latin america Latin America’s COVID-19 Moment: Differences and Solidarity By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Thu, 30 Apr 2020 11:37:25 +0000 30 April 2020 Dr Christopher Sabatini Senior Research Fellow for Latin America, US and the Americas Programme @ChrisSabatini LinkedIn There has been no better example of the political diversity in Latin America than the varying responses of governments to the coronavirus crisis. 2020-04-30-Chile-Covid.jpg A municipal cleaning worker disinfects the central market in Santiago, Chile on 7 April 2020 amid the coronavirus pandemic. Photo: Getty Images. Differing approaches across the hemisphere have had different impacts on presidential popularity and, at least in one case, on democratic institutions and human rights. Yet, even within that diversity, South America’s Southern Cone countries (Argentina, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay) have shown a sign of solidarity: protecting and facilitating trade flows, sponsoring cross-border research and ensuring citizens’ return to their home countries. The response from populist leadersOn the extreme have been the responses of presidents of Brazil, Nicaragua and Mexico, all of whom have ignored the science of the virus and of experts and refused to implement isolation policies. President Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil fired his health minister, Luis Henrique Mandetta on 16 April for contradicting him and earlier had claimed that the pandemic was a hoax or little more than a ‘measly cold.' Meanwhile, Nicaraguan president Daniel Ortega has resisted closing businesses and schools. After a mysterious 34-day absence, Ortega appeared on television on 15 April reinforcing his refusal to close businesses saying that Nicaraguans must work or they will die and claiming that the virus was ‘imported.’ Mexico’s Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO) has also resisted the call for strict stay-at-home policies, though with his Deputy Health Minister, Hugo López-Gatell, has closed schools – recently extending the closure to the 1st of June and urging non-essential businesses to close – but focusing primarily on social distancing. In contrast to his deputy health minister and Foreign Minister Marcelo Ebrard – who had declared the situation a health emergency on 30th March, later than many neighbouring countries – AMLO has largely attempted to avoid discussion of the pandemic, claiming that in his case he has lucky charms that prevent him from contracting the virus. And both Bolsonaro and AMLO have participated in large public rallies, doing all the things that politicians love, shaking hands and hugging babies, and in the case of the former even wiping his nose before embracing an elderly woman.The Nicaraguan, Brazilian and Mexican presidents make an odd grouping since one (Bosonaro) is considered of the extreme populist right and the others (Ortega and AMLO) of the populist left. What unites them is good old-fashioned populism, a belief in a leader who represents the amorphous popular will and should be unfettered by checks and balances on his power, including something like… science. An eclectic groupAt the other extreme have been the quick responses by governments in Peru, Argentina, Chile, El Salvador and Colombia which put quarantine measures in place in mid-March. In these cases, governments have even banned outdoor activities and in the case of Peru and Colombia (in the large cities) have imposed alternating days for when women and men can leave the house so as to better control outside movement. This too, though, is an eclectic group. It includes a Peronist president Alberto Fernández in Argentina, conservative presidents Sebastian Piñera in Chile and Ivan Duque in Colombia, interim president and relative political neophyte Martin Vizcarra in Peru and outsider president Nayib Bukele in El Salvador. El Salvador’s strict quarantine measures have led to rising concerns that Bukele is using the crisis to consolidate personal power, using the national police and the armed forces to enforce the quarantine and ignoring three rulings by the Supreme Court urging the president to end the abuses. In Argentina, Peronist Fernández has shown a surprising commitment to containment even as it hurts his party’s working-class base, not something typically expected of the populist Peronist Party. In all of these cases, the quick, strong responses by the presidents shored up their popularity. Peru’s Vizcarra saw his popularity shoot up 35 points in a week to 82 per cent according to surveys taken in March. In late March 2020, Fernández in Argentina saw his approval ratings swell to 79.2 per cent with 94.7 percent of citizens approving of the government’s strict shelter-at-home policies. Even presidents Piñera and Duque who had struggled with low approval ratings throughout 2019 and saw those numbers sink even lower after the social protests that ended the year have seen their numbers rise. According to an 20th April poll, Piñera’s popular approval rating swelled from 13 percent in March 18th at the start of the crisis to 25 per cent by 20th April; while hardly a sweeping popular mandate, even that level was unthinkable only a few months ago when administration was battered by social protests. In Colombia, after a series of political missteps and the popular protests, Duque’s popular approval rating had slumped to 26 per cent; by April 2nd, 62 percent of Colombians supported the once-beleaguered president. (No recent surveys were available for Bukele in El Salvador.)In contrast, Bolsonaro’s in Brazil has only nudged up. Before the crisis hit, the president’s popularity had been in steady decline from a high of 49 per cent in January 2019 to 30 per cent by early December 2019. But by the first week in April, in the midst of a crisis in which other presidents saw their approval ratings increase by double digits, after his public disagreements with the health minister, Bolsonaro’s had sunk to 33 per cent while the soon-to-be-fired Mandetta’s stood at 76 per cent. AMLO in Mexico has fared no better. The populist leftist scored a high 86 per cent approval rating in February 1, 2019. By March 28, 2020 with concerns over his weak and flippant COVID-19 response and a severe contraction in economic growth, AMLO’s approval rating had sunk 26 points to 60 per cent and his disapproval stood at 37 per cent. In the midst of disharmony, coordinationDespite these differences, many countries in the region have shown the solidarity they often speak of but rarely follow in policy or practice. Peru, Chile and other countries have collaborated in repatriating citizens back to their home countries in the midst of the crisis. Even the countries of the Southern Cone common market, MERCOSUR, have pulled together on a number of fronts. The trade bloc had effectively been ruled a dead-man-walking after its failed efforts to integrate Venezuela into the bloc, lowering its standards to let in the petroleum dependent semi-authoritarian government of then President Hugo Chávez. Even on the basics of internal cooperation, the block was struggling, unable to coordinate monetary policies and non-tariff trade barriers between the original founding member states, Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay.The 35-year-old customs union seemed to get a breath a new life with the announcement that it had concluded 20-year-long negotiations with the EU for a free trade deal. Ratification of that deal, however, ran aground on the political differences between the recently elected governments of Bolsonaro in Brazil and the Peronist Fernández in Argentina. Bolsonaro refused to attend the Fernández December 2019 inauguration, in protest of the newly elected president’s leftist leanings. And this was well before their sharply divergent reactions to the COVID-19 virus. How surprising then that Mercosur has served as an effective coordination mechanism for these different and once opposed governments. The trade body is collaborating among member states to ensure the repatriation of citizens and has agreed to coordinate to ensure that trade flows, especially of medical supplies, are not interrupted by shutdown measures. Mercosur has even gone one step further than several other bodies have failed to take. In early April the bloc’s governing body, based in Montevideo, Uruguay created a $16 million (12 million pound) fund to augment country research and assist in the purchase of supplies needed to combat the virus. Now if Brazil, Argentina and the others could only coordinate their domestic coronavirus responses and economic policy. In late March Fernández announced he was pulling Argentina out of a possible Mercosur-EU trade deal. Full Article
latin america Webinar: COVID-19 and the Impact on Latin American Migration By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Fri, 01 May 2020 15:45:01 +0000 Research Event 14 May 2020 - 3:00pm to 4:00pmAdd to CalendariCalendar Outlook Google Yahoo Ambassador Arturo Sarukhan, Associate Fellow, US and the Americas Programme, Chatham House; Mexican Ambassador to the US, 2007 - 13Professor Anita Isaacs, Benjamin R. Collins Professor of Social Sciences, Haverford CollegeChair: Dr Christopher Sabatini, Senior Research Fellow for Latin America, US and the Americas Programme, Chatham House The US government recently announced restrictions on immigration, stating the new measures were necessary due to COVID-19 and the effect the pandemic has had on the US economy. But what is the role of immigrants in the essential official and unofficial services in the COVID-19 stay-at-home era? How is COVID-19 affecting immigration from Central America and Mexico? Separately, there have also been instances of outbreaks among detainees in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement centers and claims that immigrants who are returning to Guatemala are spreading the virus. How have US immigration policies affected infection rates in Central America and Mexico and among its citizens?Arturo Sarukhan, Mexican Ambassador to the US from 2007 - 13, and Anita Isaacs, Benjamin R. Collins Professor of Social Sciences, Haverford College, will join us to discuss the impact COVID-19 is having on migrants.Chatham House would like to thank BTG Pactual, Cairn Energy plc, Diageo plc, Equinor, Fresnillo Management Services, HSBC Holdings plc and Wintershall Dea for their generous support of the Latin America Initiative.This event is scheduled to take place from 15:00 – 16:00 BST. US and Americas Programme Email Department/project US and the Americas Programme, Latin America Initiative Full Article
latin america Latin America’s COVID-19 Moment: Differences and Solidarity By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Thu, 30 Apr 2020 11:37:25 +0000 30 April 2020 Dr Christopher Sabatini Senior Research Fellow for Latin America, US and the Americas Programme @ChrisSabatini LinkedIn There has been no better example of the political diversity in Latin America than the varying responses of governments to the coronavirus crisis. 2020-04-30-Chile-Covid.jpg A municipal cleaning worker disinfects the central market in Santiago, Chile on 7 April 2020 amid the coronavirus pandemic. Photo: Getty Images. Differing approaches across the hemisphere have had different impacts on presidential popularity and, at least in one case, on democratic institutions and human rights. Yet, even within that diversity, South America’s Southern Cone countries (Argentina, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay) have shown a sign of solidarity: protecting and facilitating trade flows, sponsoring cross-border research and ensuring citizens’ return to their home countries. The response from populist leadersOn the extreme have been the responses of presidents of Brazil, Nicaragua and Mexico, all of whom have ignored the science of the virus and of experts and refused to implement isolation policies. President Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil fired his health minister, Luis Henrique Mandetta on 16 April for contradicting him and earlier had claimed that the pandemic was a hoax or little more than a ‘measly cold.' Meanwhile, Nicaraguan president Daniel Ortega has resisted closing businesses and schools. After a mysterious 34-day absence, Ortega appeared on television on 15 April reinforcing his refusal to close businesses saying that Nicaraguans must work or they will die and claiming that the virus was ‘imported.’ Mexico’s Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO) has also resisted the call for strict stay-at-home policies, though with his Deputy Health Minister, Hugo López-Gatell, has closed schools – recently extending the closure to the 1st of June and urging non-essential businesses to close – but focusing primarily on social distancing. In contrast to his deputy health minister and Foreign Minister Marcelo Ebrard – who had declared the situation a health emergency on 30th March, later than many neighbouring countries – AMLO has largely attempted to avoid discussion of the pandemic, claiming that in his case he has lucky charms that prevent him from contracting the virus. And both Bolsonaro and AMLO have participated in large public rallies, doing all the things that politicians love, shaking hands and hugging babies, and in the case of the former even wiping his nose before embracing an elderly woman.The Nicaraguan, Brazilian and Mexican presidents make an odd grouping since one (Bosonaro) is considered of the extreme populist right and the others (Ortega and AMLO) of the populist left. What unites them is good old-fashioned populism, a belief in a leader who represents the amorphous popular will and should be unfettered by checks and balances on his power, including something like… science. An eclectic groupAt the other extreme have been the quick responses by governments in Peru, Argentina, Chile, El Salvador and Colombia which put quarantine measures in place in mid-March. In these cases, governments have even banned outdoor activities and in the case of Peru and Colombia (in the large cities) have imposed alternating days for when women and men can leave the house so as to better control outside movement. This too, though, is an eclectic group. It includes a Peronist president Alberto Fernández in Argentina, conservative presidents Sebastian Piñera in Chile and Ivan Duque in Colombia, interim president and relative political neophyte Martin Vizcarra in Peru and outsider president Nayib Bukele in El Salvador. El Salvador’s strict quarantine measures have led to rising concerns that Bukele is using the crisis to consolidate personal power, using the national police and the armed forces to enforce the quarantine and ignoring three rulings by the Supreme Court urging the president to end the abuses. In Argentina, Peronist Fernández has shown a surprising commitment to containment even as it hurts his party’s working-class base, not something typically expected of the populist Peronist Party. In all of these cases, the quick, strong responses by the presidents shored up their popularity. Peru’s Vizcarra saw his popularity shoot up 35 points in a week to 82 per cent according to surveys taken in March. In late March 2020, Fernández in Argentina saw his approval ratings swell to 79.2 per cent with 94.7 percent of citizens approving of the government’s strict shelter-at-home policies. Even presidents Piñera and Duque who had struggled with low approval ratings throughout 2019 and saw those numbers sink even lower after the social protests that ended the year have seen their numbers rise. According to an 20th April poll, Piñera’s popular approval rating swelled from 13 percent in March 18th at the start of the crisis to 25 per cent by 20th April; while hardly a sweeping popular mandate, even that level was unthinkable only a few months ago when administration was battered by social protests. In Colombia, after a series of political missteps and the popular protests, Duque’s popular approval rating had slumped to 26 per cent; by April 2nd, 62 percent of Colombians supported the once-beleaguered president. (No recent surveys were available for Bukele in El Salvador.)In contrast, Bolsonaro’s in Brazil has only nudged up. Before the crisis hit, the president’s popularity had been in steady decline from a high of 49 per cent in January 2019 to 30 per cent by early December 2019. But by the first week in April, in the midst of a crisis in which other presidents saw their approval ratings increase by double digits, after his public disagreements with the health minister, Bolsonaro’s had sunk to 33 per cent while the soon-to-be-fired Mandetta’s stood at 76 per cent. AMLO in Mexico has fared no better. The populist leftist scored a high 86 per cent approval rating in February 1, 2019. By March 28, 2020 with concerns over his weak and flippant COVID-19 response and a severe contraction in economic growth, AMLO’s approval rating had sunk 26 points to 60 per cent and his disapproval stood at 37 per cent. In the midst of disharmony, coordinationDespite these differences, many countries in the region have shown the solidarity they often speak of but rarely follow in policy or practice. Peru, Chile and other countries have collaborated in repatriating citizens back to their home countries in the midst of the crisis. Even the countries of the Southern Cone common market, MERCOSUR, have pulled together on a number of fronts. The trade bloc had effectively been ruled a dead-man-walking after its failed efforts to integrate Venezuela into the bloc, lowering its standards to let in the petroleum dependent semi-authoritarian government of then President Hugo Chávez. Even on the basics of internal cooperation, the block was struggling, unable to coordinate monetary policies and non-tariff trade barriers between the original founding member states, Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay.The 35-year-old customs union seemed to get a breath a new life with the announcement that it had concluded 20-year-long negotiations with the EU for a free trade deal. Ratification of that deal, however, ran aground on the political differences between the recently elected governments of Bolsonaro in Brazil and the Peronist Fernández in Argentina. Bolsonaro refused to attend the Fernández December 2019 inauguration, in protest of the newly elected president’s leftist leanings. And this was well before their sharply divergent reactions to the COVID-19 virus. How surprising then that Mercosur has served as an effective coordination mechanism for these different and once opposed governments. The trade body is collaborating among member states to ensure the repatriation of citizens and has agreed to coordinate to ensure that trade flows, especially of medical supplies, are not interrupted by shutdown measures. Mercosur has even gone one step further than several other bodies have failed to take. In early April the bloc’s governing body, based in Montevideo, Uruguay created a $16 million (12 million pound) fund to augment country research and assist in the purchase of supplies needed to combat the virus. Now if Brazil, Argentina and the others could only coordinate their domestic coronavirus responses and economic policy. In late March Fernández announced he was pulling Argentina out of a possible Mercosur-EU trade deal. Full Article
latin america Webinar: COVID-19 and the Impact on Latin American Migration By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Fri, 01 May 2020 15:45:01 +0000 Research Event 14 May 2020 - 3:00pm to 4:00pmAdd to CalendariCalendar Outlook Google Yahoo Ambassador Arturo Sarukhan, Associate Fellow, US and the Americas Programme, Chatham House; Mexican Ambassador to the US, 2007 - 13Professor Anita Isaacs, Benjamin R. Collins Professor of Social Sciences, Haverford CollegeChair: Dr Christopher Sabatini, Senior Research Fellow for Latin America, US and the Americas Programme, Chatham House The US government recently announced restrictions on immigration, stating the new measures were necessary due to COVID-19 and the effect the pandemic has had on the US economy. But what is the role of immigrants in the essential official and unofficial services in the COVID-19 stay-at-home era? How is COVID-19 affecting immigration from Central America and Mexico? Separately, there have also been instances of outbreaks among detainees in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement centers and claims that immigrants who are returning to Guatemala are spreading the virus. How have US immigration policies affected infection rates in Central America and Mexico and among its citizens?Arturo Sarukhan, Mexican Ambassador to the US from 2007 - 13, and Anita Isaacs, Benjamin R. Collins Professor of Social Sciences, Haverford College, will join us to discuss the impact COVID-19 is having on migrants.Chatham House would like to thank BTG Pactual, Cairn Energy plc, Diageo plc, Equinor, Fresnillo Management Services, HSBC Holdings plc and Wintershall Dea for their generous support of the Latin America Initiative.This event is scheduled to take place from 15:00 – 16:00 BST. US and Americas Programme Email Department/project US and the Americas Programme, Latin America Initiative Full Article
latin america Just Circular Economy Transitions in Latin America By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 10 Dec 2019 14:40:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 11 December 2019 - 9:00am to 12 December 2019 - 5:00pm Montevideo, Uruguay To identify and promote collaborative opportunities for an inclusive and sustainable circular economy transition at the international level, a clearer understanding and discussions of the potential winners and losers of such a transition is needed. In short, a ‘win-win-win’ vision for the environment, people and the economy, needs to be built and credible pathways to achieving this vision.This research workshop, organized by Chatham House and UNIDO, will build on previous and ongoing research by Chatham House, and others, to drive forward an inclusive circular economy agenda and promote a just transition from linear to circular economic models. Chatham House, in collaboration with partners, aims to provide a strong evidence base of the opportunities and trade-offs in this transition from linear to circular models by robustly analysing the political economies in key regions in the developing world and engaging with leading stakeholders from governments, international organizations, civil society and the business community.Latin America is an important geographical region for the circular economy especially in view of the circular bioeconomy and the agenda around inclusiveness. Several countries are beginning to embrace the circular economy concept and related policies. This workshop will bring together circular economy leaders from policy, business and civil society across Latin American countries to identify and discuss challenges, large-scale positive sum opportunities, investment needs, existing alliances and the potential to scale up circular economy practices. The second day of the workshop includes site visits to various circular economy projects in Uruguay.Attendance at this event is by invitation only. Department/project Energy, Environment and Resources Programme, Building Transformative Alliances for an Inclusive Global Circular Economy Melissa MacEwen Project Manager, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme Email Full Article
latin america Latin America’s Protests Are Likely to Fail By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 15 Jan 2020 12:29:34 +0000 Source Foreign Policy URL https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/11/08/latin-americas-protests-are-likely-to-fail/ Release date 08 November 2020 Expert Dr Christopher Sabatini In the news type Op-ed Hide date on homepage Full Article
latin america It’s unlikely Latin America is at risk of an Iranian proxy attack. However . . . By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 15 Jan 2020 12:32:39 +0000 Source The Miami Herald URL https://www.miamiherald.com/opinion/op-ed/article239105468.html Release date 10 January 2020 Expert Dr Christopher Sabatini In the news type Op-ed Hide date on homepage Full Article
latin america CBD News: Statement by Mr. Ahmed Djoghlaf on the occasion of Latin American and Caribbean Indigenous and Local Community Capacity-building Workshop on the Convention on Biological Diversity, Including Issues Relevant to Article 8(j), TK and ABS: Mesoameri By www.cbd.int Published On :: Thu, 04 Mar 2010 00:00:00 GMT Full Article
latin america CBD News: Message by Mr. Ahmed Djoghlaf, Executive Secretary of the Convention on Biological Diversity, on the occasion of the Ministerial Segment of the XVII Meeting of the Forum of Ministers of Environment of Latin America and the Caribbean, 29 April 20 By www.cbd.int Published On :: Thu, 29 Apr 2010 00:00:00 GMT Full Article
latin america CBD News: Message from Mr. Ahmed Djoghlaf, CBD Executive Secretary, on the occasion of the First Latin American Congress (4th of Argentina) for the Conservation of Biodiversity, San Miguel de Tucumán, Argentina, 22 - 26 November 2010. By www.cbd.int Published On :: Mon, 22 Nov 2010 00:00:00 GMT Full Article
latin america CBD News: Statement by Mr. Braulio Ferreira de Souza Dias, CBD Executive Secretary, on the occasion of the Sub-Regional Workshop for Latin America on Capacity-Building for Implementation of the CBD Programme of Work on Protected Areas, Bogotá, Colomb By www.cbd.int Published On :: Mon, 12 Mar 2012 00:00:00 GMT Full Article
latin america CBD News: Statement by Mr. Braulio F. de Souza Dias, CBD Executive Secretary, at the opening of the Regional Forum on Solutions for Oceans, Coasts and Human Well-Being in Latin America and the Wider Caribbean Region, Cancun, Mexico, 14 - 17 April 2015 By www.cbd.int Published On :: Tue, 14 Apr 2015 00:00:00 GMT Full Article
latin america CBD News: In anticipation of the discussions to take place at the thirteenth meeting of the Conference of Parties (COP 13) to the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) later this year, Latin American and Caribbean Ministers of Environment have adopted By www.cbd.int Published On :: Thu, 07 Apr 2016 00:00:00 GMT Full Article
latin america CBD News: The four reports, one each for Africa, Asia and the Pacific, West Asia, and Latin America and the Caribbean offer a regional perspective of the Convention's 2014 publication Global Biodiversity Outlook-4 (GB0-4). Using a similar approach an By www.cbd.int Published On :: Mon, 23 May 2016 00:00:00 GMT Full Article
latin america Latin America: Shifting Political Dynamics and the Implications for the Global System By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Mon, 09 Sep 2019 13:20:01 +0000 Corporate Members Event Nominees Breakfast Briefing Partners and Major Corporates 26 September 2019 - 8:00am to 9:15am Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE Event participants Christopher Sabatini, Senior Research Fellow for Latin America, US and the Americas Programme, Chatham House In the past 12 months, a series of highly-anticipated elections throughout Latin America have demonstrated that deep political shifts are underway. This has occurred at a time when economic growth across the region is slowing and a number of countries face growing social crises. How will these political shifts and social challenges affect growth and foreign direct investment (FDI)?Christopher Sabatini will outline how the shifting political dynamics across the region have, and will, continue to influence trade and investment in the coming months and years across the continent and what regional developments mean for the international community in light of Brexit, global trade tensions and the rise of China and other emerging powers. How can businesses and governments provide a platform to overcome mutual obstacles faced by Latin American investors? What impact have Chinese development projects had in Latin America? And are medium and small economies in Latin America vulnerable to a global trade war?This event is only open to Major Corporate Member and Partner organizations of Chatham House. If you would like to register your interest, please RSVP to Linda Bedford. We will contact you to confirm your attendance.To enable as open a debate as possible, this event will be held under the Chatham House Rule. Members Events Team Email Full Article
latin america Could Brexit Open Up a New Market for Latin American Agriculture? By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 08 Oct 2019 08:49:18 +0000 8 October 2019 Dr Christopher Sabatini Senior Research Fellow for Latin America, US and the Americas Programme @ChrisSabatini LinkedIn Anar Bata Coordinator, US and the Americas Programme The demand will be there, but a range of barriers are likely to limit growth in agricultural trade links between the UK and Latin America. 2019-10-08-Brazil.jpg An area of forest-pasture integration prepared to receive dairy cattle for feeding in Ipameri, Brazil. Photo: Getty Images. Currently 73% of all UK agricultural imports come from the EU. That heavy dependence sparked a report by the British parliament expressing concern about the UK’s food security in the immediate aftermath of Brexit.Meanwhile, Latin America’s agricultural powerhouses Brazil and Argentina only accounted for a total of 1.6% of the UK’s agricultural market across eight sectors in 2018. A growing relationship would seem to be an obvious fit post-Brexit – but a number of structural issues stand in the way.There is certainly scope for increasing Latin American agricultural exports to the UK given current trade patterns. Two of the main agricultural imports that the UK buys from the EU are meat products, representing 82% of UK imports in that category, and dairy products and eggs; 98% of UK’s dairy- and egg-related external supply came from the EU. In both these areas, Brazil and Argentina could have comparative advantages, including lower prices.But any improvement in agricultural trade links will depend on two factors: 1) how the UK leaves the EU: whether it crashes out, negotiates an easy exit or leaves at all; and 2) whether Latin American agricultural producers can improve their environmental practices and can meet the production standards established by the EU and likely maintained by a post-Brexit Britain.Some of the key issues that will affect this are:Tariff structuresOn the UK side, there is pressure by domestic agricultural producers to raise UK tariffs to allow them to expand their local market share. Yet, despite the pressures from local farmers, the UK has laid out two scenarios.In one case, the UK government has stated that in the event of a no-deal Brexit, tariffs will be lowered to 0%, but there is no firm commitment and this would likely be temporary. It is also unlikely that those would apply to all agricultural products. In the case of beef imports (of which Argentina and Brazil are major exporters), the UK has proposed that ‘no deal’ would bring a reduction on tariffs on a range of beef products of roughly half.Meanwhile, tariffs on EU imports could go up. Even if the UK establishes 0% tariffs on EU products, it’s possible that the EU will not reciprocate, instead choosing to revert to the World Trade Organization’s most-favoured-nation tariffs. To take one example of what that would mean, under existing most-favoured-nation tariffs on beef, the tariffs range from €6.80 per 100 kilograms of full bovine carcasses or half carcasses all the way up to €161.10 for 160 kilograms of prepared or preserved meat, including sausages.Free trade agreements between the EU and Latin American countriesThe EU has free trade agreements with the Central American bloc of Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua and Panama; Mexico; Chile; and the Andean countries of Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru. In all those cases, the UK has expressed its desire to maintain its liberal trade framework with those countries.Even if the UK leaves without a deal and tariffs do increase on EU agricultural exports, though, these Western Hemisphere economies are unlikely to see a large boost in their food exports to the UK. Chile and other large fruit producers are already locked into the Chinese market. And the real agricultural powerhouses, Argentina and Brazil, are now part of the EU trade agreement with Mercosur.Since that agreement is not yet in force, the UK and Mercosur would need to negotiate a separate agreement. Such an agreement may be easier to ratify than the EU agreement since there is only one partner (the UK) for such a deal, but the likely change in government in Argentina after the 27 October elections may make it difficult to secure a deal on the Mercosur side.Some EU trade agreements also include arrangements for tariff rate quotas. An EU quota with Argentina, for example, allows more than 280,000 tonnes of lamb to be imported to the EU duty free from Argentina, among other countries. It is unclear whether these quotas will be maintained or even expanded by the UK post-Brexit. Phytosanitary standards and rules governing the treatment of animalsNon-tariff barriers concerning production practices could play a key role. The large UK consumer organization Which? raised the concern before parliament that in the scramble to replace EU food imports, the UK could diverge from EU standards on animal cloning, the use of growth hormones and hygiene in poultry production. Pressure to maintain those standards would likely exclude many products from South America.Beyond the regulatory barriers, there is also the possibility that UK consumers may reject agricultural products produced in less sustainable and humane conditions, or in countries (such as Brazil) that are seen by the public as abusing the environment.In short, an increase in Latin American agricultural exports to the UK market may not happen as easily or as quickly as some hope after Brexit. In fact, it may not happen at all. But if Latin American countries – Argentina and Brazil in particular – want to capture this potential new market, the first step both should be to improve their environmental profile and standards at both the government and producer level. Full Article
latin america Latin America’s COVID-19 Moment: Differences and Solidarity By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Thu, 30 Apr 2020 11:37:25 +0000 30 April 2020 Dr Christopher Sabatini Senior Research Fellow for Latin America, US and the Americas Programme @ChrisSabatini LinkedIn There has been no better example of the political diversity in Latin America than the varying responses of governments to the coronavirus crisis. 2020-04-30-Chile-Covid.jpg A municipal cleaning worker disinfects the central market in Santiago, Chile on 7 April 2020 amid the coronavirus pandemic. Photo: Getty Images. Differing approaches across the hemisphere have had different impacts on presidential popularity and, at least in one case, on democratic institutions and human rights. Yet, even within that diversity, South America’s Southern Cone countries (Argentina, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay) have shown a sign of solidarity: protecting and facilitating trade flows, sponsoring cross-border research and ensuring citizens’ return to their home countries. The response from populist leadersOn the extreme have been the responses of presidents of Brazil, Nicaragua and Mexico, all of whom have ignored the science of the virus and of experts and refused to implement isolation policies. President Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil fired his health minister, Luis Henrique Mandetta on 16 April for contradicting him and earlier had claimed that the pandemic was a hoax or little more than a ‘measly cold.' Meanwhile, Nicaraguan president Daniel Ortega has resisted closing businesses and schools. After a mysterious 34-day absence, Ortega appeared on television on 15 April reinforcing his refusal to close businesses saying that Nicaraguans must work or they will die and claiming that the virus was ‘imported.’ Mexico’s Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO) has also resisted the call for strict stay-at-home policies, though with his Deputy Health Minister, Hugo López-Gatell, has closed schools – recently extending the closure to the 1st of June and urging non-essential businesses to close – but focusing primarily on social distancing. In contrast to his deputy health minister and Foreign Minister Marcelo Ebrard – who had declared the situation a health emergency on 30th March, later than many neighbouring countries – AMLO has largely attempted to avoid discussion of the pandemic, claiming that in his case he has lucky charms that prevent him from contracting the virus. And both Bolsonaro and AMLO have participated in large public rallies, doing all the things that politicians love, shaking hands and hugging babies, and in the case of the former even wiping his nose before embracing an elderly woman.The Nicaraguan, Brazilian and Mexican presidents make an odd grouping since one (Bosonaro) is considered of the extreme populist right and the others (Ortega and AMLO) of the populist left. What unites them is good old-fashioned populism, a belief in a leader who represents the amorphous popular will and should be unfettered by checks and balances on his power, including something like… science. An eclectic groupAt the other extreme have been the quick responses by governments in Peru, Argentina, Chile, El Salvador and Colombia which put quarantine measures in place in mid-March. In these cases, governments have even banned outdoor activities and in the case of Peru and Colombia (in the large cities) have imposed alternating days for when women and men can leave the house so as to better control outside movement. This too, though, is an eclectic group. It includes a Peronist president Alberto Fernández in Argentina, conservative presidents Sebastian Piñera in Chile and Ivan Duque in Colombia, interim president and relative political neophyte Martin Vizcarra in Peru and outsider president Nayib Bukele in El Salvador. El Salvador’s strict quarantine measures have led to rising concerns that Bukele is using the crisis to consolidate personal power, using the national police and the armed forces to enforce the quarantine and ignoring three rulings by the Supreme Court urging the president to end the abuses. In Argentina, Peronist Fernández has shown a surprising commitment to containment even as it hurts his party’s working-class base, not something typically expected of the populist Peronist Party. In all of these cases, the quick, strong responses by the presidents shored up their popularity. Peru’s Vizcarra saw his popularity shoot up 35 points in a week to 82 per cent according to surveys taken in March. In late March 2020, Fernández in Argentina saw his approval ratings swell to 79.2 per cent with 94.7 percent of citizens approving of the government’s strict shelter-at-home policies. Even presidents Piñera and Duque who had struggled with low approval ratings throughout 2019 and saw those numbers sink even lower after the social protests that ended the year have seen their numbers rise. According to an 20th April poll, Piñera’s popular approval rating swelled from 13 percent in March 18th at the start of the crisis to 25 per cent by 20th April; while hardly a sweeping popular mandate, even that level was unthinkable only a few months ago when administration was battered by social protests. In Colombia, after a series of political missteps and the popular protests, Duque’s popular approval rating had slumped to 26 per cent; by April 2nd, 62 percent of Colombians supported the once-beleaguered president. (No recent surveys were available for Bukele in El Salvador.)In contrast, Bolsonaro’s in Brazil has only nudged up. Before the crisis hit, the president’s popularity had been in steady decline from a high of 49 per cent in January 2019 to 30 per cent by early December 2019. But by the first week in April, in the midst of a crisis in which other presidents saw their approval ratings increase by double digits, after his public disagreements with the health minister, Bolsonaro’s had sunk to 33 per cent while the soon-to-be-fired Mandetta’s stood at 76 per cent. AMLO in Mexico has fared no better. The populist leftist scored a high 86 per cent approval rating in February 1, 2019. By March 28, 2020 with concerns over his weak and flippant COVID-19 response and a severe contraction in economic growth, AMLO’s approval rating had sunk 26 points to 60 per cent and his disapproval stood at 37 per cent. In the midst of disharmony, coordinationDespite these differences, many countries in the region have shown the solidarity they often speak of but rarely follow in policy or practice. Peru, Chile and other countries have collaborated in repatriating citizens back to their home countries in the midst of the crisis. Even the countries of the Southern Cone common market, MERCOSUR, have pulled together on a number of fronts. The trade bloc had effectively been ruled a dead-man-walking after its failed efforts to integrate Venezuela into the bloc, lowering its standards to let in the petroleum dependent semi-authoritarian government of then President Hugo Chávez. Even on the basics of internal cooperation, the block was struggling, unable to coordinate monetary policies and non-tariff trade barriers between the original founding member states, Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay.The 35-year-old customs union seemed to get a breath a new life with the announcement that it had concluded 20-year-long negotiations with the EU for a free trade deal. Ratification of that deal, however, ran aground on the political differences between the recently elected governments of Bolsonaro in Brazil and the Peronist Fernández in Argentina. Bolsonaro refused to attend the Fernández December 2019 inauguration, in protest of the newly elected president’s leftist leanings. And this was well before their sharply divergent reactions to the COVID-19 virus. How surprising then that Mercosur has served as an effective coordination mechanism for these different and once opposed governments. The trade body is collaborating among member states to ensure the repatriation of citizens and has agreed to coordinate to ensure that trade flows, especially of medical supplies, are not interrupted by shutdown measures. Mercosur has even gone one step further than several other bodies have failed to take. In early April the bloc’s governing body, based in Montevideo, Uruguay created a $16 million (12 million pound) fund to augment country research and assist in the purchase of supplies needed to combat the virus. Now if Brazil, Argentina and the others could only coordinate their domestic coronavirus responses and economic policy. In late March Fernández announced he was pulling Argentina out of a possible Mercosur-EU trade deal. Full Article
latin america Exploring the Obstacles and Opportunities for Expanded UK-Latin American Trade and Investment By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Thu, 27 Feb 2020 12:40:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 14 January 2020 - 8:30am to 11:00am Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE Trade and investment between the UK and Latin America is woefully underdeveloped. Latin America’s agricultural powerhouses Brazil and Argentina only accounted for a total of 1.6% of the UK’s agricultural market across eight sectors in 2018, all of those areas in which Argentina and Brazil have substantial comparative advantages. Conversely, UK exports to the large Latin American economies remain far below their potential. To cite a few examples, in 2018 in the electrical equipment sector, the UK only exported $95.7 million of those products to Brazil, making the ninth largest economy in the world only the 42nd export market for those goods from the UK; Mexico only imported $91.4 million of UK-made electrical goods, placing it directly behind Brazil as UK’s market for those goods.As we look to the future, any improvement to the relationship will depend on two factors: 1) how the UK leaves the EU and 2) whether Latin American agricultural producers can improve their environmental practices and can meet the production standards established by the EU and likely maintained by a potential post-Brexit Britain.In the first meeting of the working group, Chatham House convened a range of policymakers, practitioners and academics to explore this topic in depth, identify the key issues driving this trend, and begin to consider how improvements might best be made. Subsequent meetings will focus on specific sectors in commerce and investment.We would like to thank BTG Pactual, Cairn Energy plc, Diageo, Equinor, Fresnillo Management Services, HSBC Holdings plc and Wintershall Dea for their generous support of the Latin America Initiative. Event attributes Chatham House Rule Department/project US and the Americas Programme, Latin America Initiative US and Americas Programme Email Full Article
latin america Coronavirus in Latin America and Mexico: Infection Rates, Immigration and Policy Responses By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Mon, 23 Mar 2020 17:20:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 25 March 2020 - 4:00pm to 5:00pm Event participants Jude Webber, Mexico and Central America Correspondent, Financial TimesMichael Stott, Latin America Editor, Financial TimesChair: Dr Christopher Sabatini, Senior Research Fellow for Latin America, US and the Americas Programme, Chatham House This event is part of the Inaugural Virtual Roundtable Series on the US, Americas and the State of the World and will take place virtually only. Participants should not come to Chatham House for these events Department/project US and the Americas Programme, Latin America Initiative US and Americas Programme Email Full Article
latin america Latin America’s COVID-19 Moment: Differences and Solidarity By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Thu, 30 Apr 2020 11:37:25 +0000 30 April 2020 Dr Christopher Sabatini Senior Research Fellow for Latin America, US and the Americas Programme @ChrisSabatini LinkedIn There has been no better example of the political diversity in Latin America than the varying responses of governments to the coronavirus crisis. 2020-04-30-Chile-Covid.jpg A municipal cleaning worker disinfects the central market in Santiago, Chile on 7 April 2020 amid the coronavirus pandemic. Photo: Getty Images. Differing approaches across the hemisphere have had different impacts on presidential popularity and, at least in one case, on democratic institutions and human rights. Yet, even within that diversity, South America’s Southern Cone countries (Argentina, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay) have shown a sign of solidarity: protecting and facilitating trade flows, sponsoring cross-border research and ensuring citizens’ return to their home countries. The response from populist leadersOn the extreme have been the responses of presidents of Brazil, Nicaragua and Mexico, all of whom have ignored the science of the virus and of experts and refused to implement isolation policies. President Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil fired his health minister, Luis Henrique Mandetta on 16 April for contradicting him and earlier had claimed that the pandemic was a hoax or little more than a ‘measly cold.' Meanwhile, Nicaraguan president Daniel Ortega has resisted closing businesses and schools. After a mysterious 34-day absence, Ortega appeared on television on 15 April reinforcing his refusal to close businesses saying that Nicaraguans must work or they will die and claiming that the virus was ‘imported.’ Mexico’s Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO) has also resisted the call for strict stay-at-home policies, though with his Deputy Health Minister, Hugo López-Gatell, has closed schools – recently extending the closure to the 1st of June and urging non-essential businesses to close – but focusing primarily on social distancing. In contrast to his deputy health minister and Foreign Minister Marcelo Ebrard – who had declared the situation a health emergency on 30th March, later than many neighbouring countries – AMLO has largely attempted to avoid discussion of the pandemic, claiming that in his case he has lucky charms that prevent him from contracting the virus. And both Bolsonaro and AMLO have participated in large public rallies, doing all the things that politicians love, shaking hands and hugging babies, and in the case of the former even wiping his nose before embracing an elderly woman.The Nicaraguan, Brazilian and Mexican presidents make an odd grouping since one (Bosonaro) is considered of the extreme populist right and the others (Ortega and AMLO) of the populist left. What unites them is good old-fashioned populism, a belief in a leader who represents the amorphous popular will and should be unfettered by checks and balances on his power, including something like… science. An eclectic groupAt the other extreme have been the quick responses by governments in Peru, Argentina, Chile, El Salvador and Colombia which put quarantine measures in place in mid-March. In these cases, governments have even banned outdoor activities and in the case of Peru and Colombia (in the large cities) have imposed alternating days for when women and men can leave the house so as to better control outside movement. This too, though, is an eclectic group. It includes a Peronist president Alberto Fernández in Argentina, conservative presidents Sebastian Piñera in Chile and Ivan Duque in Colombia, interim president and relative political neophyte Martin Vizcarra in Peru and outsider president Nayib Bukele in El Salvador. El Salvador’s strict quarantine measures have led to rising concerns that Bukele is using the crisis to consolidate personal power, using the national police and the armed forces to enforce the quarantine and ignoring three rulings by the Supreme Court urging the president to end the abuses. In Argentina, Peronist Fernández has shown a surprising commitment to containment even as it hurts his party’s working-class base, not something typically expected of the populist Peronist Party. In all of these cases, the quick, strong responses by the presidents shored up their popularity. Peru’s Vizcarra saw his popularity shoot up 35 points in a week to 82 per cent according to surveys taken in March. In late March 2020, Fernández in Argentina saw his approval ratings swell to 79.2 per cent with 94.7 percent of citizens approving of the government’s strict shelter-at-home policies. Even presidents Piñera and Duque who had struggled with low approval ratings throughout 2019 and saw those numbers sink even lower after the social protests that ended the year have seen their numbers rise. According to an 20th April poll, Piñera’s popular approval rating swelled from 13 percent in March 18th at the start of the crisis to 25 per cent by 20th April; while hardly a sweeping popular mandate, even that level was unthinkable only a few months ago when administration was battered by social protests. In Colombia, after a series of political missteps and the popular protests, Duque’s popular approval rating had slumped to 26 per cent; by April 2nd, 62 percent of Colombians supported the once-beleaguered president. (No recent surveys were available for Bukele in El Salvador.)In contrast, Bolsonaro’s in Brazil has only nudged up. Before the crisis hit, the president’s popularity had been in steady decline from a high of 49 per cent in January 2019 to 30 per cent by early December 2019. But by the first week in April, in the midst of a crisis in which other presidents saw their approval ratings increase by double digits, after his public disagreements with the health minister, Bolsonaro’s had sunk to 33 per cent while the soon-to-be-fired Mandetta’s stood at 76 per cent. AMLO in Mexico has fared no better. The populist leftist scored a high 86 per cent approval rating in February 1, 2019. By March 28, 2020 with concerns over his weak and flippant COVID-19 response and a severe contraction in economic growth, AMLO’s approval rating had sunk 26 points to 60 per cent and his disapproval stood at 37 per cent. In the midst of disharmony, coordinationDespite these differences, many countries in the region have shown the solidarity they often speak of but rarely follow in policy or practice. Peru, Chile and other countries have collaborated in repatriating citizens back to their home countries in the midst of the crisis. Even the countries of the Southern Cone common market, MERCOSUR, have pulled together on a number of fronts. The trade bloc had effectively been ruled a dead-man-walking after its failed efforts to integrate Venezuela into the bloc, lowering its standards to let in the petroleum dependent semi-authoritarian government of then President Hugo Chávez. Even on the basics of internal cooperation, the block was struggling, unable to coordinate monetary policies and non-tariff trade barriers between the original founding member states, Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay.The 35-year-old customs union seemed to get a breath a new life with the announcement that it had concluded 20-year-long negotiations with the EU for a free trade deal. Ratification of that deal, however, ran aground on the political differences between the recently elected governments of Bolsonaro in Brazil and the Peronist Fernández in Argentina. Bolsonaro refused to attend the Fernández December 2019 inauguration, in protest of the newly elected president’s leftist leanings. And this was well before their sharply divergent reactions to the COVID-19 virus. How surprising then that Mercosur has served as an effective coordination mechanism for these different and once opposed governments. The trade body is collaborating among member states to ensure the repatriation of citizens and has agreed to coordinate to ensure that trade flows, especially of medical supplies, are not interrupted by shutdown measures. Mercosur has even gone one step further than several other bodies have failed to take. In early April the bloc’s governing body, based in Montevideo, Uruguay created a $16 million (12 million pound) fund to augment country research and assist in the purchase of supplies needed to combat the virus. Now if Brazil, Argentina and the others could only coordinate their domestic coronavirus responses and economic policy. In late March Fernández announced he was pulling Argentina out of a possible Mercosur-EU trade deal. Full Article
latin america Webinar: COVID-19 and the Impact on Latin American Migration By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Fri, 01 May 2020 15:45:01 +0000 Research Event 14 May 2020 - 3:00pm to 4:00pmAdd to CalendariCalendar Outlook Google Yahoo Ambassador Arturo Sarukhan, Associate Fellow, US and the Americas Programme, Chatham House; Mexican Ambassador to the US, 2007 - 13Professor Anita Isaacs, Benjamin R. Collins Professor of Social Sciences, Haverford CollegeChair: Dr Christopher Sabatini, Senior Research Fellow for Latin America, US and the Americas Programme, Chatham House The US government recently announced restrictions on immigration, stating the new measures were necessary due to COVID-19 and the effect the pandemic has had on the US economy. But what is the role of immigrants in the essential official and unofficial services in the COVID-19 stay-at-home era? How is COVID-19 affecting immigration from Central America and Mexico? Separately, there have also been instances of outbreaks among detainees in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement centers and claims that immigrants who are returning to Guatemala are spreading the virus. How have US immigration policies affected infection rates in Central America and Mexico and among its citizens?Arturo Sarukhan, Mexican Ambassador to the US from 2007 - 13, and Anita Isaacs, Benjamin R. Collins Professor of Social Sciences, Haverford College, will join us to discuss the impact COVID-19 is having on migrants.Chatham House would like to thank BTG Pactual, Cairn Energy plc, Diageo plc, Equinor, Fresnillo Management Services, HSBC Holdings plc and Wintershall Dea for their generous support of the Latin America Initiative.This event is scheduled to take place from 15:00 – 16:00 BST. US and Americas Programme Email Department/project US and the Americas Programme, Latin America Initiative Full Article
latin america Just Circular Economy Transitions in Latin America By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 10 Dec 2019 14:40:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 11 December 2019 - 9:00am to 12 December 2019 - 5:00pm Montevideo, Uruguay To identify and promote collaborative opportunities for an inclusive and sustainable circular economy transition at the international level, a clearer understanding and discussions of the potential winners and losers of such a transition is needed. In short, a ‘win-win-win’ vision for the environment, people and the economy, needs to be built and credible pathways to achieving this vision.This research workshop, organized by Chatham House and UNIDO, will build on previous and ongoing research by Chatham House, and others, to drive forward an inclusive circular economy agenda and promote a just transition from linear to circular economic models. Chatham House, in collaboration with partners, aims to provide a strong evidence base of the opportunities and trade-offs in this transition from linear to circular models by robustly analysing the political economies in key regions in the developing world and engaging with leading stakeholders from governments, international organizations, civil society and the business community.Latin America is an important geographical region for the circular economy especially in view of the circular bioeconomy and the agenda around inclusiveness. Several countries are beginning to embrace the circular economy concept and related policies. This workshop will bring together circular economy leaders from policy, business and civil society across Latin American countries to identify and discuss challenges, large-scale positive sum opportunities, investment needs, existing alliances and the potential to scale up circular economy practices. The second day of the workshop includes site visits to various circular economy projects in Uruguay.Attendance at this event is by invitation only. Department/project Energy, Environment and Resources Programme, Building Transformative Alliances for an Inclusive Global Circular Economy Melissa MacEwen Project Manager, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme Email Full Article
latin america Creative Policy Responses in Latin America to the Venezuelan Migration Crisis By www.migrationpolicy.org Published On :: Mon, 04 Feb 2019 10:07:13 -0500 With more than 3 million Venezuelans having fled their country in crisis, this event features the release of an MPI-OAS report that examines the creative responses that host countries in Latin America are providing. These include the opening of legal pathways to residence, access to formal labor markets, and greater use of forms of ID for recognition. Full Article
latin america Latin American business leaders optimistic about region’s post-pandemic economy By www.upi.com Published On :: Wed, 06 May 2020 18:44:51 -0400 Despite worrying economic projections, business leaders in Latin America remain optimistic about post-pandemic economy. Full Article
latin america Open Door for Venezuelan and Nicaraguan Migrants in Latin America & Caribbean Closes a Bit amid Scale of Flows, Strains on Public Services By www.migrationpolicy.org Published On :: Mon, 10 Feb 2020 10:41:40 -0500 WASHINGTON – Even as governments in Latin America and the Caribbean have taken generous and innovative steps to address forced displacement from Venezuela and more recently Nicaragua, the warm welcome has cooled in places amid the vast scale of the inflows, strains on public services and growing public concern. Full Article
latin america As More Migrants from Africa and Asia Arrive in Latin America, Governments Seek Orderly and Controlled Pathways By www.migrationpolicy.org Published On :: Mon, 21 Oct 2019 12:48:50 -0400 Growing numbers of African and Asian migrants are moving through Latin America, many hoping to reach the United States or Canada after expensive, arduous, and often dangerous journeys that can take months or even years. As more extracontinental migrants transit through South and Central America, Colombia, Panama, and Costa Rica have developed the most comprehensive policies to manage these flows, sometimes working in coordination with the U.S. government. Full Article
latin america Latin American Responses to the Venezuelan and Nicaraguan Migration Crises By www.migrationpolicy.org Published On :: Mon, 21 Oct 2019 12:56:39 -0400 Leading policymakers and key stakeholders from Latin America, as well as representatives of major international institutions, offer their views on the challenges ahead as Latin American governments seek to chart strategies for responding to large-scale forced migration flows, such as those from Venezuela and Nicaragua. Full Article
latin america Is the Door Closing? Latin American and Caribbean Responses to Venezuelan Migration By www.migrationpolicy.org Published On :: Fri, 31 Jan 2020 16:30:49 -0500 This webinar marks the release of MPI's Latin American and Caribbean Migration Portal that offers up-to-date, authoritative research and data on migration trends and policies, and a report examining the policy responses of 11 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean to increased Venezuelan and Nicaraguan migration. Full Article
latin america An Uneven Welcome: Latin American and Caribbean Responses to Venezuelan and Nicaraguan Migration By www.migrationpolicy.org Published On :: Mon, 03 Feb 2020 17:19:48 -0500 Large-scale displacement from Venezuela and Nicaragua is reshaping the migration landscape in much of Latin America and the Caribbean. This report, accompanied by the launch of a new Migration Portal offering research and analysis on the region, examines the immigration and integration policy responses of 11 countries, including pathways to legal status and measures to integrate newcomers into schools, health-care systems, and labor markets. Full Article
latin america COVID-19 in Latin America: Tackling Health Care & Other Impacts for Vulnerable Migrant Populations By www.migrationpolicy.org Published On :: Fri, 27 Mar 2020 10:58:29 -0400 This MPI webinar brought together public health and migration experts to analyze the impact that COVID-19 preventative measures will have on vulnerable immigrants and refugees in Latin America, with a particular look at Colombia as a case study. Speakers also discussed how policymakers and international organizations can include migrant populations in their emergency response plans. Full Article
latin america Latin American Responses to the Venezuelan and Nicaraguan Migration Crises By www.migrationpolicy.org Published On :: Thu, 31 Oct 2019 12:12:21 -0400 Leading policymakers and key stakeholders from Latin America, as well as representatives of major international institutions, offer their views on the challenges ahead as Latin American governments seek to chart strategies for responding to large-scale forced migration flows, such as those from Venezuela and Nicaragua. Spanish and English versions of the remarks are available. Full Article
latin america Is the Door Closing? Latin American and Caribbean Responses to Venezuelan Migration By www.migrationpolicy.org Published On :: Thu, 13 Feb 2020 11:40:37 -0500 Fleeing crisis, nearly 4 million Venezuelans have moved to other Latin American and Caribbean countries over the past few years. This webinar marked the launch of a Latin American and Caribbean Migration Portal, and a report examining the migration and integration policy responses in the region. Full Article
latin america COVID-19 in Latin America: Tackling Health Care & Other Impacts for Vulnerable Migrant Populations By www.migrationpolicy.org Published On :: Mon, 06 Apr 2020 12:44:50 -0400 This MPI webinar brought together public health and migration experts to analyze the impact that COVID-19 preventative measures will have on vulnerable immigrants and refugees in Colombia and Latin America. Speakers also discussed how policymakers and international organizations can include migrant populations in their emergency response plans. Full Article
latin america Latin American dendroecology : combining tree-ring sciences and ecology in a megadiverse territory By dal.novanet.ca Published On :: Fri, 1 May 2020 19:44:43 -0300 Callnumber: OnlineISBN: 9783030369309 (electronic bk.) Full Article
latin america Latin America Becoming Newest Malware Hotbed By packetstormsecurity.com Published On :: Fri, 03 May 2013 14:50:16 GMT Full Article headline malware cyberwar venezuela brazil scada
latin america Latin America prepares for sharp drop in FDI amid coronavirus pandemic By www.fdiintelligence.com Published On :: Wed, 08 Apr 2020 12:03:41 +0000 The fallout from the pandemic looks set to stall trade and investment to Latin America. Full Article
latin america Zonamerica looks beyond Latin America for expansion opportunities By www.fdiintelligence.com Published On :: Mon, 16 Dec 2019 10:05:06 +0000 Uruguay-based Zonamerica has successfully expanded into Colombia and China, and is now looking to export its model to other parts of Asia and Africa. Full Article
latin america Latin America embraces China's Belt and Road with enthusiasm By www.fdiintelligence.com Published On :: Tue, 25 Feb 2020 13:20:49 +0000 Up to 18 countries across Latin America have joined China’s new Belt and Road Initiative, hoping to boost their infrastructure development and investment. Full Article
latin america Endesa Chile outlines Latin American hydropower ambitions By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2015-07-30T15:09:00Z Endesa Chile has unveiled a plan to develop 36 projects, amounting to 6300 MW of power in Brazil, Chile, Peru and Colombia. The board of directors are looking at hydroelectric power in particular for the bulk of the new capacity. Full Article
latin america Overview of Latin America’s Economy and the Electronics Industry By www.ipc.org Published On :: Presentation by Sree Bhagwat, IPC market research manager. Full Article
latin america Latin America Report: 7 Renewable Energy Stories Worth Reading By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2014-10-09T20:26:00Z The renewable energy market is fast-paced and growing with each passing day. It’s hard to keep up with every industry announcement and insight, so we decided to highlight interesting developments that took place during the past few weeks, and some valuable insights that are worth revisiting. Full Article Energy Efficiency Hydropower Baseload Storage Energy Efficiency Bioenergy Wind Power Solar Project Development Geothermal
latin america Financing Climate-concious Investments in Latin America By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2015-03-20T13:13:00Z Following the conclusion of the United Nations climate negotiations in Lima, Peru, last December, a busy schedule of breakout sessions has begun for Latin American business and political leaders in early 2015. Full Article Energy Efficiency Hydropower Baseload Storage Energy Efficiency Bioenergy Wind Power Opinion & Commentary Solar Geothermal
latin america Latin America Report: Solar's Auction Debut in Brazil By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2013-12-30T18:18:00Z After being shut out of previous renewable energy auctions, and delaying its own auction by two weeks, the state government of Pernambuco held the nation's first solar energy auction on December 27, registering 122.82 MW of energy, six times the country's current entire solar energy output (20 MW). The auction involved 34 bidders proposing roughly 1 GW of capacity; at the end it was narrowed to six companies from Brazil, Italy, Germany, China and Spain. Average price of power finished trading at 228.63 Brazilian reais/MWh (just under U.S. $97), about 9 percent lower than the starting price of R 250. Full Article Wind Power Baseload Solar
latin america Latam: Renewable Energy is Looking Good in Latin America By www.eversheds.com Published On :: 2019-10-31 The Energy & Infrastructure team is delighted to launch its third edition of the Renewable Energy is Looking Good in Latin America brochure. Latin American countries represent 4 of the top 20 most attractive renewable energy markets in the world... Full Article
latin america Toward the indispensable political, economic and social integration of Latin America and the Caribbean By www.granma.cu Published On :: Tue, 9 Dec 2014 08:52:30 -0800 CARICOM-CUBA SUMMIT Toward the indispensable political, economic and social integration of Latin America and the Caribbean Key remarks by President Raúl Castro opening the Fifth CARICOM-Cuba Summit in Havana, December 8, 2014 Full Article
latin america Human Epidermal Growth Factor Receptor 2-Positive Breast Cancer Is Associated with Indigenous American Ancestry in Latin American Women By cancerres.aacrjournals.org Published On :: 2020-05-04T05:35:17-07:00 Women of Latin American origin in the United States are more likely to be diagnosed with advanced breast cancer and have a higher risk of mortality than non-Hispanic White women. Studies in U.S. Latinas and Latin American women have reported a high incidence of HER2 positive (+) tumors; however, the factors contributing to this observation are unknown. Genome-wide genotype data for 1,312 patients from the Peruvian Genetics and Genomics of Breast Cancer Study (PEGEN-BC) were used to estimate genetic ancestry. We tested the association between HER2 status and genetic ancestry using logistic and multinomial logistic regression models. Findings were replicated in 616 samples from Mexico and Colombia. Average Indigenous American (IA) ancestry differed by subtype. In multivariate models, the odds of having an HER2+ tumor increased by a factor of 1.20 with every 10% increase in IA ancestry proportion (95% CI, 1.07–1.35; P = 0.001). The association between HER2 status and IA ancestry was independently replicated in samples from Mexico and Colombia. Results suggest that the high prevalence of HER2+ tumors in Latinas could be due in part to the presence of population-specific genetic variant(s) affecting HER2 expression in breast cancer.Significance:The positive association between Indigenous American genetic ancestry and HER2+ breast cancer suggests that the high incidence of HER2+ subtypes in Latinas might be due to population and subtype-specific genetic risk variants. Full Article
latin america What Would A Sharp Decline In Remittances Mean For Latin America By www.npr.org Published On :: Fri, 08 May 2020 16:01:00 -0400 Immigrants in the U.S. sent an estimated $150 billion to their home countries in 2019 — half to Latin America and the Caribbean. The World Bank is predicting a sharp decline in remittances this year. Full Article
latin america The Race Across the World contestants' guide to visiting Latin America By www.standard.co.uk Published On :: 2020-04-27T15:56:55Z They travelled the length of Central and South America for the BBC's Race Across the World, so who better to ask for travel tips? Full Article
latin america Attorney General Eric Holder Speaks at the League of United Latin American Citizens Annual Convention By www.justice.gov Published On :: Thu, 28 Jun 2012 12:27:21 EDT "You’ve proven the power of unity – and the virtues of diversity. And you’ve breathed new life into the old adage that – more than 80 years ago – gave voice to LULAC’s mission and vision: Uno para todos, todos para uno," said Attorney General Holder. Full Article Speech
latin america Will Obama Retreat on Democracy in Latin America? By webfeeds.brookings.edu Published On :: Tue, 14 Apr 2009 12:00:00 -0400 President Barack Obama's April 17 debut before the hemisphere's main gathering of democratically elected leaders offers an important test of his administration's commitment to longstanding bipartisan support for democracy abroad. So far, the signals are not encouraging. No doubt, the president inherits an unfortunate legacy on this front. President George W. Bush's over-the-top freedom agenda was seen by many as a veiled attempt, by military means or otherwise, to assert U.S. hegemony. At best, it was an overly ambitious and ham-handed effort to boost prospects for political reform in every corner of the world. The more pragmatic Mr. Obama will take a different, more muted approach, bending U.S. advocacy on human rights to other concerns. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton apparently suggested that in her February visit to Beijing, where she signaled to the Communist Party's leaders that the United States would not let human rights get in the way of other priorities. But how far will this pragmatism go? Are we entering a new era in which the rights of the hundreds of millions of people who still live under authoritarian rule are relegated to third-tier status in the U.S. agenda? In Latin America and the Caribbean, the good news is that most citizens not only have a secure voice and vote in how they are governed, but live in increasingly free societies. Freedom of the press is robust, civil society is active and independent judiciaries are slowly consolidating. Threats to these critical components of any democratic society emanate less from a restless military and more from heavily armed criminals who create havoc in once safe neighborhoods and target investigative journalists and honest judges with "plata o plomo" - money or lead. There are, however, a few exceptions to this generally positive trend. Venezuela, under Hugo Chavez's tutelage, has deteriorated badly on several indicators of democratic life and is no longer invited to the Community of Democracies, a global association of governments committed to fundamental practices of democracy and human rights. Not far behind is Nicaragua which, under Sandinista leader Daniel Ortega, is reverting to old-style tactics of repressing the opposition and clamping down on dissent. Other states worth watching closely are Ecuador and Bolivia which, as they undertake dramatic reform to incorporate once marginalized groups, are vulnerable to civil conflict. And then there is Cuba. Raul Castro will not be at the Summit of the Americas in Trinidad and Tobago because Cuba does not adhere to the inter-American system's fundamental principles of democracy and human rights. That is as it should be. But Mr. Obama will face considerable pressure from his colleagues to fudge this bright line by engaging, rather than isolating Cuba, as they and nearly every other country has done. Indeed, the White House has already begun moving in this direction by easing restrictions on family travel and remittances to the island. Much more can and should be done in the coming months to continue this process of rapprochement between Washington and Havana. But lifting Cuba's suspension as a member of the Organization of American States (OAS), as many are advocating, would be a step too far. The governments of the region, as they emerged from years of military dictatorship in the 1980s, agreed to lock arms and resist any attempt to overthrow civilian constitutional rule. This joint approach has served the region well when such countries as Peru, Paraguay, Guatemala and Haiti faced political turmoil. The commitment to core democratic standards, expressed through the Inter-American Democratic Charter, is central to the region's identity and compares well to the European model of integration based on common democratic values and forms of government. All this progress is at risk if the region's governments decide to lift Cuba's suspension as a member of the OAS without preconditions. Unless the Castro regime takes serious steps toward meeting the region's basic human rights standards, including rights to free speech, fair elections and due process for political prisoners, it should not be considered for renewed membership. The Obama Administration, which appears determined to open new paths of dialogue with difficult countries like Cuba, Iran and Syria, must be careful not to lower the bar so far that its own neighborhood loses its distinct identity as a community of democratic states. President Obama, thus, should walk a fine line at the Summit gathering. He needs to lead by example by implementing human rights reforms at home while reminding his colleagues they share a common responsibility to follow and promote universal democratic standards. This must include encouraging the Castro government to adopt genuine political reforms before it can be welcomed back to the OAS, as well as strengthening the region's collective defense of democracy in backsliding states. Anything less would surely set the human rights cause back for the region, and the world. Authors Ted Piccone Publication: The Huffington Post Full Article