b Expanding Sino–Maghreb Relations: Morocco and Tunisia By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 26 Feb 2020 12:49:01 +0000 26 February 2020 Over the past two decades, China has increased its presence in North Africa in terms of trade and investment. This paper looks at China’s policy within the context of its Africa and Middle East policies to better understand its approach to Morocco and Tunisia. Read online Download PDF Yahia H. Zoubir Senior Professor of International Studies, KEDGE Business School, France and Visiting Fellow, Brookings Doha Center 2020-02-26-Xi-Jinping-King-Mohammed.jpg Chinese President Xi Jinping and King Mohammed VI of Morocco wave during a welcoming ceremony outside the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on 11 May 2016. Photo: Getty Images. SummaryChina’s presence in the Maghreb has increased in recent years, raising concerns among Western powers. China has focused on bilateral relations with these countries while also working within the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and the China–Arab States Cooperation Forum (CASCF). However, this engagement has limited strategic value compared to relations China has with Saudi Arabia or the United Arab Emirates.Since the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013, China has shown greater interest in the Maghreb as an entry point to European and African markets. China has pursued commercial relations over political influence in the region. Morocco and Tunisia are still dependent on France, their former colonial power, and the European Union, which exert great political, economic, security and cultural influence over the two countries.The Maghreb countries’ economic relations with China have grown exponentially, with Algeria forming the closest relationship. However, Morocco and Tunisia are keen to attract China’s investment and involvement in major construction and infrastructure projects to boost industrial and economic development. While China’s investments in Morocco and Tunisia remain at a low level, trade relations with both countries have grown steadily. Politically, China’s policy of noninterference in domestic affairs appeals to Maghreb states, which resent Western interference.China’s influence in the Maghreb remains minimal. Its soft power push has struggled to promote advantages of strong relations with China beyond economics. Furthermore, Morocco and Tunisia’s populations have generally scant knowledge about China’s politics and culture. China has tried to address this lack of familiarity through the establishment of Confucius Institutes and other cultural activities. However, language and cultural barriers still impede the development of close relations, compared to those China has with other countries in Africa. Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme, Economic Transformation in North Africa Full Article
b POSTPONED: Libya: Political Fragmentation, War and Foreign Intervention By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Thu, 27 Feb 2020 10:15:01 +0000 Members Event 24 March 2020 - 6:00pm to 7:00pm Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE Event participants Dr Wolfram Lacher, Senior Associate, German Institute for International and Security Affairs; Author, Libya's Fragmentation: Structure and Process in Violent ConflictChair: Maryam Nemazee, Anchor, Al JazeeraFurther speakers to be announced. PLEASE NOTE THIS EVENT IS POSTPONED UNTIL FURTHER NOTICE. Libya's third bout of civil war in a decade began when Khalifa Haftar's Libyan Arab Armed Forces (LAAF) launched an offensive on Tripoli in April 2019. Since then, a growing number of foreign states have intervened ever more deeply in the conflict. Warring Libyan armed factions, broadly aligned with either the internationally recognized Government of National Accord or the LAAF, have become increasingly reliant on foreign support to prosecute their war effort. Against this backdrop, the panellists will reflect on the forces that have shaped Libya’s trajectory since 2011. As the prospects for international mediation remain bleak, what motivations and grievances are driving the country’s warring parties? How can this war be explained beyond a scramble for the control of Libya’s oil wealth? And are Libyans at risk of being mere pawns in a proxy war? Members Events Team Email Full Article
b POSTPONED: The Development of Libyan Armed Groups since 2014: Community Dynamics and Economic Interests By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 04 Mar 2020 14:15:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 18 March 2020 - 9:00am to 10:30am Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE Event participants Abdul Rahman Alageli, Associate Fellow, MENA Programme, Chatham HouseEmaddedin Badi, Non-Resident Scholar, Middle East InstituteTim Eaton, Senior Research Fellow, MENA Programme Chatham HouseValerie Stocker, Independent Researcher Since the overthrow of the regime of Muammar Gaddafi in 2011, Libya’s multitude of armed groups have followed a range of paths. While many of these have gradually demobilized, others have remained active, and others have expanded their influence. In the west and south of the country, armed groups have used their state affiliation to co-opt the state and professionals from the state security apparatus into their ranks.In the east, the Libyan Arab Armed Forces projects a nationalist narrative yet is ultimately subservient to its leader, Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar. Prevailing policy narratives presuppose that the interests of armed actors are distinct from those of the communities they claim to represent. Given the degree to which most armed groups are embedded in local society, however, successful engagement will need to address the fears, grievances and desires of the surrounding communities, even while the development of armed groups’ capacities dilutes their accountability to those communities.This roundtable will discuss the findings of a forthcoming Chatham House research paper, ‘The Development of Libyan Armed Groups Since 2014: Community Dynamics and Economic Interests’, which presents insights from over 200 interviews of armed actors and members of local communities and posits how international policymakers might seek to curtail the continued expansion of the conflict economy.PLEASE NOTE THIS EVENT IS POSTPONED UNTIL FURTHER NOTICE. Event attributes Chatham House Rule Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme, Countering Conflict Economies in MENA, Libya’s Conflict Economy Georgia Cooke Project Manager, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7957 5740 Email Full Article
b Is the GCC Cyber Resilient? By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Mon, 09 Mar 2020 14:58:35 +0000 9 March 2020 How would the states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) respond to a serious cyber incident? This could be a global ransomware event, a critical infrastructure incident targeted at the energy sector, or an attack on government departments. This paper examines cyber resilience in the states of the GCC. Read online Download PDF Joyce Hakmeh Senior Research Fellow, International Security Programme; Co-Editor, Journal of Cyber Policy @joycehakmeh LinkedIn James Shires Assistant Professor at the Institute for Security and Global Affairs, University of Leiden GettyImages-1052280468.jpg Saudi nationals attend the Gitex 2018 exhibition at the Dubai World Trade Center in Dubai on 16 October 2018. Photo: Getty Images. SummaryGCC states seek to be leaders in digital innovation, but this leaves them vulnerable to an increasing range of cyberthreats. Governments have invested significantly in cybersecurity but these measures have been unevenly implemented, makingit difficult for these states to be resilient against a large-scale cyber incident.Strategies, structures and processes (‘approaches’) for achieving cyber resilience can be conceptualized along a scale from centralized to distributed: centralized approaches maintain decision-making power in a single body, while distributed ones disperse power over many sites.Centralized approaches provide more resilience against unwanted influence, while distributed approaches provide more resilience against intrusions into infrastructure. The GCC states have so far prioritized centralized over distributed cyber resilience, seeking internet and social media control over sustainable network recovery.GCC governments should make a sustainable commitment to cyber resilience that provides clear guidance to organizations and makes best use of emerging cybersecurity structures. This may involve further engagement with international initiatives and partners to increase cyber resilience.Given limited resources, GCC governments should rebalance their efforts from centralized towards distributed approaches to resilience.GCC governments should examine the impact of relevant new technologies, discussing openly the risks of these technologies and appropriate solutions. Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme, International Security Programme Full Article
b The Development of Libyan Armed Groups Since 2014: Community Dynamics and Economic Interests By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Mon, 16 Mar 2020 17:25:16 +0000 17 March 2020 This paper explores armed group–community relations in Libya and the sources of revenue that have allowed armed groups to grow in power and influence. It draws out the implications for policy and identifies options for mitigating conflict dynamics. Read online Download PDF Tim Eaton Senior Research Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme @el_khawaga LinkedIn Abdul Rahman Alageli Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme @abdulrahmanlyf Emadeddin Badi Policy Leader Fellow, School of Transnational Governance, European University Institute Mohamed Eljarh Co-founder and CEO, Libya Outlook Valerie Stocker Researcher Amru_24-2_13.jpg Fighters of the UN-backed Government of National Accord patrol in Ain Zara suburb in Tripoli, February 2020. Photo: Amru Salahuddien SummaryLibya’s multitude of armed groups have followed a range of paths since the emergence of a national governance split in 2014. Many have gradually demobilized, others have remained active, and others have expanded their influence. However, the evolution of the Libyan security sector in this period remains relatively understudied. Prior to 2011, Libya’s internal sovereignty – including the monopoly on force and sole agency in international relations – had been personally vested in the figure of Muammar Gaddafi. After his death, these elements of sovereignty reverted to local communities, which created armed organizations to fill that central gap. National military and intelligence institutions that were intended to protect the Libyan state have remained weak, with their coherence undermined further by the post-2014 governance crisis and ongoing conflict. As a result, the most effective armed groups have remained localized in nature; the exception is the Libyan Arab Armed Forces (LAAF), which has combined and amalgamated locally legitimate forces under a central command.In the west and south of the country, the result of these trends resembles a kind of inversion of security sector reform (SSR) and disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR): the armed groups have used their state affiliation to co-opt the state and professionals from the state security apparatus into their ranks; and have continued to arm, mobilize and integrate themselves into the state’s security apparatus without becoming subservient to it. In the eastern region, the LAAF projects a nationalist narrative yet is ultimately subservient to its leader, Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar. The LAAF has co-opted social organizations to dominate political and economic decision-making.The LAAF has established a monopoly over the control of heavy weapons and the flow of arms in eastern Libya, and has built alliances with armed groups in the east. Armed groups in the south have been persuaded to join the LAAF’s newly established command structure. The LAAF’s offensive on the capital, which started in April 2019, represents a serious challenge to armed groups aligned with the Tripoli-based Government of National Accord (GNA). The fallout from the war will be a challenge to the GNA or any future government, as groups taking part in the war will expect to be rewarded. SSR is thus crucial in the short term: if the GNA offers financial and technical expertise and resources, plus legal cover, to armed groups under its leadership, it will increase the incentive for armed groups to be receptive to its plans for reform.Prevailing policy narratives presuppose that the interests of armed actors are distinct from those of the communities they claim to represent. Given the degree to which most armed groups are embedded in local society, however, successful engagement will necessarily rely on addressing the fears, grievances and desires of the surrounding communities. Yet the development of armed groups’ capacities, along with their increasing access to autonomous means of generating revenue, has steadily diluted their accountability to local communities. This process is likely to be accelerated by the ongoing violence around Tripoli.Communities’ relationship to armed groups varies across different areas of the country, reflecting the social, political, economic and security environment:Despite their clear preference for a more formal, state-controlled security sector, Tripoli’s residents broadly accept the need for the presence of armed groups to provide security. The known engagement of the capital’s four main armed groups in criminal activity is a trade-off that many residents seem able to tolerate, providing that overt violence remains low. Nonetheless, there is a widespread view that the greed of Tripoli’s armed groups has played a role in stoking the current conflict.In the east, many residents appear to accept (or even welcome) the LAAF’s expansion beyond the security realm, provided that it undertakes these roles effectively. That said, such is the extent of LAAF control that opposition to the alliance comes at a high price.In the south, armed groups draw heavily on social legitimacy, acting as guardians of tribal zones of influence and defenders of their respective communities against outside threats, while also at times stoking local conflicts. Social protections continue to hold sway, meaning that accountability within communities is also limited.To varying extents since 2014, Libya’s armed groups have developed networks that enmesh political and business stakeholders in revenue-generation models:Armed groups in Tripoli have compensated for reduced financial receipts from state budgets by cultivating unofficial and illicit sources of income. They have also focused on infiltrating state institutions to ensure access to state budgets and contracts dispersed in the capital.In the east of the country, the LAAF has developed a long-term strategy to dominate the security, political and economic spheres through the establishment of a quasi-legal basis for receiving funds from Libya’s rival state authorities. It has supplemented this with extensive intervention in the private sector. External patronage supports military operations, but also helps to keep this financial system, based on unsecured debt, afloat.In the south, limited access to funds from the central state has spurred armed groups to become actively involved in the economy. This has translated into the taxation of movement and the imposition of protection fees, particularly on informal (and often illicit) activity.Without real commitment from international policymakers to enforcing the arms embargo and protecting the economy from being weaponized, Libya will be consigned to sustained conflict, further fragmentation and potential economic collapse. Given the likely absence of a political settlement in the short term, international policymakers should seek to curtail the continued expansion of the conflict economy by reducing armed groups’ engagement in economic life.In order to reduce illicit activities, international policymakers should develop their capacity to identify and target chokepoints along illicit supply chains, with a focus on restraining activities and actors in closest proximity to violence. Targeted sanctions against rent maximizers (both armed and unarmed) is likely to be the most effective strategy. More effective investigation and restraint of conflict economy actors will require systemic efforts to improve transparency and enhance the institutional capacity of anti-corruption authorities. International policymakers should also support the development of tailored alternative livelihoods that render conflict economy activities less attractive. Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chaos States, Countering Conflict Economies in MENA, Libya’s Conflict Economy Full Article
b Webinar: How is the MENA Region Dealing with the COVID-19 Outbreak? By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Thu, 26 Mar 2020 10:40:01 +0000 Research Event 2 April 2020 - 12:30pm to 1:30pm Event participants Omar Dewachi, Associate Professor of Medical Anthropology, Department of Anthropology, Rutgers UniversityTin Hinane El Kadi, Associate Fellow, MENA Programme, Chatham HouseModerator: Sanam Vakil, Deputy Head & Senior Research Fellow, MENA Programme, Chatham House At this webinar, part of the Chatham House MENA Programme Online Event Series, experts will explore how the coronavirus pandemic is impacting the economy, state-society relations and healthcare throughout the Middle East and North Africa. How are governments handling this crisis and what measures have they put in place to stop the spread of the virus? Why are some governments withholding information about the number of cases? What has the response from the public been so far? How is this affecting the region and how does it compare to the global picture?The event will be held on the record. Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email Full Article
Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email
b Virtual Roundtable: Iraq in Uncertain Times By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Thu, 26 Mar 2020 10:40:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 30 March 2020 - 2:00pm to 3:30pm Event participants Toby Dodge, Associate Fellow, MENA Programme, Chatham HouseMac Skelton, Director, IRIS, American University of Iraq-SulaimaniAhmed Tabaqchali, Chief Investment Officer, AFC Iraq FundHanaa Edwar, Co-founder and Chairperson, Iraqi Al-Amal AssociationChair: Renad Mansour, Senior Research Fellow, MENA Programme, Chatham House The first months of 2020 have proven tumultuous for Iraq. The US killing of Iranian General Qassem Soleimani in January threatened to engulf the region in war and led to continued tit-for-tat violence between the US and Iran that has become almost a daily reality in Baghdad.Amid the ongoing protests that since last October have challenged the social contract and led to a violent response claiming 600 deaths and injuring tens of thousands, the government is still without a prime minister after Adil abd al-Mehdi's resignation in November 2019, leaving the country directionless.Most recently, the spread of COVID-19 threatens to expose a mismanaged healthcare system. At the same time, the rapid fall in the price of oil has impacted the government's ability to respond to or cope with these crises.At this virtual roundtable, part of the Chatham House Iraq Initiative, experts explore these developments and try to unpack the implications for Iraq’s fragile peace and stability. Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme, Iraq Initiative Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email Full Article
Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email
b Webinar: OPEC, Falling Oil Prices and COVID-19 By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 31 Mar 2020 12:00:01 +0000 Corporate Members Event Webinar 7 April 2020 - 1:00pm to 2:00pm Online Event participants Julian Lee, Oil Strategist, Bloomberg LP LondonDr John Sfakianakis, Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham House; Chief Economist and Head of Research, Gulf Research CenterProfessor Paul Stevens, Distinguished Fellow, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme, Chatham HouseEmily Stromquist, Director, Castlereagh AssociatesChair: Dr Sanam Vakil, Deputy Director and Senior Research Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham House In early March, global oil prices fell sharply, hitting lows of under $30 a barrel. Two factors explain this collapse: firstly the decrease in global demand for oil as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic and, secondly, the breakdown in OPEC-Russian relations and the subsequent Saudi-Russian price war which has seen both countries move to flood the market with cheap oil. Against this backdrop, the panellists will reflect on the challenges currently facing OPEC as well as the oil industry as a whole. How are OPEC countries affected by the ever-evolving Covid-19 pandemic? What are the underlying causes behind the Saudi-Russian price war? Is the conflict likely to be resolved soon? And what are the implications of these challenges for the oil industry?This event is part of a fortnightly series of 'Business in Focus' webinars reflecting on the impact of COVID-19 on areas of particular professional interest for our corporate members and giving circles.Not a corporate member? Find out more. Full Article
b Webinar: Can the Justice and Development Party Still Absorb Popular Anger in Morocco? By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 31 Mar 2020 13:50:01 +0000 Webinar Research Event 8 April 2020 - 1:00pm to 2:00pm Event participants Mohammed Masbah, Director, Moroccan Institute for Policy Analysis; Associate Fellow, MENA Programme, Chatham HouseModerator: Lina Khatib, Director, MENA Programme, Chatham House Ever since independence, the Moroccan monarchy has used political parties to legitimize the country’s authoritarian political process and structure, and to absorb social and political anger. The palace puts successive governments and other elected institutions, such as local and regional councils, at the frontline of public blame, and replaces them once they fail this function.In a recent article, MENA Programme Associate Fellow, Mohammed Masbah, examines how the Moroccan monarchy has used this strategy with the ruling Justice and Development Party (PJD) so that the palace remains the centre of political power, while the PJD – and other political parties before it– takes responsibility for coping with the mounting socio-economic crisis.In this webinar, part of the Chatham House project on The Future of the State in the Middle East and North Africa, the article’s author will discuss the risks this approach presents for the long-term stability of Morocco and what reforms are needed to increase citizens’ dwindling confidence in the political process.You can express your interest in attending by following this link. You will receive a Zoom confirmation email should your registration be successful. Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme, The Future of the State in the Middle East Full Article
b Virtual Roundtable: Russia in MENA By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 01 Apr 2020 08:30:02 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 3 April 2020 - 2:30pm to 3:30pm Event participants Nikolay Kozhanov, Research Associate Professor, Gulf Studies Center, Qatar University, Consulting Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme, Chatham HouseTim Eaton, Senior Research Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham HouseChair: Sanam Vakil, Senior Research Fellow, Project Director, Future Dynamics of the Gulf, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham House Russia’s Middle East policy is driven by a complex mixture of traditional factors (such as the ongoing confrontation with the West) and new trends. The Kremlin is keen to maintain its position as an influential external broker. However, it is not confident Russia would be able to respond effectively if forced into a reactive mode by other regional players. The Kremlin therefore seeks to retain initiative and shape the agenda according to its needs and resources. This makes prediction of Moscow’s next moves in the region a challenging, but not impossible, task.Nikolay Kozhanov will offer remarks on the changes that have taken place in Russia’s strategy since the publication of his research paper Russian Policy Across the Middle East: Motivations and Methods (2018), while Tim Eaton will explore Russia's increasing engagement in the Libyan conflict, and its now central role in Libya's diplomacy. Event attributes Chatham House Rule Department/project Russia and Eurasia Programme, Russian Foreign Policy Anna Morgan Administrator, Ukraine Forum +44 (0)20 7389 3274 Email Full Article
b Webinar: The Environmental Crisis in the MENA Region – Impacts and Mitigation By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Thu, 02 Apr 2020 13:40:01 +0000 Research Event 16 April 2020 - 11:30am to 12:30pm Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE Event participants Glada Lahn, Senior Research Fellow, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme, Chatham HouseGreg Shapland, Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham House Moderator: Sanam Vakil, Deputy Director and Senior Research Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham House The event will be livestreamed on the MENA Programme Facebook page.Climate and environmental issues have largely been marginalized in discussions about the Middle East and North Africa region and yet are critical to peace and security. In this webinar, experts will explore mounting pressures including those related to water (reduced, less reliable and more polluted sources), extreme temperatures, air pollution, land degradation and sea-level rise. Panelists will discuss the potential impact of worsening environmental conditions and what the region's governments can do to protect the health and livelihoods of their peoples.This webinar is part of the Chatham House MENA Programme's Online Event Series and will be held on the record. Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email Full Article
Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email
b Webinar: Federalism in a Fragmented State: Rethinking Decentralization in Yemen By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 07 Apr 2020 11:40:01 +0000 Research Event 15 April 2020 - 1:00pm to 2:00pm Event participants Osamah Al Rawhani, Deputy Director, Sana’a Center for Strategic StudiesModerator: Nadim Houry, Executive Director, Arab Reform Initiative Yemen suffered from the excessive control of the central government prior to the current conflict. Federalism has been put forward by many Yemeni political parties since the National Dialogue Conference (NDC) as the supposed magic cure for this significant problem. Today, Yemen is more fragmented than ever, its state central institutions have been scattered and lack leadership and the state has lost most of its sovereignty. The prevailing narrative that decentralization through federalism is Yemen’s inevitable path post-conflict often fails to acknowledge that there are prerequisites for effective local governance, beyond political will. In a recent article, Osamah Al Rawhani addressed how the weakness of central state institutions is the key challenge to proceeding with federalism in Yemen and highlighted prerequisites and contextual factors that need to be addressed before reforming the structure of the state. He argued that the viability of decentralization relies on the presence of a functioning, representative central government that is capable of devolving power but also able to keep the state from further fragmentation. In this webinar, part of the Chatham House project on The Future of the State in the Middle East and North Africa, the article’s author will discuss recent developments in Yemen, where shifting frontlines and regional divisions are fragmenting the country in new ways. The speaker will explore alternative approaches to pursue the path of federalism that recognize the current realities and the critical need for strong central institutions. He will also survey the internal and external factors that must be considered to rebuild a stable state in Yemen.You can express your interest in attending by following this link. You will receive a Zoom confirmation email should your registration be successful. Alternatively, you can watch the event live on the MENA Programme Facebook page. Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme, The Future of the State in the Middle East Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email Full Article
Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email
b COVID 19: Assessing Vulnerabilities and Impacts on Iraq By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 07 Apr 2020 14:33:01 +0000 7 April 2020 Dr Renad Mansour Senior Research Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme; Project Director, Iraq Initiative @renadmansour Dr Mac Skelton Director, Institute of Regional and International Studies (IRIS), American University of Iraq, Sulaimani; Visiting Fellow, Middle East Centre, London School of Economics Dr Abdulameer Mohsin Hussein President of the Iraq Medical Association Following 17 years of conflict and fragile state-society relations, the war-torn country is particularly vulnerable to the pandemic. 2020-04-07-Iraq-COVID-spray Disinfecting shops in Baghdad's Bayaa neighbourhood as a preventive measure against the spread of COVID-19. Photo by AHMAD AL-RUBAYE/AFP via Getty Images. Iraq is a country already in turmoil, suffering fallout from the major military escalation between the US and Iran, mass protests calling for an end to the post-2003 political system, and a violent government crackdown killing more than 600 and wounding almost 30,000 - all presided over by a fragmented political elite unable to agree upon a new prime minister following Adil abd al-Mehdi’s resignation back in November.COVID-19 introduces yet another threat to the fragile political order, as the virus exposes Iraq’s ineffective public health system dismantled through decades of conflict, corruption and poor governance.Iraqi doctors are making every effort to prepare for the worst-case scenario, but they do so with huge structural challenges. The Ministry of Health lacks enough ICU beds, human resources, ventilators, and personal protective equipment (PPE). Bogged down in bureaucracy, the ministry is struggling to process procurements of equipment and medications, and some doctors have made purchases themselves.But individual efforts can only go so far as many Iraqi doctors are concerned the official numbers of confirmed COVID-19 cases do not reflect the complexity of the situation on the ground.The ministry relies predominately upon patients self-presenting at designated public hospitals and has only just begun community-based testing in areas of suspected clusters. Reliance on self-presentation requires a level of trust between citizens and state institutions, which is at a historic low. This gap in trust – 17 years in the making – puts Iraq’s COVID-19 response particularly at risk.Iraq’s myriad vulnerabilitiesCertain social and political factors leave Iraq uniquely exposed to the coronavirus. The country’s vulnerability is tied directly to its social, religious and economic interconnections with Iran, an epicenter of the pandemic.Exchanges between Iran and Iraq are concentrated in two regions, with strong cross-border links between Iraqi and Iranian Kurds in the north-east, and Iraqi and Iranian Shia pilgrims in the south. Cross-border circulation of religious pilgrims is particularly concerning, as they can result in mass ritual gatherings.The high number of confirmed cases in the southern and northern peripheries of the country puts a spotlight on Iraq's failure in managing healthcare. The post-2003 government has failed to either rebuild a robust centralized healthcare system, or to pave the way for a federalized model.Caught in an ambiguous middle between a centralized and federalized model, coordination across provinces and hospitals during the coronavirus crisis has neither reflected strong management from Baghdad nor robust ownership at the governorate level.This problem is part of a wider challenge of managing centre-periphery relations and federalism, which since 2003 has not worked effectively. Baghdad has provided all 18 provinces with instructions on testing and treatment, but only a handful have enough resources to put them into practice. Advanced testing capacity is limited to the five provinces with WHO-approved centers, with the remaining 13 sending swabs to Baghdad.But the greatest challenge to Iraq’s COVID-19 response is the dramatic deterioration of state-society relations. Studies reveal a profound societal distrust of Iraq’s public healthcare institutions, due to corruption and militarization of medical institutions. Numerous videos have recently circulated of families refusing to turn over sick members - particularly women - to medical teams visiting households with confirmed or suspected cases.As medical anthropologist Omar Dewachi notes, the ‘moral economy of quarantine’ in Iraq is heavily shaped by a history of war and its impact on the relationship between people and the state. Although local and international media often interpret this reluctance to undergo quarantine as a matter of social or tribal norms, distrusting the state leads many families to refuse quarantine because they believe it resembles a form of arrest.The management of coronavirus relies upon an overt convergence between medical institutions and security forces as the federal police collaborate with the Ministry of Health to impose curfews and enforce quarantine. This means that, troublingly, the same security establishment which violently cracked down on protesters and civil society activists is now the teeth behind Iraq’s COVID-19 response.Without trust between society and the political class, civil society organizations and protest movements have directed their organizational structure towards awareness-raising across Iraq. Key religious authorities such as Grand Ayatollah Sistani have called for compliance to the curfew and mobilized charitable institutions.However, such efforts will not be enough to make up for the lack of governance at the level of the state. In the short-term, Iraq’s medical professionals and institutions are in dire need of technical and financial support. In the long-term, COVID-19 is a lesson that Iraq’s once robust public healthcare system needs serious investment and reform.COVID-19 may prove to be another catalyst challenging the ‘muddle through’ logic of the Iraqi political elite. International actors have largely been complicit in this logic, directing aid and technical support towards security forces and political allies in the interest of short-term stability, and neglecting institutions which Iraqis rely on for health, education, and well-being.The response to the crisis requires cooperation and buy-in of a population neglected by 17 years of failed governance. This is a seminal event that may push the country to the brink, exposing and stirring underlying tensions in state-society relations.This analysis was produced as part of the Iraq Initiative. Full Article
b Lebanon: Futile Victory By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 07 Apr 2020 15:11:46 +0000 1 June 2008 , Number 3 For the third time in less than two years, Beirut has been turned into a battleground, with Hizbollah and the opposition taking over the city. The government and its allies did not engage militarily, managing to avoid civil war and becoming a regional battlefield. The Arab League is now trying to sort things out, highlighting the regional and international dimensions. Nadim Shehadi Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme @Confusezeus APLeb2.jpg Full Article
b Webinar: Are the Gulf Standoffs Resolvable? By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 15 Apr 2020 08:15:01 +0000 Research Event 21 April 2020 - 1:00pm to 2:00pm Event participants David Roberts, Assistant Professor and School of Security Studies Lead for Regional Security and Development, King's College LondonKristian Coates Ulrichsen, Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham HouseChair: Sanam Vakil, Deputy Director and Senior Research Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham House This webinar, part of the MENA Programme Webinar Series, will examine the trajectory of political and security dynamics in the Gulf in view of the ongoing rift within the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), the death of Sultan Qaboos in Oman, the escalation of tensions between Iran and the United States, and the COVID-19 crisis.Speakers will explore the orientation of the GCC under a new Secretary-General and the prospects for mediation between Qatar and its neighbours, the future of Omani domestic and foreign policy under Sultan Haitham bin Tariq Al Said, eventual transitions to new leadership in Bahrain and Kuwait, and whether the impact of COVID-19 may help replace the confrontation within the GCC with closer coordination among its six member states.The webinar will be livestreamed on the MENA Programme Facebook page. Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme, Future Dynamics in the Gulf Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email Full Article
Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email
b Webinar: Reimagining the Role of State and Non-State Actors in (Re)building National Health Systems in the Arab World By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 15 Apr 2020 14:15:01 +0000 Research Event 22 April 2020 - 1:00pm to 2:00pm Event participants Fadi El-Jardali, Professor of Health Policy and Systems, American University of BeirutModerator: Nadim Houry, Executive Director, Arab Reform Initiative As new cases of COVID-19 continue to surge, countries around the world struggle to mitigate the public health and economic effects of the virus. It is becoming increasingly clear that an effective pandemic response requires a whole-of-government, whole-of-society approach. In the Arab world, where health systems are already strained by armed conflicts and displaced populations, a whole-of-society response to the pandemic is particularly critical as countries have become increasingly dependent on non-state actors, notably the private sector, for healthcare provision and any response that includes the state alone may not be sufficient to address the pandemic.In a recent article, Fadi El-Jardali, argued that while the pandemic will have grave health and economic consequences for years to come, it brings with it a valuable opportunity to re-envision the role of state and non-state actors in strengthening health systems. The article addressed the need for increased collaboration between state and non-state actors, and the rethinking of existing cooperation models to provide quality healthcare services for all. In this webinar, part of the Chatham House project on the future of the state in the Middle East and North Africa, Dr El-Jardali will discuss how state and non-state actors can collaborate more effectively to address the shortcomings of national health care systems amidst the pandemic and beyond. The article’s author will share insights on the different capacities available in Arab societies that governments can draw upon to ensure that Universal Health Coverage, equity considerations and social justice are at the core of health systems.You can express your interest in attending by following this link. You will receive a Zoom confirmation email should your registration be successful. Alternatively, you can watch the event live on the MENA Programme Facebook page. Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme, The Future of the State in the Middle East Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email Full Article
Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email
b Webinar: Idlib at Risk – Doctors and First Responders in Northwest Syria By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Thu, 16 Apr 2020 08:55:01 +0000 Members Event Webinar 23 April 2020 - 5:00pm to 6:00pm Online Event participants Dr Munzer al-Khalil, Head, Idlib Health DirectorateRaed Al Saleh, Director, Syria Civil Defence (The White Helmets)Alaa Rajaa Mughrabieh, Child Protection Officer, Hurras NetworkChair: Dr Lina Khatib, Director, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham House In Syria, uncertainty about the safety of the ceasefire agreed between Russia and Turkey last month is inhibiting 1 million people who have been displaced since December 2019 from returning home.The looming COVID-19 global health crisis threatens to further devastate those most vulnerable as the conditions in northwest Syria’s refugee camps make it hard to practice common social distancing guidelines. Added to this, the medical infrastructure in the region has been decimated after years of bombings which has disabled over 70 health facilities since April 2019.This webinar highlights the potentially catastrophic risks of a coronavirus outbreak in Idlib and displacement camps in northwest Syria by speaking with medical and civil society actors working in the region. How are doctors and local humanitarian organizations scaling up their medical and prevention response to the COVID-19 outbreak?What key supplies such as ventilators, testing kits and critical sanitary equipment are still lacking? And how can the international community step in to help mitigate the potentially devastating consequences of an outbreak in these refugee camps?This event is run in collaboration with The Syria Campaign, a human rights organization working with Syrian civil society to raise the voices of those struggling for democracy, and support frontline activists and humanitarians. Full Article
b Webinar: Egypt and the Gulf: Allies and Rivals By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 21 Apr 2020 08:25:01 +0000 Research Event 23 April 2020 - 1:00pm to 2:00pm Event participants Speaker: David Butter, Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham HouseModerator: Mohamed El Dahshan, Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham House The webinar will be livestreamed on the MENA Programme Facebook page.Egypt and the Gulf Arab region have long been important poles of political, military, economic and cultural power and influence in the Middle East. A recently published Chatham House paper examines the strategic and economic relationship between Egypt and the Gulf, focusing in particular on the period since Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi came to power in Egypt. Author David Butter offers a detailed evaluation of these economic relationships, in the broader context of a strategic alliance that, since 2013, has been informed by a common commitment between Egypt and the UAE in particular to keep in check the Muslim Brotherhood and its regional state supporters, primarily Turkey and Qatar.In this webinar, the author will discuss the paper’s main argument, namely, that the degree of Egypt’s dependence on Gulf countries has fluctuated, and that by 2019, Egypt’s direct financial dependence on the Gulf was significantly reduced by comparison with the initial three years of the Sisi era, although other economic linkages such as investment, trade, remittances and tourism remained strong, with potential for growth. The speaker will also discuss the impact of the global crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic on Egypt’s and Gulf countries’ economies and will explore the implications for the relationship between Egypt and the Gulf.This webinar is part of the Chatham House Middle East and North Africa Programme's Online Event Series. The event will be held on the record. Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email Full Article
Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email
b Webinar: Assessing the Twists and Turns in the US-Iran Stalemate By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Thu, 23 Apr 2020 10:35:01 +0000 Research Event 28 April 2020 - 2:00pm to 3:30pm Event participants Esfandyar Batmanghelidj, Founder and Publisher, Bourse & BazaarNasser Hadian, Professor of Political Sciences, Faculty of Law and Political Sciences, University of TehranAzadeh Zamirirad, Deputy Head, Middle East and Africa Division, SWP BerlinAriane Tabatabai, Middle East Fellow, Alliance for Securing Democracy, US German Marshall Fund; Adjunct Senior Research Scholar, SIPAModerator: Sanam Vakil, Deputy Head and Senior Research Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham House The webinar will be livestreamed on the MENA Programme Facebook page.Since the start of 2020, Iran has been beset with multiple challenges including the spread of COVID-19, economic pressure from US sanctions, parliamentary elections in February, the killing of Qassem Soleimani and an increase in tensions in Iraq. The Trump administration interprets these domestic and regional challenges faces by Iran as evidence that its maximum pressure campaign is proving to be effective.In this webinar, speakers will examine the economic and political impact of the Trump administration's policy towards Iran. Panelists will consider how these events are impacting internal dynamics in Iran and examine the economic impact of sanctions. They will also evaluate European diplomatic efforts to preserve the Iran nuclear agreement, and consider the future trajectory of US Iran policy and the potential for escalation in the region. This webinar is part of the Chatham House Middle East and North Africa Programme's Online Event Series. The event will be held on the record. Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme, Iran Forum Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email Full Article
Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email
b Webinar: Will COVID-19 Mark the Endgame for Iraq's Muhasasa Ta'ifia? By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Mon, 27 Apr 2020 13:50:01 +0000 Research Event 30 April 2020 - 2:00pm to 3:00pm Event participants Ahmed Tabaqchali, Chief Investment Officer, Asia Frontier Capital Iraq Fund; Adjunct Assistant Professor, American University of Iraq SulaimaniModerator: Renad Mansour, Senior Research Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham House Control of oil rents underpins Iraq’s post-2003 political order. This political order, known as Muhasasa Ta’ifia (ethno-sectarian apportionment), features an elite bargain inclusive of all major ethnic and sect-based political groups. It has enabled the state's continuity and apparent stability through multiple crises, including the 2008 financial crisis, the 2014 oil crisis, and the war with ISIS.In a recent article, Ahmed Tabaqchali examines how the crash in oil rents, brought about by COVID-19’s disruption of the world economy, exposes the structural inconsistencies and inherent contradictions of the Muhasasa Tai’fia system. The article argues that the current Iraqi political elite is ill-equipped to resolve the multi-faceted challenge facing the country because of its increasing fragmentation and the erosion of its legitimacy, advanced institutional decay and fundamentally different oil dynamics.In this webinar, part of the Chatham House project on the future of the state in the Middle East and North Africa, the article’s author will discuss the deficiencies of the Muhasasa Ta’ifia system and will offer his insight into the future of this governance model in the context of a worsening economic crisis resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic and existing demographic pressures. You can express your interest in attending by following this link. You will receive a Zoom confirmation email should your registration be successful. Alternatively, you can watch the event live on the MENA Programme Facebook page. Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme, The Future of the State in the Middle East Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email Full Article
Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email
b Breaking the Cycle of Violence: Transitional Justice for the Victims of ISIS in Syria By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Mon, 27 Apr 2020 15:50:01 +0000 28 April 2020 This paper aims to assist the region’s local authorities, and their key foreign backers, in understanding how transitional justice can provide alternative avenues for holding local ISIS members to account while contributing to the healing of communities. Read online Download PDF Haid Haid Senior Consulting Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme @HaidHaid22 2020-04-28-Syria-prison.jpg A fighter with the Syrian Democratic Forces monitors prisoners accused of being affiliated with ISIS, at a prison in the northeastern Syrian city of Hassakeh on 25 October 2019. Photo: Getty Images. SummaryFollowing the territorial defeat of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in northeastern Syria, the Kurdish-led autonomous administration in the region is now grappling with the task of quickly dealing with thousands of the group’s detained members while bringing justice to their victims. To that end, local authorities are focusing on the use of counterterrorism laws and courts to charge captured ISIS members and determine their guilt accordingly.The piecemeal approach to justice is deeply flawed, and raises particular concerns about due process. No precise instruments exist to determine the personal responsibility of ISIS individuals for specific crimes, or for their role in war crimes committed by the group. In any event, the scale of the crimes and the number of victims – as well as severe shortages of resources and workers – make dispensation of justice extremely difficult through the traditional legal system.Not all detained ISIS members receive prison sentences. Individuals who did not hold senior roles in the group’s apparatus and are not accused of ‘major’ crimes (in practice, largely defined as fighting for ISIS and murder) are being released under limited reconciliation deals with tribal leaders. But the involvement of local community leaders in those efforts is not enough to ensure positive results. Many victims are upset at seeing ISIS members walk free without even admitting their guilt publicly or apologizing for the pain they caused.To overcome the limitations of the current, counterterrorism-focused framework, a ‘transitional justice’ approach could provide judicial and non-judicial instruments to establish accountability for ISIS crimes and reduce community resistance to the reintegration of group members. A combination of non-judicial mechanisms such as truth commissions, missing persons’ committees, and reparations and victim-healing programmes could play a vital role in providing ISIS victims with a sense of justice while contributing to peacebuilding and stability.Ignoring the urgency of developing a long-term plan to serve justice and contribute to community healing will almost certainly allow ISIS to continue to prevent the recovery and development of northeastern Syria. This, in turn, risks undermining the stability of the country and the region at large. Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme Full Article
b Lebanese Women and the Politics of Disruption By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Thu, 30 Apr 2020 11:00:01 +0000 Research Event 6 May 2020 - 1:00pm to 2:00pm Event participants Carmen Geha, Assistant Professor of Public Administration, Leadership and Organisational Development, American University of BeirutModerator: Lina Khatib, Director, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham House Lebanese women have been at the forefront of the protest movement that has shaken Lebanon since October 2019. The active participation by women and their visibility in Lebanon's protest movement has challenged the gender norms prevalent in Lebanese society and politics. However, the COVID-19 pandemic and the nationwide lockdown that ensued has disrupted women's ability to organize, and is threatening the fragile progress towards female inclusion in the political process. In a recent article, Carmen Geha discussed the politics of representation in the context of women's participation in public life in Lebanon and argued that the country's political system is maintained through tightly-knit informal power relations among sectarian politicians, making women's participation in politics virtually impossible. The article explained how the October 2019 revolution challenged that norm by creating inclusive spaces where women activists could confront politicians and thus, transform the way women participate in politics and public life. In this webinar, part of the Chatham House project on the future of the state in the Middle East and North Africa, the article's author will discuss how women's activism in Lebanon has been affected by the coronavirus-induced lockdown. The speaker will consider how, under current circumstances, women activists can speak up collectively and bring back a movement to contest gender norms in order to build an alternative political model that can better represent women's priorities. You can express your interest in attending by following this link. You will receive a Zoom confirmation email should your registration be successful. Alternatively, you can watch the event live on the MENA Programme Facebook page. Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme, The Future of the State in the Middle East Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email Full Article
Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email
b Nuclear Tensions Must Not Be Sidelined During Coronavirus By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Fri, 01 May 2020 11:18:35 +0000 1 May 2020 Ana Alecsandru Research Assistant, International Security Programme @anaalecs LinkedIn Although the pandemic means the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) Review Conference (RevCon) is postponed, the delay could be an opportunity to better the health of the NPT regime. 2020-05-01-Iran-Peace-Nuclear Painted stairs in Tehran, Iran symbolizing hope. Photo by Fatemeh Bahrami/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images. Despite face-to-face diplomatic meetings being increasingly rare during the current disruption, COVID-19 will ultimately force a redefinition of national security and defence spending priorities, and this could provide the possibility of an improved political climate at RevCon when it happens in 2021.With US presidential elections due in November and a gradual engagement growing between the EU and Iran, there could be a new context for more cooperation between states by 2021. Two key areas of focus over the coming months will be the arms control talks between the United States and Russia, and Iran’s compliance with the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), also known as the Iran Nuclear Deal.It is too early to discern the medium- and longer-term consequences of COVID-19 for defence ministries, but a greater focus on societal resilience and reinvigorating economic productivity will likely undercut the rationale for expensive nuclear modernization.Therefore, extending the current New START (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty) would be the best, most practical option to give both Russia and the United States time to explore more ambitious multilateral arms control measures, while allowing their current focus to remain on the pandemic and economic relief.Continuing distrustBut with the current treaty — which limits nuclear warheads, missiles, bombers, and launchers — due to expire in February 2021, the continuing distrust between the United States and Russia makes this extension hard to achieve, and a follow-on treaty even less likely.Prospects for future bilateral negotiations are hindered by President Donald Trump’s vision for a trilateral arms control initiative involving both China and Russia. But China opposes this on the grounds that its nuclear arsenal is far smaller than that of the two others.While there appears to be agreement that the nuclear arsenals of China, France, and the UK (the NPT nuclear-weapons states) and those of the states outside the treaty (India, Pakistan, North Korea, and Israel) will all have to be taken into account going forward, a practical mechanism for doing so proves elusive.If Joe Biden wins the US presidency he seems likely to pursue an extension of the New START treaty and could also prevent a withdrawal from the Open Skies treaty, the latest arms control agreement targeted by the Trump administration.Under a Biden administration, the United States would also probably re-join the JCPOA, provided Tehran returned to strict compliance with the deal. Biden could even use the team that negotiated the Iran deal to advance the goal of denuclearization of the Korean peninsula.For an NPT regime already confronted by a series of longstanding divergences, it is essential that Iran remains a signatory especially as tensions between Iran and the United States have escalated recently — due to the Qassim Suleimani assassination and the recent claim by Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps to have successfully placed the country’s first military satellite into orbit.This announcement raised red flags among experts about whether Iran is developing intercontinental ballistic missiles due to the dual-use nature of space technology. The satellite launch — deeply troubling for Iran’s neighbours and the EU countries — may strengthen the US argument that it is a cover for the development of ballistic missiles capable of delivering nuclear weapons.However, as with many other countries, Iran is struggling with a severe coronavirus crisis and will be pouring its scientific expertise and funds into that rather than other efforts — including the nuclear programme.Those European countries supporting the trading mechanism INSTEX (Instrument in Support of Trade Exchanges) for sending humanitarian goods into Iran could use this crisis to encourage Iran to remain in compliance with the JCPOA and its NPT obligations.France, Germany and the UK (the E3) have already successfully concluded the first transaction, which was to facilitate the export of medical goods from Europe to Iran. But the recent Iranian escalatory steps will most certainly place a strain on the preservation of this arrangement.COVID-19 might have delayed Iran’s next breach of the 2015 nuclear agreement but Tehran will inevitably seek to strengthen its hand before any potential negotiations with the United States after the presidential elections.As frosty US-Iranian relations — exacerbated by the coronavirus pandemic — prevent diplomatic negotiations, this constructive engagement between the E3 and Iran might prove instrumental in reviving the JCPOA and ensuring Iran stays committed to both nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament.While countries focus their efforts on tackling the coronavirus pandemic, it is understandable resources may be limited for other global challenges, such as the increasing risk of nuclear weapons use across several regions.But the potential ramifications of the COVID-19 crisis for the NPT regime are profound. Ongoing tensions between the nuclear-armed states must not be ignored while the world’s focus is elsewhere, and the nuclear community should continue to work together to progress nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament, building bridges of cooperation and trust that can long outlast the pandemic. Full Article
b Basem Mahmoud By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Sat, 02 May 2020 08:55:23 +0000 Project Manager, Middle East and North Africa Programme Biography Basem Mahmoud is a project manager with the Middle East and North Africa Programme at Chatham House.Basem joined Chatham House in 2019 and has contributed to the projects Future of Statehood in the MENA Region, Transformative Policies towards Syria, and Post-Conflict State Dynamics in Syria.Prior to joining Chatham House, Basem worked in managing wide range of projects and programmes with the Anna Lindh Euro-Mediterranean Foundation, Freedom House, and Friedrich Naumann Foundation.Basem has an MA in conflict, security, and development from the University of Bradford. +44 (0) 20 7314 3658 Email Full Article
b Webinar: Breaking the Cycle of Violence: Transitional Justice for the Victims of ISIS in Syria By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 06 May 2020 09:05:01 +0000 Research Event 12 May 2020 - 2:00pm to 3:00pmAdd to CalendariCalendar Outlook Google Yahoo Haid Haid, Senior Consulting Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham HouseSara Kayyali, Syria Researcher, Middle East and North Africa Division, Human Rights WatchModerator: Lina Khatib, Director, Middle East and North Africa Programme, Chatham House You can register your interest here. Alternatively, you can watch the webinar live on the MENA Programme Facebook page.Following the territorial defeat of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in northeastern Syria, the Kurdish-led autonomous administration in the region is now grappling with the task of quickly dealing with thousands of the group’s detained members while bringing justice to their victims. To that end, local authorities are focusing on the use of counterterrorism laws and courts to charge captured ISIS members and determine their guilt accordingly.In a recent research paper, author Haid Haid argues that this approach to justice is deeply flawed as it raises concerns about due process and lacks the precise instruments to determine the personal responsibility of ISIS individuals for specific crimes, or for their role in war crimes committed by the group. The paper proposes that a ‘transitional justice’ approach could provide judicial and non-judicial instruments to establish accountability for ISIS crimes and reduce community resistance to the reintegration of group members.In this webinar, part of the MENA Programme’s Online Event Series, speakers will examine the benefits of such an approach to justice for overcoming the limitations of the current, counterterrorism-focused framework. Panelists will discuss the alternative mechanisms local authorities and their key foreign backers can use to hold local ISIS members to account while contributing to the healing of communities. The event will be held on the record. Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme, Syria from Within Full Article
Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email
b COVID-19 Crisis – Business as Usual for Gaza? By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 06 May 2020 14:48:14 +0000 6 May 2020 Mohammed Abdalfatah Asfari Foundation Academy Fellow @mhalabi258 LinkedIn The COVID-19 pandemic has brought unprecedented challenges, economic collapse and strict lockdowns in many parts of the world. For the people of Gaza, this reality is nothing new. 2020-05-06-covid-19-gaza.jpg Palestinians light fireworks above the rubble during the Muslim holy month of Ramadan amid concerns about the spread of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19), in Gaza City , 30 April 2020. Photo by Majdi Fathi/NurPhoto via Getty Images. In August 2012, when the UN released its report Gaza in 2020: A liveable place?, they could not have imagined what the world would look like in 2020: cities under lockdown, restrictions on movement, border closures, widespread unemployment, economic collapse, fear and anxiety and, above all, uncertainty about what the future holds.For Gaza’s population of 2 million people this reality is nothing new. The conditions that the rest of the world are currently experiencing as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic is similar to the tight blockade Gaza has been living under ever since Hamas took over in 2007. Israel has imposed severe restrictions on the movement of people and goods, youth unemployment has reached 60 per cent, and over 80 per cent of Gaza’s population are now dependent on international aid.The people of Gaza are having to face the COVID-19 crisis already at a disadvantage, with poor infrastructure, limited resources and a shortage of the most basic services, such as water and power supply. It also has a fragile health system, with hospitals lacking essential medical supplies and equipment, as well as the capacity to deal with the outbreak as there are only 84 ICU beds and ventilators available. Meanwhile, intra-Palestinian divisions have persisted and were evident in the initial reaction to the pandemic. When President Mahmoud Abbas announced a state of emergency, it took two days for the Hamas-led government in Gaza to follow suit and shut down schools and universities. They later made a separate emergency appeal to address the crisis and prepare for a COVID-19 response in Gaza. This lack of coordination is typical of the way the Palestinian Authority and Hamas approach crisis situations.After the initial uncoordinated response, Hamas, as the de-facto ruler of Gaza, has asserted its ability to control Gaza’s borders by putting in place quarantine measures for everyone who enters the strip, whether through the Erez checkpoint with Israel or the Rafah border with Egypt. They have also assigned 21 hospitals, hotels, and schools as compulsory quarantine centres for all arrivals from abroad, who have to stay in quarantine for 21 days. In comparison, there are 20 quarantine centres in the West Bank. These strict measures have prevented the spread of the virus in the community and confined it to the quarantine centres, with only 20 confirmed cases of COVID-19 as of 6 May. Gaza’s de-facto authorities have also been able to monitor markets and prices to ensure the availability of essential goods.Faced with a major crisis, Al-Qassam Brigades – the armed wing of Hamas – have tried to play the role of a national army by participating in efforts to fight the pandemic. They have relatively good logistical capacity and have contributed to the construction of two quarantine facilities with a total capacity of 1,000 units to prepare for more arrivals into Gaza. At the local level, municipalities have been disinfecting public spaces and facilities in addition to disseminating information about the virus and related preventative and protective measures. Other precautionary measures put in place include closing the weekly open markets, and restricting social gatherings like weddings and funerals.Despite COVID-19, it’s business as usual when it comes to international dealings with Gaza. The key parties in the conflict – Israel, Hamas and the Palestinian Authority – along with the main external actors – Egypt, the United Nations and Qatar – have continued to stick to their policies aimed at keeping the security situation under control and preventing further escalation. Although Israel has allowed entry of pharmaceutical supplies and medical equipment into Gaza during the pandemic, it has kept its restrictions on the movement of goods and people in place, while keeping a close eye on the development of the COVID-19 outbreak in Gaza – a major outbreak here would be a nightmare scenario for Israel.Meanwhile, Qatar has continued to address the humanitarian and economic needs of Gaza in an attempt to ease the pressure and prevent further escalation. It has pledged $150 million over the next six months to help families in Gaza from poorer backgrounds. Gaza has also been discussed by the Middle East Quartet, as Nickolay Mladenov, the UN special coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, expressed his concern about the risk of a disease outbreak in Gaza during a call with the members of the Quartet.Amid the pandemic, threats are still being exchanged between Israel and Hamas. The Israeli defence minister, Naftali Bennett, requested that in return for providing humanitarian aid to Gaza, Hamas agrees to return the remains of two Israeli soldiers killed in the 2014 war. While openly rejecting Bennett's statement, the leader of Hamas in Gaza, Yahya Sinwar, has offered to move forward with a prisoner swap deal if Israel agrees to release elderly prisoners and detainees in addition to detained women and children. Though dealing with its own COVID-19 outbreak, Egypt has started to mediate between the two parties in an attempt to stabilize the situation and reach a prisoner swap deal.In the wake of this pandemic, lessons should be learned and policies should be examined, by all parties. Firstly, Israel should re-evaluate its security measures towards Gaza by easing restrictions on movement and trade which would have a positive impact on living conditions for Gaza’s population. The current measures have proven to be unsustainable and have contributed to the endless cycle of violence. Secondly, the intra-Palestinian division should end, to save Palestinians from contradictory policies and insufficient capacity on both sides. In fact, all previous attempts have failed to end this self-destructive division and this is due to the absence of political will on both sides. Elections seem to be the only viable path towards unity. Finally, efforts by the international community should go beyond stabilizing the security situation and ongoing crisis inside Gaza, where disruption of normal life is the norm.While the world has reacted to this pandemic with a whole host of new policies and emergency measures, it has remained business as usual when dealing with Gaza. Should COVID-19 spread in Gaza, its people – who have already paid the price of a continuous blockade and intra-Palestinian division for 13 years – will pay a heavy price yet again. However, this time it is not a crisis that they alone will have to face. Full Article
b Soundscapes of war: the audio-visual performance of war by Shi'a militias in Iraq and Syria By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Thu, 07 May 2020 09:16:54 +0000 7 May 2020 , Volume 96, Number 3 Helle Malmvig Read online This article sets out to bring sound and music to the field of visual studies in International Relations. It argues that IR largely has approached the visual field as if it was without sound; neglecting how audial landscapes frame and direct our interpretation of moving imagery. Sound and music contribute to making imagery intelligible to us, we ‘hear the pictures’ often without noticing. The audial can for instance articulate a visual absence, or blast visual signs, bring out certain emotional stages or subjects’ inner life. Audial frames steer us in distinct directions, they can mute the cries of the wounded in war, or amplify the sounds of joy of soldiers shooting in the air. To bring the audial and the visual analytically and empirically together, the article therefore proposes four key analytical themes: 1) the audial–visual frame, 2) point of view/point of audition, 3) modes of audio-visual synchronization and 4) aesthetics moods. These are applied to a study of ‘war music videos’ in Iraq and Syria made and circulated by Shi'a militias currently fighting there. Such war music videos, it is suggested, are not just artefacts of popular culture, but have become integral parts of how warfare is practiced today, and one that is shared by soldiers in the US and Europe. War music videos are performing war, just as they shape how war is known by spectators and participants alike. Full Article
b Insulin-Like Growth Factor Dysregulation Both Preceding and Following Type 1 Diabetes Diagnosis By diabetes.diabetesjournals.org Published On :: 2020-02-20T11:55:30-08:00 Insulin-like growth factors (IGFs), specifically IGF1 and IGF2, promote glucose metabolism, with their availability regulated by IGF-binding proteins (IGFBPs). We hypothesized that IGF1 and IGF2 levels, or their bioavailability, are reduced during type 1 diabetes development. Total serum IGF1, IGF2, and IGFBP1–7 levels were measured in an age-matched, cross-sectional cohort at varying stages of progression to type 1 diabetes. IGF1 and IGF2 levels were significantly lower in autoantibody (AAb)+ compared with AAb– relatives of subjects with type 1 diabetes. Most high-affinity IGFBPs were unchanged in individuals with pre–type 1 diabetes, suggesting that total IGF levels may reflect bioactivity. We also measured serum IGFs from a cohort of fasted subjects with type 1 diabetes. IGF1 levels significantly decreased with disease duration, in parallel with declining β-cell function. Additionally, plasma IGF levels were assessed in an AAb+ cohort monthly for a year. IGF1 and IGF2 showed longitudinal stability in single AAb+ subjects, but IGF1 levels decreased over time in subjects with multiple AAb and those who progressed to type 1 diabetes, particularly postdiagnosis. In sum, IGFs are dysregulated both before and after the clinical diagnosis of type 1 diabetes and may serve as novel biomarkers to improve disease prediction. Full Article
b Evidence Against an Important Role of Plasma Insulin and Glucagon Concentrations in the Increase in EGP Caused by SGLT2 Inhibitors By diabetes.diabetesjournals.org Published On :: 2020-03-20T11:50:28-07:00 Sodium–glucose cotransport 2 inhibitors (SGLT2i) lower plasma glucose but stimulate endogenous glucose production (EGP). The current study examined the effect of dapagliflozin on EGP while clamping plasma glucose, insulin, and glucagon concentrations at their fasting level. Thirty-eight patients with type 2 diabetes received an 8-h measurement of EGP ([3-3H]-glucose) on three occasions. After a 3-h tracer equilibration, subjects received 1) dapagliflozin 10 mg (n = 26) or placebo (n = 12); 2) repeat EGP measurement with the plasma glucose concentration clamped at the fasting level; and 3) repeat EGP measurement with inhibition of insulin and glucagon secretion with somatostatin infusion and replacement of basal plasma insulin and glucagon concentrations. In study 1, the change in EGP (baseline to last hour of EGP measurement) in subjects receiving dapagliflozin was 22% greater (+0.66 ± 0.11 mg/kg/min, P < 0.05) than in subjects receiving placebo, and it was associated with a significant increase in plasma glucagon and a decrease in the plasma insulin concentration compared with placebo. Under glucose clamp conditions (study 2), the change in plasma insulin and glucagon concentrations was comparable in subjects receiving dapagliflozin and placebo, yet the difference in EGP between dapagliflozin and placebo persisted (+0.71 ± 0.13 mg/kg/min, P < 0.01). Under pancreatic clamp conditions (study 3), dapagliflozin produced an initial large decrease in EGP (8% below placebo), followed by a progressive increase in EGP that was 10.6% greater than placebo during the last hour. Collectively, these results indicate that 1) the changes in plasma insulin and glucagon concentration after SGLT2i administration are secondary to the decrease in plasma glucose concentration, and 2) the dapagliflozin-induced increase in EGP cannot be explained by the increase in plasma glucagon or decrease in plasma insulin or glucose concentrations. Full Article
b The National Oncology PET Registry (NOPR): A monumental effort by a few leaders By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2018-01-25T14:01:12-08:00 Full Article
b Rapid Brain Nicotine Uptake from Electronic Cigarettes By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-11-01T13:36:37-07:00 This study sought to determine brain nicotine kinetics from the use of increasingly popular electronic cigarettes (E-cigs). Methods: Brain uptake of nicotine following inhalation from E-cigs was directly assessed in 17 E-cig users (8 females), using 11C-nicotine and positron emission tomography. The brain nicotine kinetics parameters from E-cigs were compared with those from smoking combustible cigarettes (C-cigs). Results: After inhalation of a single puff of E-cig vapor, brain nicotine concentration rose quickly (mean T1/2 27 sec) with a peak amplitude 25% higher in females than males, resembling previous observations with C-cigs. Nonetheless, brain nicotine accumulation from E-cigs was smaller than that from C-cigs in both males and females (24% and 32%, respectively). Conclusion: E-cigs can deliver nicotine rapidly to the brain. Therefore, to the extent that rapid brain uptake promotes smoking reward, e-cigarettes might maintain a degree of nicotine dependence and also serve as non-combustible substitutes for cigarettes. Full Article
b PARP-1-targeted Auger emitters display high-LET cytotoxic properties in vitro but show limited therapeutic utility in solid tumor models of human neuroblastoma By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-11-01T13:36:37-07:00 The currently available therapeutic radiopharmaceutical for high-risk neuroblastoma, 131I-MIBG, is ineffective at targeting micrometastases due to the low linear energy transfer (LET) properties of high-energy beta particles. In contrast, Auger radiation has high-LET properties with nanometer ranges in tissue, efficiently causing DNA damage when emitted in close proximity to DNA. The aim of this study was to evaluate the cytotoxicity of targeted Auger therapy in pre-clinical models of high-risk neuroblastoma. Methods: Using a radiolabeled poly(ADP-ribose) polymerase (PARP) inhibitor, 125I-KX1, we delivered an Auger emitter iodine-125 to PARP-1: a chromatin-binding enzyme overexpressed in neuroblastoma. In vitro cytotoxicity of 125I-KX1 was assessed in nineteen neuroblastoma cell lines, followed by in-depth pharmacological analysis in a sensitive and resistant pair of cell lines. Immunofluorescence microscopy was used to characterize 125I-KX1-induced DNA damage. Finally, in vitro/in vivo microdosimetry was modeled from experimentally derived pharmacological variables. Results: 125I-KX1 was highly cytotoxic in vitro across a panel of neuroblastoma cell lines, directly causing double strand DNA breaks. Based on subcellular dosimetry, 125I-KX1 was approximately twice as effective compared to 131I-KX1, whereas cytoplasmic 125I-MIBG demonstrated low biological effectiveness. Despite the ability to deliver focused radiation dose to the cell nuclei, 125I-KX1 remained less effective than its alpha-emitting analog 211At-MM4, and required significantly higher activity for equivalent in vivo efficacy based on tumor microdosimetry. Conclusion: Chromatin-targeted Auger therapy is lethal to high-risk neuroblastoma cells with potential use in micrometastatic disease. This study provides the first evidence for cellular lethality from a PARP-1 targeted Auger emitter, calling for further investigation into targeted Auger therapy. Full Article
b 18F-DCFPyL PET/CT Imaging in Patients with Biochemical Recurrence Prostate Cancer after Primary Local Therapy By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-11-01T13:36:37-07:00 Objective: To investigate the lesion detection rate of 18F-DCFPyL-PET/CT, a prostate-specific membrane antigen (PSMA) targeted PET agent, in biochemical relapse prostate cancer patients after primary local therapy. Methods: This is a prospective institutional review board-approved study of 90 patients with documented biochemical recurrence (median PSA 2.5 ng/mL, range 0.21-35.5 ng/mL) with negative conventional imaging after primary local therapies, including radical prostatectomy (n = 38), radiation (n = 27) or combination (n = 25). Patients on androgen deprivation therapy were excluded. Patients underwent whole-body 18F-DCFPyL-PET/CT (299.9±15.5 MBq) at 2 h p.i. PSMA-PET lesion detection rate was correlated with PSA, PSA kinetics and original primary tumor grade. Results: Seventy patients (77.8%) showed a positive PSMA-PET scan, identifying a total of 287 lesions: 37 prostate bed foci, 208 lymph nodes, and 42 bone/organ distant sites; 11 patients had a negative scan and 9 patients showed indeterminate lesions, which were considered negative in this study. The detection rates were 47.6% (n = 10/21), 50% (n = 5/10), 88.9% (n = 8/9), and 94% (n = 47/50) for PSA >0.2 to <0.5, 0.5 to <1.0, 1 to <2.0, and ≥2.0 ng/mL, respectively. In post-surgical patients, PSA, PSAdt and PSAvel correlated with PET results but the same was not true for post-radiation patients. These parameters also correlated with the extent of disease on PET (intrapelvic vs. extrapelvic). There was no significant difference between the rate of positive scans in patients with higher grade vs lower grade primary tumors (Gleason score ≥4+3 vs <3+4). Tumor recurrence was histology confirmed in 40% (28/70) of patients. On a per-patient basis, positive predictive value was 93.3% (95% CI, 77.6-99.2%) by histopathologic validation, and 96.2% (95% CI, 86.3-99.7%) by the combination of histology and imaging/clinical follow-up. Conclusion: 18F-DCFPyL-PET/CT imaging offers high detection rates in biochemically recurrent prostate cancer patients; and is positive in about 50% of patients with PSA <0.5 ng/mL, which could substantially impact clinical management. In post-surgical patients, 18F-DCFPyL-PET/CT correlates with PSA, PSAdt and PSAvel suggesting it may have prognostic value. 18F-DCFPyL-PET/CT is highly promising for localizing sites of recurrent prostate cancer. Full Article
b 3-year freedom from progression following 68GaPSMA PET CT triaged management in men with biochemical recurrence post radical prostatectomy. Results of a prospective multi-center trial. By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-11-01T13:36:36-07:00 Background: 68Ga PSMA PET CT (PSMA) is increasingly used in men with biochemical recurrence (BCR) post radical prostatectomy (RP), but its longer term prognostic / predictive potential in these men is unknown. The aim of this study was to evaluate the predictive value of PSMA PET for 3 year freedom from progression (FFP) in men with BCR post RP undergoing salvage radiotherapy (sRT). Methods: This prospective multi-center study enrolled 260 men between 2015 and 2017. Eligible patients were referred for PSMA with rising PSA following RP. Management following PSMA was recorded but not mandated. PSMA protocols were standardised across sites and reported prospectively. Clinical, pathological and surgical information, sRT, timing and duration of androgen deprivation (ADT), 3 year PSA results and clinical events were documented. FFP was defined as a PSA rise ≤ 0.2ng/mL above nadir post sRT, with no additional treatment. Results: The median PSA was 0.26ng/mL (IQR 0.15 - 0.59) and follow-up 38 months (IQR 31-43). PSMA was negative in 34.6% (90/260), confined to prostate fossa 21.5% (56/260), pelvic nodes 26.2% (68/260), and distant disease 17.7% (46/260). 71.5% (186/260) received sRT, 38.2% (71/186) to the fossa only, 49.4% (92/186) fossa + pelvic nodes and 12.4% (23/186) nodes alone/SBRT. PSMA was highly predictive of FFP at 3 years following sRT. Overall, FFP was achieved in 64.5% (120/186) of those who received sRT, 81% (81/100) with negative/fossa confined vs. 45% (39/86) for extra fossa disease (p<0.0001). On logistic regression PSMA was more independently predictive of FFP than established clinical predictors, including PSA, T-stage, surgical margin status or Gleason score (P < 0.002). 32% of men with a negative PSMA PET did not receive treatment. Of these, 66% (19/29) progressed, with a mean rise in PSA of 1.59ng/mL over the 3 years. Conclusion: PSMA PET result is highly predictive of FFP at 3 years in men undergoing sRT for BCR following RP. In particular, men with negative PSMA PET or disease identified as still confined to the prostate fossa demonstrate high FFP, despite receiving less extensive radiotherapy and lower rates of additional ADT than those with extra fossa disease. Full Article
b Can fluorescence-guided surgery help identify all lesions in unknown locations or is the integrated use of a roadmap created by preoperative imaging mandatory? A blinded study in prostate cancer patients. By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-11-11T12:55:20-08:00 Rationale: Lymphatic tracers can help visualize the lymphatic drainage patterns and sentinel nodes of individual prostate cancer patients. To determine the role of nuclear medicine, in particular the positional guidance of a SPECT/CT-based 3D imaging roadmap, in this process we studied to which extend fluorescence-guidance underestimated the number of target lesions. Methods: SPECT/CT imaging was performed after intraprostatic tracer administration of either ICG-99mTc-nanocolloid (hybrid tracer group) or 99mTc-nanocolloid to create a roadmap that depicted all sentinel nodes (SNs). Patients who received 99mTc-nanocolloid were injected with "free" ICG immediately prior to surgery ("free" ICG group). Before unblinding, fluorescence-guidance was used for intraoperative SN identification. This was followed by extended pelvic lymph node dissection (ePLND). Following unblinding of the SPECT/CT images, the number of missed SN’s were recorded and their resection was pursued when the anatomy allowed. Results: Preoperative SPECT/CT revealed no differences in the SN identification rate between ICG-99mTc-nanocolloid and 99mTc-nanocolloid. However, fluorescence-guidance only allowed intraoperative removal of all SNs in 40% of patients in the hybrid tracer group and in 20% of patients in the "free" ICG group. Overall, 75.9% of the intraoperatively resected SNs in the hybrid tracer group and 51.8% of the SNs in the "free" ICG group were removed solely under fluorescence-guidance. During ePLND 22 additional SNs were resected (7 in the hybrid tracer group and 15 in the "free" ICG group). After unblinding 18 remaining SNs were identified (6 in the hybrid group and 12 in the "free" ICG group). In the "free" ICG group, ex vivo evaluation of the excised specimens revealed that 14 SNs removed under ePLND or after unblinding contained radioactivity but no fluorescence. Conclusion: The preoperative imaging roadmap provided by SPECT/CT enhanced the detection of prostate SNs in more ectopic locations in 17 of the 25 patients and the hybrid tracer ICG-99mTc-nanocolloid was shown to outperform "free" ICG. Overall, fluorescence-guided pelvic nodal surgery underestimated the number of SNs in 60-80% of patients. Full Article
b Evaluation of dosimetry, quantitative methods and test-retest variability of 18F-PI-2620 PET for the assessment of tau deposits in the human brain By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-11-11T12:55:20-08:00 18F-PI-2620 is a next generation tau positron emission tomography (PET)-tracer that has demonstrated ability to image the spatial distribution of suspected tau pathology. The objective of this study was to assess the tracer biodistribution, dosimetry and quantitative methods of 18F-PI-2620 in the human brain. Full kinetic modelling approaches to quantify tau load were investigated. Non-invasive kinetic modeling approaches and semi-quantitative methods were evaluated against the full tracer kinetics. Finally, the reproducibility of PET measurements from test and retest scans was assessed. Methods: Three healthy controls (HC) and 4 Alzheimer disease (AD) subjects underwent two dynamic PET scans including arterial sampling. Distribution volume ratio (DVR) was estimated using full tracer kinetics (2 Tissue Compartment (2TC) models, Logan Graphical Analysis (LGA)) and non-invasive kinetic models (Non-Invasive Logan Graphical Analysis (NI-LGA) and the multilinear reference tissue model (MRTM2)). Standardized uptake value ratio (SUVR) was determined at different imaging windows after injection. Correlation between DVR and SUVR, effect size (Cohen’s d) and test-retest variability (TRV) were evaluated. Additionally, 6 HC subjects received one tracer administration and underwent whole-body PET for dosimetry calculation. Organ doses and the whole-body effective dose were calculated using OLINDA 2.0. Results: Strong correlation was found across different kinetic models (R2 >0.97) and between DVR(2TC) and SUVRs between 30 to 90 min with R2>0.95. Secular equilibrium was reached around 40 min post injection (p.i.) in most regions and subjects. The TRV and effect size for the SUVR across different regions was similar at 30-60 min (TRV=3.8%, d=3.80), 45-75 min (TRV=4.3%, d=3.77) and 60-90 min (TRV=4.9%, d=3.73) and increased at later time points. Elimination was via the hepatobiliary and urinary system. The whole-body effective dose was determined to be 33.3±2.1 μSv/MBq for an adult female and 33.1±1.4 μSv/MBq for an adult male with a 1.5 hour urinary bladder voiding interval. Conclusion: 18F-PI-2620 exhibits fast kinetics, suitable dosimetry and low TRV. DVR measured using the 2TC model with arterial sampling correlated strongly with DVR measured by NI-LGA, MRTM2 and SUVR. SUVR can be used for 18F-PI-2620 PET quantification of tau deposits avoiding arterial blood sampling. Static 18F-PI-2620 PET scans between 45-75min p.i. provide excellent quantification accuracy, large effect size and low TRV. Full Article
b Combined Visual and Semi-quantitative Evaluation Improves Outcome Prediction by Early Mid-treatment 18F-fluoro-deoxi-glucose Positron Emission Tomography in Diffuse Large B-cell Lymphoma. By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-11-22T10:43:33-08:00 The purpose of this study was to assess the predictive and prognostic value of interim FDG PET (iPET) in evaluating early response to immuno-chemotherapy after two cycles (PET-2) in diffuse large B-cell lymphoma (DLBCL) by applying two different methods of interpretation: the Deauville visual five-point scale (5-PS) and a change in standardised uptake value by semi-quantitative evaluation. Methods: 145 patients with newly diagnosed DLBCL underwent pre-treatment PET (PET-0) and PET-2 assessment. PET-2 was classified according to both the visual 5-PS and percentage SUV changes (SUV). Receiver operating characteristic (ROC) analysis was performed to compare the accuracy of the two methods for predicting progression-free survival (PFS). Survival estimates, based on each method separately and combined, were calculated for iPET-positive (iPET+) and iPET-negative (iPET–) groups and compared. Results: Both with visual and SUV-based evaluations significant differences were found between the PFS of iPET– and iPET+ patient groups (p<0.001). Visually the best negative (NPV) and positive predictive value (PPV) occurred when iPET was defined as positive if Deauville score 4-5 (89% and 59%, respectively). Using the 66% SUV cut-off value, reported previously, NPV and PPV were 80 and 76%, respectively. SUV at 48.9% cut-off point, reported for the first time here, produced 100% specificity along with the highest sensitivity (24%). Visual and semi-quantitative SUV<48.9% assessment of each PET-2 gave the same PET-2 classification (positive or negative) in 70% (102/145) of all patients. This combined classification delivered NPV and PPV of 89% and 100% respectively, and all iPET+ patients failed to achieve or remain in remission. Conclusion: In this large consistently treated and assessed series of DLBCL, iPET had good prognostic value interpreted either visually or semi-quantitatively. We determined that the most effective SUV cut-off was at 48.9%, and that when combined with visual 5-PS assessment, a positive PET-2 was highly predictive of treatment failure. Full Article
b Initial studies with [11C]vorozole positron emission tomography detect over-expression of intra-tumoral aromatase in breast cancer By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-11-22T10:43:33-08:00 Introduction: Aromatase inhibitors are the mainstay of hormonal therapy in estrogen receptor positive, postmenopausal breast cancer, although response rate is just over 50%. The goal of the present study was to validate and optimize positron emission tomography (PET) with 11C-vorozole for measuring aromatase expression in postmenopausal breast cancer. Methods: Ten newly diagnosed, postmenopausal women with biopsy confirmed breast cancer were administered 11C-vorozole intravenously and PET emission data collected between 40 – 90 minutes post-injection. Tracer injection and scanning were repeated 2 hours after ingestion of 2.5mg letrozole p.o. Mean and maximal standard uptake values and ratios to non-tumor tissue (SUVs, SUVRs) were calculated for tumor and non-tumor regions at baseline and after letrozole. Biopsy specimens from the same tumors were stained for aromatase using immunohistochemistry and evaluated for stain intensity and the percentage of immune-positive cells. Results: Seven of the 10 women (70%) demonstrated increased focal uptake of tracer (SUVR>1.1) coinciding with the mammographic location of the lesion. The other 3 women (30%) did not show increased uptake in the tumor (SUVR <1.0). All of the cases with SUVR above 1.1 had SUVs above 2.4 and there was no overlap in SUV between the two groups, with mean SUV in tumors overexpressing aromatase (SUVR>1.1) ranging from 2.47 to 13.6, while tumors not overexpressing aromatase (SUVR<1) ranged from 0.8 to 1.8. Pretreatment with letrozole reduced tracer uptake in the majority of subjects; although the %blocking varied across and within tumors. Tumors with high SUV in vivo also showed high staining intensity on IHC. Conclusion: PET with 11C-vorozole is a useful technique for measuring aromatase expression in individual breast lesions, enabling a non-invasive quantitative measurement of baseline and post-treatment aromatase availability in primary tumors and metastatic lesions. Full Article
b SUV25 and {micro}PERCIST: Precision Imaging of Response to Therapy in Co-Clinical FDG-PET Imaging of Triple Negative Breast Cancer (TNBC) Patient-Derived Tumor Xenografts (PDX) By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-11-22T10:43:33-08:00 Numerous recent works highlight the limited utility of established tumor cell lines in recapitulating the heterogeneity of tumors in patients. More realistic preclinical cancer models are thought to be provided by transplantable, patient-derived tumor xenografts (PDX). Inter- and intra-tumor heterogeneity of PDX, however, present several challenges in developing optimal quantitative pipelines to assess response to therapy. The objective of this work was to develop and optimize image metrics of FDG-PET to assess response to combination docetaxel/carboplatin therapy in a co-clinical trial involving triple negative breast cancer (TNBC) PDX. We characterize the reproducibility of SUV metrics to assess response to therapy and optimize a preclinical PERCIST (µPERCIST) paradigm to complement clinical standards. Considerations in this effort included variability in tumor growth rate and tumor size; solid tumor vs. tumor heterogeneity and necrotic phenotype; and optimal selection of tumor slice versus whole tumor. A test-retest protocol was implemented to optimize the reproducibility of FDG-PET SUV thresholds, SUVpeak metrics, and µPERCIST parameters. In assessing response to therapy, FDG-PET imaging was performed at baseline and +4 days following therapy. The reproducibility, accuracy, variability, and performance of imaging metrics to assess response to therapy were determined. We defined an index—"Quantitative Response Assessment Score (QRAS)"—to integrate parameters of prediction and precision, and thus aid in selecting optimal image metrics of response to therapy. Our data suggests that a threshold value of 25% (SUV25) of SUVmax was highly reproducible (<9% variability). Concordance and reproducibility of µPERCIST were maximized at α=0.7 and β=2.8 and exhibited high correlation to SUV25 measures of tumor uptake. QRAS scores favor SUV25 followed by SUVP14 as optimal metrics of response to therapy. Additional studies are warranted to fully characterize the utility of SUV25 and µPERCIST SUVP14 as image metrics of response to therapy across a wide range of therapeutic regiments and PDX models. Full Article
b Comparison between 18F-FDG-PET- and CT-based criteria in non-small cell lung cancer (NSCLC) patients treated with Nivolumab By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-12-05T10:37:41-08:00 Due to their peculiar mechanism of action, the evaluation of radiological response to immune checkpoint inhibitors (ICI) presents many challenges in solid tumors. We aimed to compare the evaluation of first response to Nivolumab by means of CT-based criteria with respect to fluorodeoxyglucose positron emission tomography (FDG-PET) response criteria in non-small-cell lung cancer (NSCLC) patients. Methods: 72 patients with advanced NSCLC were recruited in a mono-institutional ancillary trial within the expanded access program (EAP; NCT02475382) for Nivolumab. Patients underwent CT scan and FDG-PET at baseline and after 4 cycles (first evaluation). In case of progressive disease (PD), an additional evaluation was performed after two further cycles in order to confirm progression. We evaluated the response to treatment with CT scan by means of response evaluation criteria in solid tumors (RECIST) 1.1 and Immuno-related Response Criteria (IrRC) and with FDG-PET by means of PERCIST and immunotherapy-modified-PERCIST (imPERCIST) criteria. The concordance between CT- and PET-based criteria and the capability of each method to predict overall survival (OS) were evaluated. Results: 48/72 patients were evaluable for first response assessment with both PET- and CT-based criteria. We observed low concordance between CT- and PET-based criteria (Kappa value of 0.346 and 0.355 and Kappa value of 0.128 and 0.198 between PERCIST and imPERCIST versus RECIST and irRC respectively). Looking at OS, IrRC were more reliable to distinguish responders from non-responders. However thanks to the prognostic value of partial metabolic response assessed by both PERCIST and Immuno-PERCIST, PET-based response maintained prognostic significant in patients classified as progressive disease on the basis of irRC. Conclusion: Even though the present study did not support the routine use of FDG-PET in the general population of NSCLC patients treated with ICI, it suggests the added prognostic value of the metabolic response assessment, potentially improving the therapeutic decision-making. Full Article
b Label-free Visualization of Early Cancer Hepatic Micrometastasis and Intraoperative Image-guided Surgery by Photoacoustic Imaging By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-12-05T10:37:41-08:00 Objectives: The detection of cancer micrometastasis for early diagnosis and treatment poses a great challenge for conventional imaging techniques. The aim of study is to evaluate the performance of photoacoustic imaging (PAI) in detecting hepatic micrometastases from melanoma in a very early stage and perform tumor resection by intraoperative photoacoustic image-guidance. Methods: In vivo studies were performed by following protocols approved by the Ethical Committee for Animal Research at Xiamen University. First, a B16 melanoma hepatic metastasis mouse model (n = 10) was established to study the development of micrometastases in vivo. Next, the hepatic metastasis mice models were imaged by scalable PAI instrument, ultrasound, 9.4 T high-resolution magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), positron emission tomography/computed tomography (PET/CT), and bioluminescence imaging. Photoacoustic images acquired with optical wavelengths spanning from 680 to 850 nm were spectrally unmixed by using a linear least-squares method to differentiate various components. Differences in the signal-to-background ratios among different modalities were determined with the two-tailed paired t test. The diagnosis results were assessed with histologic examinations. Excised liver samples from patients diagnosed with hepatic cancer were also examined to identify tumor boundary. In vivo metastatic melanoma removal in surgery was precisely guided by the portable PAI system. Results: PAI achieved as small as ~400 µm hepatic melanoma detection at a depth up to 7 mm in vivo, which could early detect small melanoma compared with ultrasound and MRI in mouse models. The signal ratio of tumor-to-liver acquired with PAI in micrometastases at 8 days (4.2 ± 0.2, n = 6) and 14 days (9.2 ± 0.4, n = 5) were significantly higher than those obtained with PET/CT (1.8 ± 0.1, n = 5 and 4.5 ± 0.2, n = 5, P <0.001 for both). Functional PAI provided dynamic oxygen saturation changes during tumor growth. The limit of detection was measured to be approximately 219 cells per microliter in vitro. We successfully performed intraoperative photoacoustic image-guided surgery in vivo using the rapid portable PAI system. Conclusion: Our findings offer a rapid and effective tool to noninvasively detect micrometastases and guide intraoperative resection as a complementary clinical imaging application. Full Article
b PET/MRI versus PET/CT in whole-body staging: results from a unicenter observational study in 1003 subsequent examinations By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-12-05T10:37:42-08:00 Purpose: To investigate differences between positron emission tomography/magnetic resonance imaging (PET/MRI) and PET/computed tomography (PET/CT) in lesion detection and classification in oncological whole-body examinations and to investigate radiation exposure differences between both modalities. Material and Methods: In this prospective, single-center, observational study 1003 oncological examinations (918 patients, mean age 57.8±14.4y) were included. Patients underwent PET/CT and subsequent PET/MRI (149.8±49.7min after tracer administration). Examinations were reviewed by radiologists and nuclear medicine physicians in consensus. Additional findings, characterization of indetermiante findings in PETCT, missed findings in PET/MRI including their clinical relevance and effective dose of both modalities were investigated. McNemar’s test was used to compare lesion detection between both hybrid imaging modalities (p<0.001 indicating statistical significance). Results: Additional information in PET/MRI was reported in 26.3% (264/1003) of examinations compared to PET/CT (p<0.001). Of these, additional malignant findings were detected in 5.3% (53/1003), leading to a change in TNM-staging in 2.9% (29/1003) due to PET/MRI. Definite lesion classification of indeterminate PET/CT findings was possible in 11.1% (111/1003) with PET/MRI. In 2.9% (29/1003), lesions detected in PET/CT were not visible in PET/MRI. Malignant lesions were missed in 1.2% (12/1003) by PET/MRI leading to a change in TNM-staging in 0.5% (5/1003). The estimated mean effective-dose for whole-body PET/CT amounted to 17.6±8.7mSv in comparison to 3.6±1.4mSv in PET/MRI, resulting in a potential dose reduction of 79.6% (p<0.001). Conclusion: PET/MRI improves lesion detection and potentially reduces additional examinations in tumor staging. Especially younger patients may benefit from the clinically relevant dose reduction of PET/MRI compared to PET/CT. Full Article
b 11C-Methionine PET Identifies Astroglia Involvement in Heart-Brain Inflammation Networking after Acute Myocardial Infarction By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-12-05T10:37:41-08:00 Acute myocardial infarction (MI) triggers a local and systemic inflammatory response. We recently showed microglia involvement using TSPO imaging. Here, we evaluate whether 11C-methionine provides further insights into heart-brain inflammation networking. Methods: Male Bl6N mice underwent permanent coronary artery ligation followed by 11C-methionine PET at 3 and 7 days (n = 3). In subgroups, leukocyte homing was blocked by integrin antibodies (n = 5). The cellular substrate for PET signal was identified using brain section immunostaining. Results: 11C-methionine uptake peaked in the MI region at d3 (5.9±0.9vs 2.4±0.5 %ID/cc), decreasing to control level by d7 (4.3±0.6 %ID/cc). Brain uptake was proportional to cardiac uptake (r=0.47,p<0.05), peaking also at d3 (2.9±0.4vs 2.4±0.3 %ID/cc) and returning to baseline at d7 (2.3±0.4 %ID/cc). Integrin blockade reduced uptake at every time point. Immunostaining at d3 revealed co-localization of the L-type amino acid transporter with GFAP-positive astrocytes but not CD68-positive microglia. Conclusion: PET imaging with 11C-methionine specifically identifies an astrocyte component, enabling further dissection of the heart-brain axis in post MI inflammation. Full Article
b Inflammation-based index and 68Ga-DOTATOC PET-derived uptake and volumetric parameters predict outcome in neuroendocrine tumor patients treated with 90Y-DOTATOC By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-12-05T10:37:41-08:00 We performed post-hoc analyses on the utility of pre-therapeutic and early interim 68Ga-DOTA-Tyr3-octreotide (68Ga-DOTATOC) positron emission tomography (PET) tumor uptake and volumetric parameters and a recently proposed biomarker, the inflammation-based index (IBI), for peptide receptor radionuclide therapy (PRRT) in neuroendocrine tumor (NET) patients treated with 90Y-DOTATOC in the setting of a prospective phase II trial. Methods: Forty-three NET patients received up to four cycles of 1.85 GBq/m²/cycle 90Y-DOTATOC with a maximal kidney biologic effective dose of 37 Gy. All patients underwent a 68Ga-DOTATOC PET/computed tomography (CT) at baseline and seven weeks after the first PRRT cycle. 68Ga-DOTATOC-avid tumor lesions were semi-automatically delineated using a customized standardized uptake value (SUV) threshold-based approach. PRRT response was assessed on CT using RECIST 1.1. Results: Median progression-free survival (PFS) and overall survival (OS) were 13.9 and 22.3 months, respectively. An SUVmean higher than 13.7 (75th percentile (P75)) was associated with better survival (hazard ratio (HR) 0.45; P = 0.024), whereas a 68Ga-DOTATOC-avid tumor volume higher than 578 ml (P75) was associated with worse OS (HR 2.18; P = 0.037). Elevated baseline IBI was associated with worse OS (HR 3.90; P = 0.001). Multivariate analysis corroborated independent associations between OS and SUVmean (P = 0.016) and IBI (P = 0.015). No significant correlations with PFS were found. A composite score based on SUVmean and IBI allowed to further stratify patients in three categories with significantly different survival. On early interim PET, a decrease in SUVmean of more than 17% (P75) was associated with worse survival (HR 2.29; P = 0.024). Conclusion: Normal baseline IBI and high 68Ga-DOTATOC tumor uptake predict better outcome in NET patients treated with 90Y-DOTATOC. This can be used for treatment personalization. Interim 68Ga-DOTATOC PET does not provide information for treatment personalization. Full Article
b Quantitative test-retest measurement of 68Ga-PSMA-HBED-CC (PSMA-11) in tumor and normal tissue By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-12-05T10:37:42-08:00 The PET radiotracer 68Ga-PSMA-HBED-CC (68Ga-PSMA-11) shows potential as an imaging biomarker for recurrent and metastatic prostate cancer. The purpose of this study was to determine repeatability of 68Ga-PSMA-HBED-CC in a test-retest trial in subjects with metastatic prostate adenocarcinoma. Methods: Subjects with metastatic prostate cancer underwent two PET/CT scans with 68Ga-PSMA-HBED-CC within 14 days (mean 6 ± 4 d). Lesions in bone, nodes, prostate/bed, and visceral organs as well as representative normal tissues (salivary glands and spleen) were segmented separately by two readers. Absolute and percent differences in SUVmax and SUVmean were calculated for all test-retest regions. Repeatability was assessed using percentage difference, within-subject coefficient of variation (wCV), repeatability coefficient (RC), and Bland-Altman analysis. Results: 18 subjects were evaluated, 16 of which demonstrated local or metastatic disease on 68Ga-PSMA-HBED-CC PET/CT. A total of 136 lesions were segmented in bone (n = 99), nodes (n = 27), prostate/bed (n = 7), and viscera (n = 3). The wCV for SUVmax was 11.7% for bone lesions and 13.7% for nodes. The RC was ±32.5% SUVmax for bone lesions and ±37.9% SUVmax for nodal lesions, meaning 95% of the normal variability between two measurements will be within these numbers, so larger differences are likely attributable to true biological changes in tumor rather than normal physiologic or measurement variability. wCV in the salivary glands and spleen was 8.9% and 10.7% SUVmean, respectively. Conclusion: Repeatability measurements for PET/CT test-retest with 68Ga-PSMA-HBED-CC show a wCV 12-14% SUVmax and RC ±33-38% SUVmax in bone and nodal lesions. These estimates are an important aspect of 68Ga-PSMA-HBED-CC as a quantitative imaging biomarker. These estimates are similar to those reported for 18F-FDG, suggesting that 68Ga-PSMA-HBED-CC PET/CT may be useful in monitoring response to therapy. Full Article
b Imaging P-glycoprotein Induction at the Blood-Brain Barrier of a Beta-Amyloidosis Mouse Model with 11C-Metoclopramide PET By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-12-05T10:37:41-08:00 P-glycoprotein (ABCB1) plays an important role at the blood-brain barrier (BBB) in promoting the clearance of neurotoxic beta-amyloid (Aß) peptides from the brain into the blood. ABCB1 expression and activity were found to be decreased in the brains of Alzheimer disease (AD) patients. Treatment with drugs which induce cerebral ABCB1 activity may be a promising approach to delay the build-up of Aß deposits in the brain by enhancing the clearance of Aß peptides from the brain. The aim of this study was to investigate whether PET with the weak ABCB1 substrate radiotracer 11C-metoclopramide can measure ABCB1 induction at the BBB in a beta-amyloidosis mouse model (APP/PS1-21 mice) and in wild-type mice. Methods: Groups of wild-type and APP/PS1-21 mice aged 50 or 170 days underwent 11C-metoclopramide baseline PET scans or scans after intraperitoneal treatment with the rodent pregnane X receptor (PXR) activator 5-pregnen-3β-ol-20-one-16α-carbonitrile (PCN, 25 mg/kg) or its vehicle over 7 days. At the end of the PET scans, brains were harvested for immunohistochemical analysis of ABCB1 and Aß levels. In separate groups of mice, radiolabeled metabolites of 11C-metoclopramide were determined in plasma and brain at 15 min after radiotracer injection. As an outcome parameter of cerebral ABCB1 activity, the elimination slope of radioactivity washout from the brain (kE,brain) was calculated. Results: PCN treatment resulted in an increased clearance of radioactivity from the brain as reflected by significant increases in kE,brain (from +26% to +54% relative to baseline). Immunohistochemical analysis confirmed ABCB1 induction in the brains of PCN-treated APP/PS1-21 mice with a concomitant decrease in Aß levels. There was a significant positive correlation between kE,brain values and ABCB1 levels in the brain. In wild-type mice, a significant age-related decrease in kE,brain values was found. Metabolite analysis showed that the majority of radioactivity in the brain was composed of unmetabolized 11C-metoclopramide in all animal groups. Conclusion: 11C-metoclopramide can measure ABCB1 induction in the mouse brain without the need to consider an arterial input function and may find potential application in AD patients to non-invasively evaluate strategies to enhance the clearance properties of the BBB. Full Article
b 18F-fluorodexyglucose Position Emission Tomography identifies altered brain metabolism in patients with Cri du Chat syndrome By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-12-13T13:35:10-08:00 Cri-Du-Chat Syndrome (CdCs) is a rare genetic disease caused by a deletion in the short arm of chromosome 5 (5p) with a variable clinical spectrum. To date no study in literature has ever investigated the alterations of brain glucose metabolism in these subjects by means of [18F]fluoro-2-deoxy-d-glucose Positron Emission Tomography/Computed Tomography (18F-FDG PET/CT). The aims of this study were to detect difference in brain FDG metabolism in patients affected by CdCs with different clinical presentations and identify possible "brain metabolic phenotypes" of this syndrome. Methods: 6 patients (age: 5 M and 1 F, age range: 10-27) with CdCs were assessed for presence of cognitive and behavioral symptoms with a battery of neuropsychological tests and then classified as patient with a severe or mild phenotype. Then, patients underwent a brain 18F-FDG PET/CT scan. PET/CT findings were compared to a control group, matched for age and sex, by using statistical parametric mapping (SPM). Association of different clinical phenotypes and 18F-FDG PET/CT findings was investigated. Results: Four patients presented a severe phenotype, whereas 2 patients demonstrated mild phenotype. SPM single subject and group analysis compared to the control cohort revealed a significant hypometabolism in the left temporal lobe (BAs 20, 36 and 38), in the right frontal subcallosal gyrus (BA 34) and caudate body, and in the cerebellar tonsils (p<0.001). Hypermetabolism (P = 0.001) was revealed in the right superior and precentral frontal gyrus (BA 6) in patient group compared to the control cohort. In SPM single subject analysis the hypermetabolic areas were detected only in patients with a severe phenotype. Conclusion: This study revealed different patterns of brain glucose metabolism in patients with severe and mild phenotype compared to control subjects. In particular, the hypermetabolic abnormalities in the brain, evaluated by18F-FDG PET/CT, seem to correlate with the severe phenotype in patients with CdCs. Full Article
b Radiation dosimetry and biodistribution of 68Ga-FAPI-46 PET imaging in cancer patients By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-12-13T13:35:10-08:00 Background: Targeting cancer-associated fibroblasts (CAFs) has become an attractive goal for diagnostic imaging and therapy as they can constitute as much as 90% of tumor mass. The serine protease fibroblast activation protein (FAP) is overexpressed selectively in CAFs, drawing interest in FAP as a stromal target. The quinoline-based FAP-inhibitor PET tracer, 68Ga-FAPI-04, has been previously shown to yield high tumor-to-background ratios (TBR) in patients with various cancers. Recent developments towards an improved compound for therapeutic application have identified FAPI-46 as a promising agent due to a longer tumor retention time in comparison with FAPI-04. Here we present a PET biodistribution and radiation dosimetry study of 68Ga-FAPI-46 in cancer patients. Methods: Six patients with different cancers underwent serial 68Ga-FAPI-46 PET/CT scans at three time points following radiotracer injection: 10 minutes, 1 hour, and 3 hours. The source organs consisted of the kidneys, bladder, liver, heart, spleen, bone marrow, uterus, and body remainder. OLINDA/EXM v.1.1 software was used to fit and integrate the kinetic organ activity data to yield total body and organ time-integrated activity coefficients/residence times and finally organ absorbed doses. Standardized uptake values (SUV) and TBR were generated from the contoured tumor and source organ volumes. Spherical volumes in muscle and blood pool were also obtained for TBR (Tumor SUVmax / Organ SUVmean). Results: At all timepoints, the highest organ SUVmax was observed in the liver. Tumor and organ mean SUVs decreased whereas TBRs in all organs but the uterus increased with time. The highest TBRs at 3 hours were observed with the bone marrow (31.1), muscle (22.8), heart (19.1), and spleen (19.0). Organs with the highest effective doses were the bladder wall (2.41E-03 mSv/MBq), followed by ovaries (1.15E-03 mSv/MBq) and red marrow (8.49E-04mSv/MBq). The average effective total body dose was 7.80E-03 mSv/MBq. Thus for administration of 200 MBq 68Ga-FAPI-46 the effective total body dose is 1.56 mSv ± 0.26 mSv, in addition to approximately 3.7 mSv from one low-dose CT scan done for attenuation correction. Conclusion: 68Ga-FAPI-46 PET/CT has a favorable dosimetry profile with an estimated whole body dose of 5.3 mSv for an administration of 200 MBq (5.4 mCi) of 68Ga-FAPI-46 (1.56± 0.26 mSv from the PET tracer and 3.7 mSv from one low-dose CT scan). The biodistribution study showed high TBRs increasing over time, suggesting high diagnostic performance and favorable tracer kinetics for potential therapeutic applications. Full Article
b What You See Is Not What You Get - On the Accuracy of Voxel-Based Dosimetry in Molecular Radiotherapy By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-12-20T13:25:42-08:00 Due to improvements in quantitative SPECT/CT, voxel-based dosimetry for radionuclide therapies has aroused growing interest as it promises the visualization of absorbed doses at a voxel level. In this work, SPECT/CT-based voxel-based dosimetry of a 3D printed 2-compartment kidney phantom was performed, and the resulting absorbed dose distributions were examined. Additionally, the potential of the PETPVC partial-volume correction tool was investigated. Methods: Both kidney compartments (70% cortex, 30% medulla) were filled with different activity concentrations and SPECT/CT imaging was performed. The images were reconstructed using varying reconstruction settings (iterations, subsets, and post-filtering). Based on these activity concentration maps, absorbed dose distributions were calculated with pre-calculated 177Lu voxel S values and an empirical kidney half-life. An additional set of absorbed doses was calculated after applying PETPVC for partial-volume correction of the SPECT reconstructions. Results: SPECT/CT imaging blurs the two discrete sub-organ absorbed dose values into a continuous distribution. While this effect is slightly improved by applying more iterations, it is enhanced by additional post-filtering. By applying PETPVC, the absorbed dose values are separated into 2 peaks. Although this leads to a better agreement between SPECT/CT-based and nominal values, considerable discrepancies remain. In contrast to the calculated nominal absorbed doses of 7.8/1.6 Gy (cortex/medulla), SPECT/CT-based voxel-level dosimetry resulted in mean absorbed doses ranging from 3.0-6.6 Gy (cortex) and 2.7-5.1 Gy (medulla). PETPVC led to improved ranges of 6.1-8.9 Gy (cortex) and 2.1-5.4 Gy (medulla). Conclusion: Our study shows that 177Lu quantitative SPECT/CT imaging leads to voxel-based dose distributions largely differing from the real organ distribution. SPECT/CT imaging and reconstruction deficiencies might directly translate into unrealistic absorbed dose distributions, thus questioning the reliability of SPECT-based voxel-level dosimetry. Therefore, SPECT/CT reconstructions should be adapted to ensure an accurate quantification of the underlying activity and, therefore, absorbed dose in a volume-of-interest of the expected object size (e.g. organs, organ sub-structures, lesions or voxels). As an example, PETPVC largely improves the match between SPECT/CT-based and nominal dose distributions. In conclusion, the concept of voxel-based dosimetry should be treated with caution. Specifically, it should be kept in mind that the absorbed dose distribution is mainly a convolved version of the underlying SPECT reconstruction. Full Article
b Early Detection in a Mouse Model of Pancreatic Cancer by Imaging DNA Damage Response Signalling By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-12-20T13:25:42-08:00 Rationale: Despite its widespread use in oncology, the PET radiotracer 18F-FDG is ineffective for improving early detection of pancreatic ductal adenocarcinoma (PDAC). An alternative strategy for early detection of pancreatic cancer involves visualisation of high-grade pancreatic intraepithelial neoplasias (PanIN-3), generally regarded as the non-invasive precursors of PDAC. The DNA damage response is known to be hyper-activated in late-stage PanINs. Therefore, we investigated whether the SPECT imaging agent, 111In-anti-H2AX-TAT, allows visualisation of the DNA damage repair marker H2AX in PanIN-3s in an engineered mouse model of PDAC, to facilitate early detection of PDAC. Methods: Genetically engineered KPC mice (KRasLSL.G12D/+; p53LSL.R172H/+; PdxCre) were imaged with 18F-FDG and 111In-anti-H2AX-TAT. PanIN/PDAC presence visualised by histology was compared with autoradiography and immunofluorescence. Separately, the survival of KPC mice imaged with 111In-anti-H2AX-TAT was evaluated. Results: In KPC mouse pancreata, H2AX expression was increased in high-grade PanINs, but not in PDAC, corroborating earlier results obtained from human pancreas sections. Uptake of 111In-anti-H2AX-TAT, but not 111In-IgG-TAT or 18F-FDG, within the pancreas was positively correlated with the age of KPC mice, which was correlated with the number of high-grade PanINs. 111In-anti-H2AX-TAT localises preferentially in high-grade PanIN lesions, but not in established PDAC. Younger, non-tumour-bearing KPC mice that show uptake of 111In-anti-H2AX-TAT in the pancreas survive significantly shorter than mice with physiological 111In-anti-H2AX-TAT uptake. Conclusion: 111In-anti-H2AX-TAT imaging allows non-invasive detection of DNA damage repair signalling upregulation in pre-invasive PanIN lesions and is a promising new tool to aid in the early detection and staging of pancreatic cancer. Full Article
