elector

Federal election 2019: Why living in a big electorate can be a disadvantage

The NSW regional electorate of Cowper has the largest number of voters in the country, the latest Australian Electoral Commission elector count reveals.





elector

Gold Coast Councillor Dawn Crichlow announces her retirement from local government in her electorate of Southport




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Legal Beagle: A draft submission on the Electoral (Registration of Sentenced Prisoners) Amendment Bill

There are a few days left to put in a submission on the Electoral (Registration of Sentences Prisoners) Amendment Bill.
The bill would allow prisoners serving sentence of imprisonment under three years to vote, essentially restoring the status quo ante that existed before the members bill advanced by then National MP Paul Quinn was passed by a slim majority
For anyone interested in my views, they're published below. I've been sufficiently organised this time to publish them here a few days before submissions close, so if there are any errors, please let me know. 
The Justice Committee
Electoral (Registration of…




elector

Haiti: CEP Failed to its Mission, But an Electoral Miscarriage Can Be Avoided

By Wadner Pierre

This article was originally published by UnlessWeCare.org

Screen Shot 2015-11-06 at 6.34.24 AM It has been over a month since Haiti’s Conseil Electoral Provisoire (Electoral Provisory Counsel), known as CEP, published its foreknown controversial fraudulent results for the first round presidential and second round legislative elections. The CEP’s preliminary results for the presidential elections placed President Michel Martelly’s hand-picked candidate Jovenel Moise of Parti Haïtien Tèt Kale, or P.H.T.K in the first place with 32.8 percent of the popular votes. Jaccéus Joseph, a member of the electoral council, qualified the results as unacceptable.

Miami Herald’s Jacqueline Charles reported, Joseph refused to sign “the presidential and legislative preliminary results” because of irregularities and frauds that plagued them. Joseph thought his refusal to endorse the results would prompt the Tabulation Center to verify “the allegations of electoral fraud, including checking the voter registration lists against the ballots cast in the Oct. 25” elections to avert an unnecessary electoral crisis.

Joseph said, “We asked the director of the Tabulation Center did he have enough time to thoroughly verify if there was fraud.” According to Joseph, the director told them, “[H]e didn’t have enough time for that.”

Despite Joseph’s insistence on verifying and correcting the irregularities and frauds threatening the credibility of the results, CEP’s President Pierre-Louis Opont decided to publish the tainted results. The electoral crisis that was avoidable is now becoming an inevitable crisis. This man-made electoral dispute could further derail the political and social stability of the country.

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Haiti: Govt. Formed an Electoral Commission to End Electoral Deadlock; Will the CEP Reschedule the Runoff?

BY WADNER PIERRE

Since the CEP published its tainted and most controversial results for the presidential, second round legislative and local elections early last November, thousands have been demonstrated in the streets of Haiti’s largest cities to reclaim a recount of their votes. Religious leaders and international human rights and advocacy groups have also urged the CEP to investigate irregularities and massive electoral frauds that are no longer mere allegations.

As protests widening, diplomatic talks failed and G8 candidates remaining steadfast in their position, to remedy the situation, Haiti’s PM Evans Paul in an one-page letter sent to the President Michel J. Martelly, proposed a formation of an electoral commission to ensure the credibility of the already festered electoral process.

The commission according to the Prime Minister’s letter will have three days to produce recommendations to the government and the Conseil Electoral Provisoire (Electoral Provisional Council), known as the CEP. The head of the government stated,“ …it is necessary to organize credible, transparent, participative and inclusive elections,” as well as “to do whatever it takes” to create a climate of trust for the actors involving in the process.

The CEP shows no sign that it will abide by the recommendations of the government-formed commission. One of its members Marie Carmelle Paul Austin told a radio in the Haiti’s capital that the electoral council members are ready to depart in bloc should the commission interfere in their work. “If this commission’s purpose is to redo or verify the work that the CEP has already done, the council members will resign,” implied council Austin.

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Haiti Elections: Catholic Church still Undecided whether to join the Govt.-formed Electoral Commission or Not

BY WADNER PIERRE

Nearly two months since Haiti’s Conseil Electoral Provisoire (Electoral Provisional Council), know as the CEP, announced the final results for the first round residential, second round legislative and local elections that plagued with massive frauds. The controversial results for the presidential elections placed Haiti’s ruling Party candidate, Jovel Moise at the first place with over 34 percent of the popular and the former 2010 presidential candidate Jude Celestin in second place. Since then protest against those tainted results have been widened through the country.

After candidates and their backers, religious leaders (Catholics and Protestants) and national and international human rights and advocacy groups urged the CEP to form an independent commission to investigate the electoral frauds that were no longer mere allegations, the CEP rejected such proposition and proceeded to schedule the presidential runoff on Dec. 27 with the two candidates obtained the majority of the vote. Celestin, a member of group of eight presidential candidates, known as G8, who have been protesting the CEP’s results, declared he would not participate at the runoff unless the CEP satisfied the demand of G8.

The United States, a staunch supporter of the current administration, and spent over $30 millions for the organization of these log-overdue elections, sent Kenneth Merten, the U.S former ambassador to Haiti and State Department’s Special Envoy to Haiti to convince candidates, most importantly Celestin, to accept the CEP’s results. Merten, a close friend of Martelly, and one the controversial figures that engineered Martelly’s election in the 2010 controversial elections, failed to his mission.

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Opinion: Haiti’s Electoral Shambles, CEP Officials Can Either Fix the Mess or They Go to Jail

By WADNER PIERRE

For too long, people paid by Haitian people to do their job have not been held accountable. Now, it’s the time for the Haiti’s electoral officials – the Conseil Electoral Provisoire (CEP) – to either fix the electoral mess or go to jail.

It is despicable that a CEP official threatened to shut down the whole electoral process instead of collaborating with a government-backed commission to investigate massive electoral frauds that they fail to avoid. Marie Carmelle Paul Austin, a member of the electoral council, told a radio in Haiti’s capital that the electoral council members are ready to depart in bloc “If this commission’s purpose is to redo or verify the work that the CEP has already done, the council members will resign.” What Madame Austin did not say is that when you betray your people, violate your country’s laws and contribute to social and political destabilization you should be in jail.

For too long, Haitian people have been struggling for participative democracy and social justice. They’ve been ignored by Haitian officials who primarily seek to satisfy the interest of their international backers like the United States, Canada and France by either plotting electoral coups. Although the Martelly administration finally established a commission to address the latest electoral disaster, it is uncertain that anything will come of it.

Martelly himself was a beneficiary of an electoral fiasco. How can one believe he will accept any recommendation asking the removal of his handpicked candidate? This move reminds me of an article by Haiti’s renowned author Edwidge Danticat: Sweet Micky and the Sad Déjà Vu of Haiti’s Presidential Elections.

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Somalia's Electoral Road-Map and Federal Relations

Research Event

15 November 2019 - 10:30am to 11:30am

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Abdirahman Abdishakur Warsame, Leader, Wadajir Party, Federal Republic of Somalia
Chair: Ahmed Soliman, Research Fellow, Africa Programme, Chatham House

As Somalia heads into an electoral cycle, its political landscape and federal picture appear unstable. The federal government is seeking to implement a feasible electoral model that will further the country’s democratic transition ahead of elections set for late 2020 and early 2021. An expanded and more inclusive process will require an agreement on election modalities and approved electoral law, the completion of the constitutional review and improved security provision.
 
Reconciliation and dialogue between the federal government and federal member states will be critical to making further progress on political, security and economic reforms. Recent contestations in the regions of Jubaland, Galmudug and Puntland do not bode well. Somalia’s political leaders are readying themselves for a tough contest with several opposition parties recently merging to form the Forum for National Parties (FNP), led by former President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed.
 
At this event, the Abdirahman Warsame, leader of the Wadajir Party, will analyse the political and federal transition in Somalia and give his perspective on how to improve the often-fractious relationship between the centre and the regions.
 
THIS EVENT IS NOW FULL AND REGISTRATION HAS CLOSED.

Sahar Eljack

Programme Administrator, Africa Programme
+ 44 (0) 20 7314 3660




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The dilemma of electoral assistance in Central Africa

Election fever has spread across Central Africa. For the second time since the end of the disastrous civil wars in the region, electoral processes have been launched in Burundi, Rwanda, Central African Republic and the Congo.




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Burundi: From Electoral Boycott to Political Impasse

Burundi risks reversing the decade of progress it has enjoyed since its civil war ended unless the government resumes political dialogue with the opposition.




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Congo: The Electoral Dilemma

Faced with the dilemma of respecting the constitutional deadline and organising botched elections, or ignoring that deadline and sliding into a situation of unconstitutional power, the Congolese authorities have chosen the first option.




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DR Congo's Electoral Law for 2011: Choosing Continuity

On 15 June 2011 the Congolese Parliament adopted, after nearly three months of de-bate, the new electoral law. The Senate, or upper house, controlled by the opposition, and the National Assembly, or lower house, controlled by the ruling coalition, both voted for an electoral law which ultimately remains very similar to that governing the 2006 elections. Parliament took three months of debate to reject most of the amend-ments proposed by the ruling party (PPRD). In doing so it demonstrated that the ex-ecutive could not simply trump its interests.




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Congo: The Electoral Process Seen from the East

The technical preparations for the presidential and legislative elections scheduled on 28 November and the beginning of the electoral campaign in the East of Congo have generated suspicion that risks developing into a crisis of confidence in the whole electoral process.




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Electoral reform: Hashtag fresh thinking

The most interesting and innovative idea to come out of the first meeting of the all-party Special Committee on Electoral Reform, or ERRE, was Nathan Cullen's suggestion, seconded by Elizabeth May, to allow members of the public access to question the expert witnesses before the committee in real time via email or twitter [...]




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Electoral Districting in the U.S.: Can Canada Help?

Executive Summary

In the concluding chapter of Red and Blue Nation? Consequences and Correction of America’s Polarized Politics (Brookings Press, 2007), Pietro S. Nivola and William A. Galston lay out a series of changes aimed at “depolarizing” the politics of the United States. One of their recommendations calls on the states to introduce fundamental changes to the process of redistricting congressional electoral districts. A handful of states have already established redistricting commissions, so the first steps have been taken in reforming one of the most important pillars of the electoral process.

This paper explores the possibility that the United States could build on those initial moves. Additionally, would it be possible to “import” the Canadian model of independent electoral boundary redistricting commissions? For the first 100 years of Canadian history redistricting seats in the federal House of Commons followed a pattern familiar to Americans. It was a process firmly under the control of the politicians, and the results reflected that. Wide disparities in population size were a tell-tale sign of the extent to which Canada’s parliamentary districts were gerrymandered.

Starting at the provincial level in the 1950s, partisan redistricting eventually gave way in all jurisdictions to nonpartisan commissions. How that change came about and why the Canadian commission-directed redistricting commends itself to Americans concerned about the highly politicized state of redistricting in the United States are the subjects of this study.

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Authors

  • John C. Courtney
     
 
 




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Hong Kong government announces electoral reform details


As I anticipated in my post on Tuesday, the Hong Kong government on Wednesday announced the details for the 2017 election of the Chief Executive (CE). Based on press commentary from China, it is clear that the PRC government, which has sovereignty over Hong Kong, approves the package. But to understand the implications for democracy in Hong Kong, it is important to look at the details of the proposal.

Since Hong Kong became a special administrative region of China in 1997, the CE has been chosen by an election committee of between 800 and 1,200 individuals. Beijing had promised that starting in 2017 the CE would be elected by the voters of Hong Kong through universal suffrage. Yesterday’s proposal is the latest step in a transition process toward that system. (For all of the recommendations, see the speech of Chief Secretary Carrie Lam to the Legislative Council.) As I outlined in Tuesday’s post, the principal point of controversy for more than a year has been Beijing’s insistence that a nominating committee choose who gets to stand for election. Hong Kong’s democratic camp believes that the nominating committee will give China an opportunity to “screen out” individuals it does not like.

The most prominent element of the Hong Kong government’s proposal yesterday is a recommendation on the procedural mechanism by which the Nominating Committee (NC) would review candidates. This was important for two reasons. One, under the plan the NC will have the authority to pick two or three final candidates to actually run in the election. Two, Mrs. Lam made clear that that the NC’s membership would be similar to the 1,200-person election committee that has picked the CE up until now and is weighted in favor of people who are biased toward Beijing.

Thus, who the NC considers before making its final nominations becomes critical. That will determine whether the election will provide a choice between the majority who have long favored a quick transition to democracy, and those who have preferred to move slower; and also between those who believe that the current economic system benefits only the rich and should be reformed, and those who are happy with current policies.

The proposed procedural mechanism mandates that any individual who can get recommendations from one-tenth to one-twentieth of the NC will be a “potential candidate” and have the opportunity to articulate his/her policy views to the NC and the public in a transparent way. In effect, this means that the NC will likely consider between five to ten individuals for final nomination. And because pan-democrats will have be at least a minority of the NC membership, as they do in the election committee, they will be able to recommend at least one democrat as a potential candidate. That in turn creates the possibility that a democrat could become a final nominee and compete to become CE. In that case, voters who have supported democracy and believe current economic policies are flawed would have a candidate who shares their general outlook. This mechanism would seem to be consistent with what the spokesman of the U.S. Consulate-General said earlier today: “The legitimacy of the chief executive will be greatly enhanced if the chief executive is selected through universal suffrage and Hong Kong’s residents have a meaningful choice of candidates.”

Let me be clear: the pan-democrats do not like this proposal. They do not like a mechanism that amounts to screening by China, and this one certainly opens a backdoor for Beijing to veto candidates it doesn’t like. In addition, the pan-democrats would like to have a promise from Beijing that this is not the end of the reform process when it comes to electing the CE, but Mrs. Lam gave no hope on that score, even though she said future circumstances might require more change.

The pan-democrats were likely unhappy about the government’s refusal to propose changes on two specific issues. Both concern the sub-sectors that will make up the NC, which will be copied from the current election committee. These subsectors represent different parts of the Hong Kong community, but the balance of voting power favors subsectors that 1) represent various business interests, 2) support Beijing on most issues, and 3) are afraid of populist movements. Back in December, the government floated the idea of shifting the balance of power among the existing subsectors so that under-represented groups got more votes, but on one condition, that the existing subsectors agreed. In the end, no change was made here, perhaps due to the stated reasons that there was no social consensus to make this change and that doing so would only create more political controversy. The more likely reason is that the subsectors that stood to lose their relative power were not willing to have their oxen gored.

The second issue had to do with “corporate voting” within subsectors. In some subsectors the constituent members decide their choices based on the preference of the leader of the member organizations. For example, in a subsector made up of commercial firms, the CEO of each member firm decides how to cast the firm’s vote. The alternative would be to have a larger number of people associated with the firm contribute to the decision, up to all the employees. As a matter of principle, the pan-democratic camp has long called for an end to corporate voting, and while there was an opportunity to do so on this occasion, the government didn’t take it.

So, the pan-democratic bloc in the Legislative Council walked out during Mrs. Lam’s presentation to the Legislative Council and has vowed to vote against this proposal. And if all of them did vote against, that would kill the proposal, because it must pass the Legislative Council by a two-thirds margin and the establishment caucus does not have enough votes on its own. On the other hand, Beijing and the Hong Kong government do not need to win over the whole of the disparate democratic camp. They just have to peel off four opposition legislators to secure the necessary majority. Presumably these would be more moderate politicians who might conclude that the reform package is “good enough” compared to the alternative. That is, Beijing and the Hong Kong government say that if the package is vetoed, election of the CE would revert to the 1,200-member election committee, delaying a one-person, one-vote election for some time. The danger for these moderates in voting for the proposal is that they will be excoriated by their colleagues for defecting and betraying principles, to the point of facing a challenge from within their camp in the next legislative election.

Hong Kong public opinion and legislators in particular have to face a couple of critical questions. The first is whether a system that produces a contest between at least one establishment candidate and one democratic candidate is indeed “good enough.” The recommended system could be improved upon in several ways, of that there is no doubt. On the other hand, if this system works as optimists think it could, then Hong Kong voters will have a real choice in picking their leader, for the first time in history.

Second, would this mechanism indeed produce an election contest between at least one establishment candidate and one democratic candidate? Is there a way in which members of the establishment could nominally consider a democratic potential candidate and then deny him or her the nomination? In fact there is. The government’s proposal specifies that after all the potential candidates have been heard from, the NC members then select two or three nominees. Each NC members get two votes, and nomination requires 50 percent. So establishment members of the NC, after going through the motions of considering a pan-democrat, could simply not give that person the majority needed for nomination. The procedure and their numerical majority give them the power to do so.

But is such a bait-and-switch tactic wise politically? If this mechanism is sold both to the public and moderate democrats as a “good enough” way to produce a competitive election but the result is a contest between two individuals associated with the establishment and the status quo, how much legitimacy will the process itself and the person ultimately selected have? Will the polarization, obstructionism, and protests that have come to mark Hong Kong politics subside or grow? Will Beijing face more stability in Hong Kong or less?

In short, does this mechanism not put the establishment in a position that it almost has to nominate a moderate democrat if it is to enjoy broad community respect? And if the establishment is being challenged to do the right thing, so are the democrats. As imperfect as they see the current package, if it creates a good enough chance of electing one of their own, would the democrats not lose community respect if they reject it and deny voters a choice (they already know that Beijing and others will blame them for reverting to the old system)?

This dual challenge creates the possibility of a compromise. The missing ingredient, of course, is the mistrust that each camp has about the intentions of the other, mistrust born of the decades-long struggle over whether Hong Kong should have a genuinely democratic system. Providing that ingredient will be a challenge itself. 

Image Source: Bobby Yip / Reuters
     
 
 




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2018 electoral marathon: Voters vent anger

       




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The Marketplace of Democracy : Electoral Competition and American Politics


Brookings Institution Press and Cato Institute 2006 312pp.

Since 1998, U.S. House incumbents have won a staggering 98 percent of their reelection races. Electoral competition is also low and in decline in most state and primary elections. The Marketplace of Democracy combines the resources of two eminent research organizations—the Brookings Institution and the Cato Institute—to address the startling lack of competition in our democratic system. The contributors consider the historical development, legal background, and political aspects of a system that is supposed to be responsive and accountable yet for many is becoming stagnant, self-perpetuating, and tone-deaf. How did we get to this point, and what—if anything—should be done about it?

In The Marketplace of Democracy, top-tier political scholars also investigate the perceived lack of competition in arenas only previously speculated on, such as state legislative contests and congressional primaries. Michael McDonald, John Samples, and their colleagues analyze previous reform efforts such as direct primaries and term limits, and the effects they have had on electoral competition. They also examine current reform efforts in redistricting and campaign finance regulation, as well as the impact of third parties. In sum, what does all this tell us about what might be done to increase electoral competition?

Elections are the vehicles through which Americans choose who governs them, and the power of the ballot enables ordinary citizens to keep public officials accountable. This volume considers different policy options for increasing the competition needed to keep American politics vibrant, responsive, and democratic.


Brookings Forum: "The Marketplace of Democracy: A Groundbreaking Survey Explores Voter Attitudes About Electoral Competition and American Politics," October 27, 2006.

Podcast: "The Marketplace of Democracy: Electoral Competition and American Politics," a Capitol Hill briefing featuring Michael McDonald and John Samples, September 22, 2006.


Contributors: Stephen Ansolabehere (Massachusetts Institute of Technology), William D. Berry (Florida State University), Bruce Cain (University of California-Berkeley), Thomas M. Carsey (Florida State University), James G. Gimpel (University of Maryland), Tim Groseclose (University of California-Los Angeles), John Hanley (University of California-Berkeley), John mark Hansen (University of Chicago), Paul S. Herrnson (University of Maryland), Shigeo Hirano (Columbia University), Gary C. Jacobson (University of California-San Diego), Thad Kousser (University of California-San Diego), Frances E. Lee (University of Maryland), John C. Matsusaka (University of Southern California), Kenneth R. Mayer (University of Wisconsin-Madison), Michael P. McDonald (Brookings Institution and George Mason University), Jeffrey Milyo (University of Missouri-Columbia), Richard G. Niemi (University of Rochester), Natheniel Persily (University of Pennsylvania Law School), Lynda W. Powell (University of Rochester), David Primo (University of Rochester), John Samples (Cato Institute), James M. Snyder Jr. (Massachusetts Institute of Technology), Timothy Werner (University of Wisconsin-Madison), and Amanda Williams (University of Wisconsin-Madison).

ABOUT THE EDITORS

John Samples
John Samples directs the Center for Representative Government at the Cato Institute and teaches political science at Johns Hopkins University.
Michael P. McDonald

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Ordering Information:
  • {9ABF977A-E4A6-41C8-B030-0FD655E07DBF}, 978-0-8157-5579-1, $24.95 Add to Cart
  • {CD2E3D28-0096-4D03-B2DE-6567EB62AD1E}, 978-0-8157-5580-7, $54.95 Add to Cart
     
 
 




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The Marketplace of Democracy: A Groundbreaking Survey Explores Voter Attitudes About Electoral Competition and American Politics

Event Information

October 27, 2006
10:00 AM - 12:00 PM EDT

Falk Auditorium
The Brookings Institution
1775 Massachusetts Ave., NW
Washington, DC

Register for the Event

Despite the attention on the mid-term races, few elections are competitive. Electoral competition, already low at the national level, is in decline in state and primary elections as well. Reformers, who point to gerrymandering and a host of other targets for change, argue that improving competition will produce voters who are more interested in elections, better-informed on issues, and more likely to turn out to the polls.

On October 27, the Brookings Institution—in conjunction with the Cato Institute and The Pew Research Center—presented a discussion and a groundbreaking survey exploring the attitudes and opinions of voters in competitive and noncompetitive congressional districts. The survey, part of Pew's regular polling on voter attitudes, was conducted through the weekend of October 21. A series of questions explored the public's perceptions, knowledge, and opinions about electoral competitiveness.

The discussion also explored a publication that addresses the startling lack of competition in our democratic system. The Marketplace of Democracy: Electoral Competition and American Politics (Brookings, 2006), considers the historical development, legal background, and political aspects of a system that is supposed to be responsive and accountable, yet for many is becoming stagnant, self-perpetuating, and tone-deaf. Michael McDonald, editor and Brookings visiting fellow, moderated a discussion among co-editor John Samples, director of the Center for Representative Government at the Cato Institute, and Andrew Kohut and Scott Keeter from The Pew Research Center, who also discussed the survey.

Transcript

Event Materials

     
 
 




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New polling indicates a 'potential breach of Hillary Clinton's electoral firewall'

Nate Silver, a renowned statistician, warned on Friday that three new polls indicate a closer than expected race between Clinton and Donald Trump as the polls narrow in New Hampshire.




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Steve Baker warns Boris Johnson the Tories MUST strike an electoral pact with Nigel Farage

Senior Tory Brexiteer Steve Baker has warned Boris Johnson he must do a deal with the Brexit Party ahead of a snap general election in order to have any hope of winning a majority.




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Boris Johnson under pressure to reverse decision to rule out electoral pact with Nigel Farage

Boris Johnson is under mounting pressure to reverse his decision to rule out an electoral pact with Nigel Farage.




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Boris Johnson rules out striking an electoral pact with Nigel Farage

Boris Johnson has ruled out cutting an electoral pact with Nigel Farage, despite warnings the two parties could split the Brexit vote.




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Elizabeth Warren wants the Electoral College abolished in time for 'my second term'

Elizabeth Warren said she wants to be the last president elected by the electoral college and the first elected by the popular vote as she calls for electoral college to be abolished.




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Brian Bolus, the former England batsman and Test selector, dies at the age of 86

Bolus won all seven of his caps in the space of eight months in 1963 and 1964, hitting the first ball he faced in Test cricket - from legendary West Indies fast bowler Wes Hall - for four.




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$50 to turn up for Jeb Bush's last Iowa rally because organizers need 'high energy seat fillers' - desperation hits the candidates with hours to first electoral test

The last desperate search for voters to back their causes was under way in Iowa - with the man trolled by Donald Trump as 'low-energy' apparently offering $25 an hour to come to his final campaign rally.




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Remain alliance: Conservatives ask for electoral investigation

An alliance between the Lib Dems, the Green Party and Wales' Plaid Cymru in 60 seats has shaken Boris Johnson's Tories who fear the agreement could deny them victories in marginal seats.




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PIERS MORGAN: Socialists and celebrities are electoral poison

Boris Johnson's victory was a genuinely seismic moment, and one whose forceful tremors will be felt most keenly across the Atlantic in America.




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Boris Johnson faces tough test with electorate if Remainer MPs form an alliance, new poll shows

The Conservatives could lose more than half the constituencies they need to defend against the resurgent Liberal Democrats.




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Public verification of electoral rolls


A workshop on Citizen’s Participation in the Electoral Processes in Rajasthan culminates in an order by the Election Commission on short-term measures for electoral roll revisions.




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Andhra's electoral earthquake


P Sainath on the fault lines in Andhra that led to the ouster of the Chandrababu Naidu led Telugu Desam Party.




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The electoral roll farce


Kathyayini Chamaraj reports on one of the most critical predicaments of the Indian elections process. A deeply flawed voter registration system.




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Women Municipal Electors and the Parliamentary Vote.

[London] : [Vacher & Sons, Ltd., Printers, Westminster, London, S.W ], 1911.




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Electoral shocks : the volatile voter in a turbulent world [Electronic book] / Edward Fieldhouse [and six others].

Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2020.




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Conditionality & coercion : electoral clientelism in Eastern Europe [Electronic book] / Isabela Mares and Lauren E. Young.

Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2019.




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Campaigning in a racially diversifying America : when and how cross-racial electoral mobilization works [Electronic book] / Loren Collingwood.

New York, NY : Oxford University Press, 2020.




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The Evolution of the Electoral College

by Jean Tanis The need for the Electoral College in our electoral process has long been debated, particularly after heated political contests as we saw in 2016. But despite wide discussion, this complicated system still remains murky to many Americans. What exactly is it? How was it developed? And why do some insist it stay...

The post The Evolution of the Electoral College appeared first on Behind The Scenes.




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Report on the conduct of the 2016 federal election and matters related thereto / Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters

Australia. Parliament. Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, author, issuing body




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Status report / Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters

Australia. Parliament. Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, author, issuing body




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Advisory report : Commonwealth Electoral Amendment (Lowering Voting Age and Increasing Voter Participation) Bill 2018 / Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters

Australia. Parliament. Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, author, issuing body




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[ASAP] Atomic Layer Deposition of Ge<italic toggle="yes"><sub>x</sub></italic>Se<sub>1–<italic toggle="yes">x</italic></sub> Thin Films for Endurable Ovonic Threshold Selectors with a Low

ACS Applied Materials & Interfaces
DOI: 10.1021/acsami.0c03747




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Queering representation: LGBTQ people and electoral politics in Canada / edited by Manon Tremblay

Dewey Library - HQ73.3.C2 Q44 2019




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Second advisory report on the Electoral Legislation (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Bill 2017 / Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters

Australia. Parliament. Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, author, issuing body




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The battle to be electors [videorecording] / producers, Paul Lee, Fanny Kwan, Grace Wong ; executive producer, Danny Sit ; an RTHK production.

Publisher [Hong Kong] : RTHK, c2016.
Location Media Resources Collection
Call No. DS796.H7 H65 2016




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UI cheat sheet: radio buttons, checkboxes, and other selectors

In today’s cheat sheet we will be looking at selectors and how they differ. Unlike most of my other cheat sheets, this will focus on two components (radio buttons and checkboxes) side by side for easier comparison — while also comparing them to a few others.




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Argument selectors: a new perspective on grammatical relations / edited by Alena Witzlack-Makarevich, Balthasar Bickel

Hayden Library - P291.A735 2019




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Utah politics and government: American democracy among a unique electorate / Adam R. Brown

Dewey Library - JK8416.B76 2018




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The national question and electoral politics in Quebec and Scotland / Éric Bélanger, Richard Nadeau, Ailsa Henderson, Eve Hepburn

Dewey Library - JC311.B45 2018




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Votes that count and voters who don't: how journalists sideline electoral participation (without even knowing it) / Sharon E. Jarvis and Soo-Hye Han

Dewey Library - JK1965.J37 2018