical for connectivity will take time to develop and requires extensive investment. Africa’s Future in a Changing Global Order: Africa’s Economic Diplomacy Treasure Thembisile Maphanga talks about the international implications of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA). So, the first test for the AfCFTA will be the level to which Africa’s leaders make it a domestic priority, and whether a consensus can be maintained across the AU’s member states as the costs of implementation become clear.There is no guarantee that the gains of free trade will be evenly distributed. They will mainly depend on the extent to which countries embrace industrialization, liberalization of their markets and opening of their borders for free movement of goods and people – policies that some incumbent leaders may be reluctant to implement. Political will to maintain a unified negotiating position with diverse stakeholders, including the private sector, will come under increasing stress. A second challenge is how the AfCFTA relates to already existing trade arrangements, notably with the EU. The AU has long preferred to pursue a continent-to-continent trading arrangement instead of the bilateral Economic Partnership Agreements being sought by the EU under the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) framework to which, with the exception of Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia and South Africa, all African states belong. The signing of the AfCFTA is one important step towards making this possible.But there are currently negotiations under the ACP to replace the Cotonou Accord (the framework governing trade between ACP members and the EU, including Economic Partnership Agreements [EPAs], that is due to expire in 2020). Negotiations on the African pillar of the accord are due to take place after the AfCFTA has entered into force. So African states and the AU will face the challenge of balancing their commitment to the ACP bloc with pursuing their own interests.And though the AfCFTA should supersede any other agreements, the EPAs or their successors, will continue to govern day-to-day trading, in parallel to the new pan-African market. It is not yet clear how these contradictions will be reconciled.A new role for the AU?The AU will need to play an active role as the main interlocutor with Africa´s international trading partners, with the AfCFTA secretariat being the arbiter of internal tensions and trade disputes. The AU´s engagement at continental level has to date revolved mainly around headline political diplomacy, security and peacekeeping. With the continental free market becoming a reality, an effective pivot to economic diplomacy will be critical for growth and development.With the AfCFTA, the AU has endeavoured to address Africa’s unsustainable position in global trade, to stimulate growth, economic diversification and jobs for its growing population. Much will depend on the commitment of African leaders to maintaining a unified negotiating position to implement the agreement and the AU’s capacity to effectively move from political to economic diplomacy. Full Article
y Can Liberation Movements Really Rid Southern Africa of Corruption? By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Mon, 16 Dec 2019 16:20:43 +0000 17 December 2019 Christopher Vandome Research Fellow, Africa Programme LinkedIn Southern Africa’s national liberation movements have survived ‘end of decade’ elections across the region. Combating corruption has been at the heart of many of the campaigns, but the question is can they succeed? 2019-12-16-Namibia-Election.jpg Supporters of the Namibian incumbent president and ruling party South West Africa People's Organisation (SWAPO) presidential candidate Hage Geingob cheer and dance. Photo by GIANLUIGI GUERCIA/AFP via Getty Images. Swapo’s victory in Namibia two weeks ago was the last in a series of recent ‘end of decade’ elections that have returned dominant parties to power across Southern Africa. However, the “enduring appeal of liberation” is wearing thin.Experiences across the region show that if governments are to deliver on their electoral promises, they must empower institutions, actively promote a culture of accountability and transparency within their party ranks and pursue economic reforms that untangle the web of party-state-business alliances. Such actions are critical for the survival of national liberation movements as the dominant force in the politics of Southern Africa – but will be difficult to implement.Avoid political factionalismSouth Africa, Botswana, Angola and Zimbabwe all saw new presidents take over just before elections. All used the rhetoric of anti-corruption to distance themselves from the tainted image of their predecessors. But acting on this requires a shift in mind-set in parties that have always preferred to deal with their problems behind closed doors. High profile adversaries from past regimes make tempting targets but could also drive party divisions.In Angola, the transition of power was safeguarded by an agreement that former president José Eduardo dos Santos would be immune from prosecution. But this week his son faced corruption charges before the country’s supreme court, a high-profile example of a wave of anti-corruption cases across Southern Africa, driven by dominant parties wary of their future.The allegations against José Filemino De Sousa Dos Santos, nickname ‘Zenu’, include a $500-million fraud involving the country’s central bank. Pressure is also mounting on Zenu’s sister Isabel — once prominent in Angola, she is now absent from public life.Other leaders have had to tread more carefully. Immunity was a luxury Cyril Ramaphosa was neither willing nor politically able to grant Jacob Zuma in South Africa. Reliant on a few close allies at the top of the party, Ramaphosa lacks foot soldiers at the grassroots level, and his campaign against corruption within the ANC has faced persistent opposition.Rebuilding institutions and empowering authorities takes time, and with few high-profile cases to point to, people are getting restless. This is also the case in Zimbabwe, where a worsening economic situation has left policy reformers politically isolated.Party, state, and businessLong term incumbency has blurred the distinction between the party and the state. Liberation movements have created vast party-linked business empires. Political allegiance grants access to economic resources through appointments to lucrative positions in state-owned enterprises, preferential bids for tenders and licenses, and direct access to decision makers.In Angola, this was fuelled by oil revenues. In South Africa, state capture flourished in an environment where the ANC and its constituent elements had significant power on the panels that chose leaders for state-owned enterprises (SOEs). In Namibia, an Icelandic fishing company paid backhanders to officials for fishing rights in what has become known as the ‘Fishrot’ scandal. Zanu-PF officials’ access to preferential foreign exchange rates present them with lucrative opportunities in Zimbabwe.Ending this bureaucratic rent seeking goes beyond appointing ‘clean’ officials, which has been central to the anti-corruption campaigns in Angola and South Africa. Governments must also allow scrutiny of the state and empower those institutions designed for that role, such as the National Prosecuting Authority and the Public Protector in South Africa. Zimbabwe’s auditor general has published an in-depth report of the state of corruption in the country’s SOEs.Companies must also be held to account for their role in aiding, and at worst directly benefitting, from state graft. International businesses have actively sought to benefit from corruption. They are now starting to face the consequences. A former Credit Suisse banker has pleaded guilty in the US over handling alleged kickbacks in Mozambique’s $2-billion “tuna bond” scandal. Global banks and consultancies continue to feel the squeeze for their complicity in state capture in South Africa.Competition and pluralismNational liberation movements may only have a limited window within which to act. Across the region civil society campaigns and investigative journalists have shed light on some of the worst abuses of power. Anti-corruption campaigns are starting to bite. The state will continue to play a central role in Southern African economies, an important arbiter of economic transformation able to balance the region’s highly unequal and resource-dependent economies.But opposition, civil society and the media are also critical for the progression towards democratic competition and pluralism in Southern Africa. Parliaments remain vital for holding rulers to account. Long used to unchallenged dominance, liberation movements have significant adjustments to make to rise to the challenge of a new era.This article was originally published in the Mail and Guardian. Full Article
y African Agency Holds Power to Account in a Social Media Age By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 18 Dec 2019 09:03:54 +0000 18 December 2019 Yusuf Hassan Parliamentary and Media Outreach Assistant, Africa Programme Waihiga Mwaura News Anchor, Citizen TV Kenya Structures to support more in-depth investigative journalism are vital in Africa because that seems to be the only thing those in power still truly fear. 2019-12-17-Africa-Ivory-Coast-Media.jpg Broadcast technicians work in a control room during the official launch of the Digital Terrestrial Television (TNT) in February 2019 near Abidjan, Ivory Coast. Photo by ISSOUF SANOGO/AFP via Getty Images. Africa’s media landscape has undergone a significant change over the last decade as digitalization and new forms of media consumption have weakened state control of information. Social media has provided an opportunity for African citizens and journalists to take agency over how the continent is presented to the wider world, and many emerging African voices bring clarity to this digitally disrupted marketplace. But significant external support is required to make these efforts sustainable. There is no one ‘African’ story. African media remains as diverse as the 55 states in the African Union, with each national media ecosystem dependent on patterns of culture and governance - most importantly the power gap between those in leadership and their voters.Journalists from Egypt, Eritrea and Cameroon - states in the 2019 global top 10 for putting their colleagues in prison - have different perspectives from those in other more liberal African countries.This is most visible in traditional media where a business model based on advertising revenue has allowed African media houses to grow. But it is susceptible to manipulation from state and business actors holding outlets to ransom in exchange for editorial influence or control – a particularly acute problem in states where business and political elites are closely intertwined, and a middle-class consumer base to fund market-driven advertising has yet to develop.Those African countries with relatively open borders, stronger passports and a more vibrant civil society also tend to have a more diverse and vibrant media environment. Open borders allow for easier movement, granting journalists the opportunity to travel, benchmark and participate in exchange programs.The power of online networkingThe advent of the social media age has begun to disrupt the links between governance and media health, as the large operations required by ‘serious’ media organizations have been replaced by mobile phone cameras and social media timelines.Many African journalists are at the forefront of this innovation, unrestricted by historical perceptions of how journalism should be presented, and free to disrupt and change the established narratives to better engage with their ever-growing audiences.And, far from replacing journalism, social media has actively empowered African journalists and media professionals. Instead of acting as sources for international media outlets as in the past, African journalists can publish their work on their own platforms, enabling greater ownership of how issues in their localities are globally framed. This local voice is often the key to avoiding the endemic oversimplifications and generalisations that have coloured much external coverage of the continent.Obviously, these changes bring risks. Individual uploaders are largely free to publish what they like, and misinformation can - and often has - lead to devastating consequences, evident in recent violence across central Mali, South Africa and the middle belt of Nigeria.But journalists on the African continent have an increasingly important role in preventing the spread of misinformation, not only as purveyors of news but also as fact-checkers, able to discern the difference between valid opinion and dubious rhetoric on social media, while new pan-African digital networks and discussion groups enable journalists to share knowledge, expertise, and story ideas, or quickly verify information from across the continent.It is now possible to quickly find authentic voices for TV, radio or online commentary through digital platforms, present on the ground and able to speak with real authority. Many online networks also include Africa-focused journalists from outside the continent, and any biased or incorrect coverage of the African continent can be ‘called out’ and heavily critiqued, with challenges shared and solutions generated. While journalists remain independent, their working practices and professional standards are being shaped by the discourse in the groups like never before.Online networking has also exposed the existence of lingering cultural differences between journalists of different national backgrounds, such as a hesitancy to discuss sensitive issues – the health of leaders for instance – for fear of being targeted by the authorities, or the level to which government statements are uncritically accepted.While journalists search for truth, how they go about it is still very dependent on the state of democracy in their country. Though the cross-fertilisation of best practices and critical scrutiny can only improve the quality of journalism on the continent, in many places there remains a long way to go.Drive for better resourcesAcross the world, digital media has struggled to create models which can provide news free at the point of access while also successfully monetizing content. This is even more palpable on the African continent, as the subscription-based models employed as a remedy elsewhere are not feasible on such a large scale in countries without a well-established middle-class.African media needs resources to keep operating at a time when revenue is dwindling, and talented journalists are decamping to join the marketing, communication and sales sectors in search of better wages. Structures to support more in-depth investigative journalism are vital in Africa because that seems to be the only thing those in power still truly fear.This means more training opportunities, fellowships, and exchange programs to allow the exchange of ideas and expertise. And, as social media has given a platform to talented local voices from across Africa, then an international community which truly wants to understand the nuances of the continent must hire them. Full Article
y Central & Eastern Europe and Africa Engagement: Labour Mobility and Policy in East Africa By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 08 Jan 2020 12:35:01 +0000 Research Event 15 January 2020 - 10:00am to 12:30pm Nairobi, Kenya Strengthened links between the states of sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) and Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) are emerging marked by growth in diplomatic representation, trade and economic ties and supporting networks.Against this backdrop, labour migration within and from the CEE and East Africa sub-regions are a key policy area with significant potential for shared learning and cooperation. For both regions, migration trends in recent years have evolved as a result of a diverse range of interactions among public, private and civil society actors and at local, national, regional and international levels. Unpacking such interactions and their political and geographical specificities is essential to effective engagement and cooperation within and between the regions on issues of labour migration and their management.This roundtable brainstorming workshop will provide a platform for stakeholders based in East Africa to discuss the way in which different actors and agencies in the region influence and shape labour migration processes and policy responses.This event is supported by the Robert Bosch Stiftung. Event attributes Chatham House Rule Department/project Africa Programme, Foreign Relations and Africa’s Agency in the International System, Inclusive Economic Growth, Governance and Technology Fergus Kell Projects Assistant, Africa Programme + 44 (0) 20 7314 3671 Email Full Article
y Côte d'Ivoire’s 2020 Elections and Beyond: Ensuring Stability and Inclusion By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Thu, 16 Jan 2020 10:10:01 +0000 Research Event 21 January 2020 - 11:30am to 12:30pm Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE Event participants HE Alassane Ouattara, President, Republic of Côte d'IvoireChair: Bob Dewar CMG, Associate Fellow, Africa Programme, Chatham House Please note, the second video on this page is from an interview with the president outside the event.HE Alassane Ouattara, president of Côte d'Ivoire, discusses governance and domestic priorities ahead of and beyond elections, as well as efforts to sustain stability and support an inclusive electoral process.Presidential elections in Côte d'Ivoire, the world’s top cocoa producer and the largest economy in the West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU), will be held on 31st October 2020 against a backdrop of marked political dynamism in the country and wider region.Possible constitutional amendments and a newly announced major reform of the currency regime are among significant issues drawing focus.A credible and inclusive electoral process is critical for the improvement of socio-development outcomes and for the maintenance of a positive investment environment.But instability remains a serious risk and the stakes are high for Côte d'Ivoire and the wider region. Department/project Africa Programme, Elections and political systems, West Africa Full Article
y The UK, US and Mauritius: Decolonization, Security, Chagos and the ICJ By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 22 Jan 2020 13:35:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 30 January 2020 - 8:15am to 9:15am Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE Event participants Professor Philippe Sands QC, Professor of Law, UCL Richard Burt, Managing Partner, McLarty AssociatesChair: Dr Leslie Vinjamuri, Director, US and Americas Programme; Dean, Queen Elizabeth II Academy, Chatham House The Chagos archipelago in the Indian Ocean has garnered media attention recently after the UK failed to abide by a UN deadline to return the islands to Mauritius. The US has landed in the middle of the dispute as a 1965 agreement with the UK has allowed the US to establish a military base on one of the islands, Diego Garcia, which has since become instrumental in US missions in the Asia-Pacific and the Middle East. In February 2019, an Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) found that the Chagos archipelago was unlawfully dismembered from Mauritius, in violation of the right to self-determination and that the United Kingdom is under an obligation to end its administration of the Chagos archipelago ‘as rapidly as possible’. The UN General Assembly subsequently voted overwhelmingly in favour of the UK leaving the islands by the end of November 2019 and the right of the former residents who were removed by the UK to return. The UK does not accept the ICJ and UN rulings and argues that the islands are needed to protect Britain from security threats while Mauritius has made clear the base can remain.Professor Philippe Sands QC, professor of law at University College London and lead counsel for Mauritius on the ICJ case on Legal Consequences of the Separation of the Chagos archipelago from Mauritius in 1965, will be joining Ambassador Richard Burt, US chief negotiator in the Strategic Arms Reduction Talks with the former Soviet Union for a discussion on the fate of the archipelago including the future of the military base and the right of return of former residents. Attendance at this event is by invitation only. Event attributes Chatham House Rule Department/project US and the Americas Programme US and Americas Programme Email Full Article
y The Central African Republic: Security, Development and Responding to the Humanitarian Situation By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Fri, 24 Jan 2020 11:00:02 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 3 February 2020 - 2:00pm to 3:00pm Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE Event participants Denise Brown, United Nations Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator in the Central African RepublicChair: Ben Shepherd, Consulting Fellow, Africa Programme, Chatham House With two-thirds of the country’s population estimated to be in need of humanitarian aid and one-quarter either internally displaced or living as refugees in neighbouring countries, the Central African Republic (CAR) continues to face serious and complex humanitarian challenges. The country’s forthcoming presidential elections scheduled for December 2020 risk inflaming CAR’s volatile security situation particularly with the return of former leader, François Bozizé, ousted by the Séléka rebel coalition leader, Michel Djotodia, who has also returned from exile.At this event, Denise Brown will discuss CAR’s current security, humanitarian and development situations and the role of actors such as the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA). She will also discuss prospects for much-needed governance reform and reconciliation.Attendance at this event is by invitation only. Event attributes Chatham House Rule Department/project Africa Programme, Elections and political systems, Central and East Africa Hanna Desta Programme Assistant, Africa Programme Email Full Article
y POSTPONED: Africa, Japan and the UK: Emerging Partnerships Beyond Summits By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Fri, 21 Feb 2020 13:00:02 +0000 Research Event 17 March 2020 - 9:30am to 1:15pm Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE Agendapdf | 133.11 KB Event participants HE Nabil Ben Khedher, Ambassador of Tunisia to the United KingdomProfessor Naohiro Kitano, Visiting Fellow, Japan International Cooperation Agency Research Institute (JICA-RI); Professor, Waseda UniversityTaku Miyazaki, Deputy Director General, Japan External Trade Organisation (JETRO) LondonSerge Mouangue, Founder and Art Director, WAfricaNorio Suzuki, Senior Strategist, BBOXXHE Professor Mohammed Gana Yisa, Ambassador of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to Japan; Chairman, African Diplomatic Corps in Tokyo (ADC) TICAD CommitteeChairs:Dr Champa Patel, Director, Asia-Pacific Programme, Chatham HouseDr Alex Vines OBE, Managing Director, Ethics, Risk & Resilience; Director, Africa Programme Since Japan established its Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) in 1993, an increasing number of summits for African engagement have appeared across the Asia-Pacific region. TICAD VII, held on 28-30 August 2019 in Yokohama, sought to strengthen partnerships between Japan and Africa in three main areas: technical cooperation; business and women’s entrepreneurship; and next generation and people-to-people connectivity.The UK-Africa Investment Summit held in January 2020 highlighted similar themes, with an emphasis on investing to generate sustainable growth and create jobs. Common interests and goals among different African countries, Japan and the UK bring opportunities for trilateral cooperation.This event will examine how collaboration between African countries, Japan and the UK can help to more effectively achieve sustainable growth, business development and job creation.PLEASE NOTE THIS EVENT IS POSTPONED UNTIL FURTHER NOTICE. Department/project Africa Programme, Foreign Relations and Africa’s Agency in the International System, Inclusive Economic Growth, Governance and Technology Hanna Desta Programme Assistant, Africa Programme Email Full Article
y Why The Insurgency in Northern Mozambique Has Got Worse By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 01 Apr 2020 17:14:28 +0000 1 April 2020 Dr Alex Vines OBE Managing Director, Ethics, Risk & Resilience; Director, Africa Programme Two attacks on towns in northern Mozambique by suspected jihadists point to a rapidly deteriorating security crisis. 2020-04-01-Mozambique Macomia, Cabo Delgado, Northern Mozambique. Photo by EMIDIO JOSINE/AFP via Getty Images. On March 23 to 24, the centre of Mocimboa da Praia in Cabo Delgado province was occupied by up to 40 “jihadists”, who targeted government facilities, including a barracks, and brandished banners of affiliation to the so-called Islamic State.On March 25, suspected jihadists raided the town of Quissanga and destroyed the district police headquarters. They too carried an Islamic State flag. Twenty to 30 members of Mozambique’s security forces were killed in both attacks.Mocimboa da Praia is just south of the Afungi Peninsula, the location of gas projects worth $60- billion. Mocimboa was briefly occupied in late 2017, during attacks claimed by a group known as Ahlu Sunnah Wa-Jama (or al-Sunnah) that marked the start of a brutal low-intensity conflict, with widespread human rights abuses and attacks on civilians.Up to 1,000 people have now been killed and 100,000 displaced. More recently, The Islamic State Central Africa Province (Iscap), affiliated with the Islamic State group, has claimed responsibility for the attacks. Video and photos of these most recent events, along with the testimony of frightened residents and overstretched government officials, suggest a shift of strategy by the insurgents.There seems to have been an effort to avoid harming civilians, to win hearts and minds by redistributing stolen food, medicine and fuel to “loyal” residents, and to direct attacks on the state and its symbols, such as police stations and military barracks. It is difficult from a distance to assess if there was any genuine pleasure over these attacks among local people; while residents in both towns that did not flee seemed to welcome the attackers, this may well have been out of fear that the government is currently unable to guarantee their security.These attacks also indicate that the jihadist-linked insurgents are growing in confidence. They are confronting government security forces with little appetite for fighting. The Mozambican government has been expecting setbacks like those of Mocimboa and Quissanga — its forces are demoralised and many commanders exhausted or corrupted by an emerging war economy. Jihadists are also taking tactical advantage before a reformed and more effective government counterinsurgency effort is introduced in response.President Filipe Nyusi, inaugurated in January for his second term, has made this crisis his prime focus and has become the de-facto minister of defence.Military reform and the role of private military companiesBut there is no quick fix. Most importantly, the Mozambican military and security forces need to be restructured. They were unable to win the Mozambican civil war (1977-1992), even with international support, and have not improved in capacity or conduct since. They now face a complex, multilayered and asymmetrical conflict, mostly drawing upon local and regional grievances and networks but increasingly also attracting some limited encouragement and advice from further afield.Nyusi will need to build-up trusted relationships in the military in the way he has successfully done with parts of the intelligence community. The Mozambican government has already reached out to international expertise — though not necessarily the right kind. The founder of the Blackwater private military company, Erik Prince, supplied two helicopters and support crew for the Mozambican military in mid-2019, before being replaced by some 170 Russian privateers linked to the Wagner Group.The Wagner contingent arrived in September 2019 at Nacala airport with trucks, drones and a Mi-17 helicopter gunship, then deployed into the combat zone of northern Cabo Delgado. Setbacks, including at least two dead Russians, forced a tactical fallback to Nacala, though a new effort is reported to have been underway since late February 2020.The Mozambican government is also considering a number of proposals from other private military companies. Maputo needs to consider these carefully; Israeli or Gulf State involvement in any form might exasperate rather than alleviate this crisis.The Tanzanian connectionBut market-led security and military providers will not end this insurgency. Nor will the engagement of states such as the United States, France, the United Kingdom or Angola, all of which have made their own offers of support. What would significantly make a difference is much closer to home: serious Tanzanian engagement.This insurgency is concentrated in districts bordering Tanzania and there is clear-cut intelligence of connections into Tanzania and beyond. Swahili is also a lingua franca for the jihadists, connecting them up the East African coast, and into eastern Congo and elsewhere.It is puzzling, given the deep shared history between Tanzania and Mozambique, that the bilateral relationship is as patchy as it is today: during the liberation struggle (1965-1974) against the Portuguese, Mozambique’s ruling party Frelimo maintained rear bases in Tanzania, and Nyusi was educated there.Conspiracy theories circulate that Tanzania has encouraged the Cabo Delgado insurgency to weaken its neighbour, or at least displace radicalised individuals from Tanzanian soil into Mozambique.President John Magafuli of Tanzania did not attend the January inauguration of Nyusi. It has become urgent that Magafuli (who is also the current chair of the regional body, the Southern African Development Community) and Nyusi meet face-to-face to map out improved intelligence sharing and a joint strategy to respond to an emerging regional threat.Southern Africa is locking down because of Covid-19, which will distract the government’s ability to focus fully on this crisis and create a perfect moment for the infant insurgency in Cabo Delgado to grow. More military setbacks should be expected in coming months.But the Mozambican government can still contain and prevail if it seriously reforms its military, builds strong alliances with its regional neighbours (especially Tanzania), chooses its private security contractors and international partnerships wisely, and backs military efforts with better intelligence and developmental interventions that offer alternative pathways to potential recruits.But despite Maputo’s hope that significant progress will be made over the coming year, and the setting up of a presidential task force to evaluate progress and intelligence, it is likely that Mozambique and its partners will need to prepare themselves for a drawn-out struggle.This article originally appeared in the Mail & Guardian Full Article
y Webinar: Implications of the COVID-19 Pandemic for Food Security and Resilience in Africa By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 15 Apr 2020 10:15:01 +0000 Research Event 23 April 2020 - 1:00pm to 2:00pm Event participants Dr Arif Husain, Chief Economist and Director of Research, Assessment and Monitoring, United Nations World Food ProgrammeRespondent: Dr Leena Koni Hoffmann, Associate Fellow, Africa Programme, Chatham HouseChair: Professor Tim Benton, Research Director, Emerging Risks; Director, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme, Chatham House Dr Arif Husain gives his assessment of the potential impact that the COVID-19 pandemic will have on food security in Africa and what can be done to prevent a food security emergency. Linked to the immediate public health consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic are those of economic and food security, particularly significant for low- and middle-income countries. Currently more than 821 million people globally go hungry, with 100 million of those suffering acute hunger, and this will worsen if the evolving economic emergency becomes a food security emergency. Sub-Saharan African countries rely on trade for food security and for revenue; they imported more than 40 million tons of cereal from around the world in 2018, according to the World Food Programme (WFP). The region faces stark new challenges due to the pandemic.This event launches the WFP paper COVID-19: Potential impact on the world’s poorest people. Department/project Africa Programme Hanna Desta Programme Assistant, Africa Programme Email Full Article
y Beyond Lockdown: Africa’s Options for Responding to COVID-19 By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 21 Apr 2020 15:42:52 +0000 21 April 2020 Ben Shepherd Consulting Fellow, Africa Programme Nina van der Mark Research Analyst, Global Health Programme @vdm_nina LinkedIn The continent’s enormous diversity means that there will be no one African experience of COVID-19, nor a uniform governmental response. But there are some common challenges across the continent, and a chance to get the response right. 2020-04-22-Africa-COVID-Dakar Dakar after the Interior Ministry announced compulsory wearing of masks in public and private services, shops and transport, under penalty of sanctions. Photo by SEYLLOU/AFP via Getty Images. African policymakers face a dilemma when it comes to COVID-19. The first hope is to prevent the virus from gaining a foothold at all, and many African states have significant experience of managing infectious disease outbreaks. The establishment of the Africa Centre for Disease Control highlights the hugely increased focus on public health in recent years.But capacities to track, test and isolate vary wildly, notably between neighbours with porous and poorly controlled borders and, in most cases, sustained national-level disease control is difficult. Initial clusters of COVID-19 cases are already established in many places, but a lack of testing capacity makes it hard to know the full extent of transmission.It is not obvious what African states should do as a response. Lack of information about COVID-19 means the proportion of asymptomatic or mild cases is not known, still less the ways in which this is influenced by human geography and demographics.Africa is an overwhelmingly young continent with a median age under 20. But it also faces chronic malnutrition, which may weaken immune responses, and infectious diseases such as malaria, TB and HIV are widespread which could worsen the impact of COVID-19, particularly if treatment for these diseases is interrupted.Complex and unknownUltimately, how all these factors interact with COVID-19 is complex and remains largely unknown. Africa may escape with a relatively light toll. Or it could be hit harder than anywhere else.What is clear, however, is that cost of simply following the rest of the world into lockdown could be high. Africa is relatively rural but has higher populations living in informal settlements than anywhere in the world. Many live in cramped and overcrowded accommodation without clean water or reliable electricity, making handwashing a challenge and working from home impossible.And the benefits appear limited. The goal of lockdowns in most places is not to eliminate the virus but to accept the economic and social costs as a price worth paying in order to ‘flatten the curve’ of infection and protect healthcare systems from being overwhelmed. But this logic does not hold when many of Africa’s healthcare systems are barely coping with pre-coronavirus levels of disease.Africa suffers in comparison to much of the rest of the world in terms of access to quality and affordable healthcare, critical care beds and specialist personnel. For example, in 2017, Nigeria had just 120 ICU beds for a country of 200 million, equating to 0.07 per 100,000 inhabitants compared to 12.5 per 100,000 in Italy and 3.6 per 100,000 in China.The pandemic’s ruinous economic impacts could also be more acute for Africa than anywhere else. The continent is highly vulnerable to potential drops in output and relies heavily on demand from China and Europe. Many states are already facing sharply falling natural resource revenues, and investment, tourism and remittances will suffer - all on top of a high existing debt burden.Analysis by the World Bank shows that Africa will likely face its first recession in 25 years, with the continental economy contracting by up to 5.1% in 2020. Africa will have scant financial ammunition to use in the fight against COVID-19 with currencies weakening, food prices rising, local agri-food supply chains disrupted and food imports likely to decrease as well. A food security emergency appears a strong possibility.So, although several states have imposed national lockdowns and others closed major urban centres, lockdowns are difficult to manage and sustain, especially in places where the daily hustle of the informal sector or subsistence agriculture are the only means of survival and where the state has neither the trust of the population nor the capacity to replace lost earnings or meet basic needs.Of course, this is not simply a binary choice between lockdown or no lockdown - a range of intermediate options exist, such as some restriction on movement, curfews, shutting places of worship, banning only large gatherings, or closing pubs, schools and borders.A significant number of African states have so far taken this middle path. This will not prevent the virus from spreading nor, in all probability, be enough to ensure adequate healthcare for all Africans infected with COVID-19. But it may help slow the spread and buy invaluable time for African states and partners to prepare.How this time is used is therefore of paramount importance. Popular trust in the state is low in many African countries so strategies must empower communities, not alienate them. Africa’s experience of previous epidemics and long traditions of collective resilience and community-based crisis response - which persist in many places – are significant strengths.The right messages must be carried by the right messengers, and policies - including cash transfers and food distribution - implemented sensitively. If not, or if responses become militarized, public consent is unlikely to be sustained for long. Full Article
y Webinar: Implications of the COVID-19 Pandemic for African Elections and Democracy By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Fri, 01 May 2020 15:10:01 +0000 Research Event 6 May 2020 - 2:30pm to 3:30pm Event participants Dr Christopher Fomunyoh, Senior Associate and Regional Director for Central and West Africa, National Democratic Institute (NDI)Chair: Elizabeth Donnelly, Deputy Director, Africa Programme, Chatham House 2020 was anticipated to be a year of landmark elections across Africa, including general elections scheduled in Somalia and Ethiopia – countries at critical junctures in their transitions to electoral democracy – as well as a re-run of annulled presidential elections in Malawi. The COVID-19 pandemic has created new challenges for African countries seeking to hold elections or further democratization – including the practicalities of adapting containment measures to electoral processes in the context of strained financial and logistical resources. It may also be used as a pretext for the pursuit of repressive legislation and constitutional amendments to preclude elections or bolster authoritarianism, compounded by new constraints on accountability mechanisms such as election observation missions. At this event, Dr Christopher Fomunyoh discusses the likely impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on elections and democracy in various African countries, as well as responses and measures to meet the multifaceted challenges posed. Department/project Africa Programme, Elections and political systems Hanna Desta Programme Assistant, Africa Programme Email Full Article
y Meeting the Promise of the 2010 Constitution: Devolution, Gender and Equality in Kenya By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 06 May 2020 14:35:01 +0000 Research Event 12 May 2020 - 1:00pm to 2:00pmAdd to CalendariCalendar Outlook Google Yahoo Natasha Kimani, Academy Associate, Chatham House; Head of Partnerships and Programmes, Shujaaz Inc.Chair: Tighisti Amare, Assistant Director, Africa Programme, Chatham House While gender equality was enshrined in Kenyan law under the 2010 constitution, gender-based marginalization remains a significant issue across all levels of society. The advent of devolution in 2013 raised hopes of enhanced gender awareness in policymaking and budgeting, with the 47 newly instituted county governments expected to tackle the dynamics of inequality close to home, but implementation has so far failed to match this initial promise. As Kenya approaches the tenth anniversary of the constitution, and with the COVID-19 pandemic throwing the challenges of gender inequality into sharper relief, it is critical to ensure that constitutional pathways are followed with the requisite level of urgency, commitment and investment to address entrenched gender issues. This event, which will launch the report, Meeting the Promise of the 2010 Constitution: Devolution, Gender and Equality in Kenya, will assess the current status of efforts to devolve and adopt gender-responsive budgeting and decision-making in Kenya, and the priorities and potential future avenues to tackle the implementation gap. This event will be held on the record.To express your interest in attending, please follow this link. You will receive a Zoom confirmation email should your registration be successful. Hanna Desta Programme Assistant, Africa Programme Email Department/project Africa Programme, Central and East Africa, Inclusive Economic Growth, Governance and Technology Full Article