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Transketolase Deficiency in Adipose Tissues Protects Mice From Diet-Induced Obesity by Promoting Lipolysis

Obesity has recently become a prevalent health threat worldwide. Although emerging evidence has suggested a strong link between the pentose phosphate pathway (PPP) and obesity, the role of transketolase (TKT), an enzyme in the non-oxidative branch of the PPP which connects PPP and glycolysis, remains obscure in adipose tissues. In this study, we specifically delete TKT in mouse adipocytes and find no obvious phenotype upon normal diet feeding. However, adipocyte TKT abrogation attenuates high fat diet (HFD)-induced obesity, reduces hepatic steatosis, improves glucose tolerance, alleviates insulin resistance and increases energy expenditure. Mechanistically, TKT deficiency accumulates non-oxidative PPP metabolites, decreases glycolysis and pyruvate input into the mitochondria, leading to increased lipolytic enzyme gene expression and enhanced lipolysis, fatty acid oxidation and mitochondrial respiration. Therefore, our data not only identify a novel role of TKT in regulating lipolysis and obesity, but also suggest limiting glucose-derived carbon into the mitochondria induces lipid catabolism and energy expenditure.




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Is Type 2 Diabetes Mellitus Causally Associated with Cancer Risk? Evidence From a Two-Sample Mendelian Randomisation Study

We conducted a two-sample Mendelian randomisation study to investigate the causal associations of type 2 diabetes mellitus (T2DM) with risk of overall cancer and 22 site-specific cancers. Summary-level data for cancer were extracted from the Breast Cancer Association Consortium and UK Biobank. Genetic predisposition to T2DM was associated with higher odds of pancreatic, kidney, uterine and cervical cancer, lower odds of oesophageal cancer and melanoma, but not associated with 16 other site-specific cancers or overall cancer. The odds ratios (95% confidence interval) were 1.13 (1.04, 1.22), 1.08 (1.00, 1.17), 1.08 (1.01, 1.15), 1.07 (1.01, 1.15), 0.89 (0.81, 0.98), and 0.93 (0.89, 0.97) for pancreatic, kidney, uterine, cervical, and oesophageal cancer and melanoma, respectively. The association between T2DM and pancreatic cancer was also observed in a meta-analysis of this and a previous Mendelian randomisation study (odds ratio 1.08; 1.02, 1.14; p=0.009). There was limited evidence supporting causal associations between fasting glucose and cancer. Genetically predicted fasting insulin levels were positively associated with cancers of the uterus, kidney, pancreas and lung. The present study found causal detrimental effects of T2DM on several cancers. We suggested to reinforce the cancers screening in T2DM patients to enable the early detection of cancer.




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MANF Promotes Diabetic Corneal Epithelial Wound Healing and Nerve Regeneration by Attenuating Hyperglycemia-Induced Endoplasmic Reticulum Stress

Mesencephalic astrocyte-derived neurotrophic factor (MANF) is a neurotrophic factor widely expressed in mammalian tissues, and it exerts critical protective effects on neurons and other cell types in various disease models, such as those for diabetes. However, to date, the expression and roles of MANF in the cornea, with or without diabetic keratopathy (DK), remain unclear. Here, we demonstrate that MANF is abundantly expressed in normal corneal epithelial cells; however, MANF expression was significantly reduced in both unwounded and wounded corneal epithelium in streptozotocin-induced type 1 diabetic C57BL/6 mice. Recombinant human MANF significantly promoted normal and diabetic corneal epithelial wound healing and nerve regeneration. Furthermore, MANF inhibited hyperglycemia-induced endoplasmic reticulum (ER) stress and ER stress–mediated apoptosis. Attenuation of ER stress with 4-phenylbutyric acid (4-PBA) also ameliorated corneal epithelial closure and nerve regeneration. However, the beneficial effects of MANF and 4-PBA were abolished by an Akt inhibitor and Akt-specific small interfering RNA (siRNA). Finally, we reveal that the subconjunctival injection of MANF-specific siRNA prevents corneal epithelial wound healing and nerve regeneration. Our results provide important evidence that hyperglycemia-suppressed MANF expression may contribute to delayed corneal epithelial wound healing and impaired nerve regeneration by increasing ER stress, and MANF may be a useful therapeutic modality for treating DK.




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Proline-rich 11 (PRR11) drives F-actin assembly by recruiting the actin-related protein 2/3 complex in human non-small cell lung carcinoma [DNA and Chromosomes]

The actin cytoskeleton is extremely dynamic and supports diverse cellular functions in many physiological and pathological processes, including tumorigenesis. However, the mechanisms that regulate the actin-related protein 2/3 (ARP2/3) complex and thereby promote actin polymerization and organization in cancer cells are not well-understood. We previously implicated the proline-rich 11 (PRR11) protein in lung cancer development. In this study, using immunofluorescence staining, actin polymerization assays, and siRNA-mediated gene silencing, we uncovered that cytoplasmic PRR11 is involved in F-actin polymerization and organization. We found that dysregulation of PRR11 expression results in F-actin rearrangement and nuclear instability in non-small cell lung cancer cells. Results from molecular mechanistic experiments indicated that PRR11 associates with and recruits the ARP2/3 complex, facilitates F-actin polymerization, and thereby disrupts the F-actin cytoskeleton, leading to abnormal nuclear lamina assembly and chromatin reorganization. Inhibition of the ARP2/3 complex activity abolished irregular F-actin polymerization, lamina assembly, and chromatin reorganization due to PRR11 overexpression. Notably, experiments with truncated PRR11 variants revealed that PRR11 regulates F-actin through different regions. We found that deletion of either the N or C terminus of PRR11 abrogates its effects on F-actin polymerization and nuclear instability and that deletion of amino acid residues 100–184 or 100–200 strongly induces an F-actin structure called the actin comet tail, not observed with WT PRR11. Our findings indicate that cytoplasmic PRR11 plays an essential role in regulating F-actin assembly and nuclear stability by recruiting the ARP2/3 complex in human non-small cell lung carcinoma cells.




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Certain ortho-hydroxylated brominated ethers are promiscuous kinase inhibitors that impair neuronal signaling and neurodevelopmental processes [Cell Biology]

The developing nervous system is remarkably sensitive to environmental signals, including disruptive toxins, such as polybrominated diphenyl ethers (PBDEs). PBDEs are an environmentally pervasive class of brominated flame retardants whose neurodevelopmental toxicity mechanisms remain largely unclear. Using dissociated cortical neurons from embryonic Rattus norvegicus, we found here that chronic exposure to 6-OH–BDE-47, one of the most prevalent hydroxylated PBDE metabolites, suppresses both spontaneous and evoked neuronal electrical activity. On the basis of our previous work on mitogen-activated protein kinase (MAPK)/extracellular signal-related kinase (ERK) (MEK) biology and our observation that 6-OH–BDE-47 is structurally similar to kinase inhibitors, we hypothesized that certain hydroxylated PBDEs mediate neurotoxicity, at least in part, by impairing the MEK–ERK axis of MAPK signal transduction. We tested this hypothesis on three experimental platforms: 1) in silico, where modeling ligand–protein docking suggested that 6-OH–BDE-47 is a promiscuous ATP-competitive kinase inhibitor; 2) in vitro in dissociated neurons, where 6-OH–BDE-47 and another specific hydroxylated BDE metabolite similarly impaired phosphorylation of MEK/ERK1/2 and activity-induced transcription of a neuronal immediate early gene; and 3) in vivo in Drosophila melanogaster, where developmental exposures to 6-OH–BDE-47 and a MAPK inhibitor resulted in offspring displaying similarly increased frequency of mushroom-body β–lobe midline crossing, a metric of axonal guidance. Taken together, our results support that certain ortho-hydroxylated PBDE metabolites are promiscuous kinase inhibitors and can cause disruptions of critical neurodevelopmental processes, including neuronal electrical activity, pre-synaptic functions, MEK–ERK signaling, and axonal guidance.




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Prominins control ciliary length throughout the animal kingdom: New lessons from human prominin-1 and zebrafish prominin-3 [Cell Biology]

Prominins (proms) are transmembrane glycoproteins conserved throughout the animal kingdom. They are associated with plasma membrane protrusions, such as primary cilia, as well as extracellular vesicles derived thereof. Primary cilia host numerous signaling pathways affected in diseases known as ciliopathies. Human PROM1 (CD133) is detected in both somatic and cancer stem cells and is also expressed in terminally differentiated epithelial and photoreceptor cells. Genetic mutations in the PROM1 gene result in retinal degeneration by impairing the proper formation of the outer segment of photoreceptors, a modified cilium. Here, we investigated the impact of proms on two distinct examples of ciliogenesis. First, we demonstrate that the overexpression of a dominant-negative mutant variant of human PROM1 (i.e. mutation Y819F/Y828F) significantly decreases ciliary length in Madin–Darby canine kidney cells. These results contrast strongly to the previously observed enhancing effect of WT PROM1 on ciliary length. Mechanistically, the mutation impeded the interaction of PROM1 with ADP-ribosylation factor–like protein 13B, a key regulator of ciliary length. Second, we observed that in vivo knockdown of prom3 in zebrafish alters the number and length of monocilia in the Kupffer's vesicle, resulting in molecular and anatomical defects in the left-right asymmetry. These distinct loss-of-function approaches in two biological systems reveal that prom proteins are critical for the integrity and function of cilia. Our data provide new insights into ciliogenesis and might be of particular interest for investigations of the etiologies of ciliopathies.




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The cytochrome P450 enzyme CYP24A1 increases proliferation of mutant KRAS-dependent lung adenocarcinoma independent of its catalytic activity [Cell Biology]

We previously reported that overexpression of cytochrome P450 family 24 subfamily A member 1 (CYP24A1) increases lung cancer cell proliferation by activating RAS signaling and that CYP24A1 knockdown inhibits tumor growth. However, the mechanism of CYP24A1-mediated cancer cell proliferation remains unclear. Here, we conducted cell synchronization and biochemical experiments in lung adenocarcinoma cells, revealing a link between CYP24A1 and anaphase-promoting complex (APC), a key cell cycle regulator. We demonstrate that CYP24A1 expression is cell cycle–dependent; it was higher in the G2-M phase and diminished upon G1 entry. CYP24A1 has a functional destruction box (D-box) motif that allows binding with two APC adaptors, CDC20-homologue 1 (CDH1) and cell division cycle 20 (CDC20). Unlike other APC substrates, however, CYP24A1 acted as a pseudo-substrate, inhibiting CDH1 activity and promoting mitotic progression. Conversely, overexpression of a CYP24A1 D-box mutant compromised CDH1 binding, allowing CDH1 hyperactivation, thereby hastening degradation of its substrates cyclin B1 and CDC20, and accumulation of the CDC20 substrate p21, prolonging mitotic exit. These activities also occurred with a CYP24A1 isoform 2 lacking the catalytic cysteine (Cys-462), suggesting that CYP24A1's oncogenic potential is independent of its catalytic activity. CYP24A1 degradation reduced clonogenic survival of mutant KRAS-driven lung cancer cells, and calcitriol treatment increased CYP24A1 levels and tumor burden in Lsl-KRASG12D mice. These results disclose a catalytic activity-independent growth-promoting role of CYP24A1 in mutant KRAS-driven lung cancer. This suggests that CYP24A1 could be therapeutically targeted in lung cancers in which its expression is high.




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A flexible network of vimentin intermediate filaments promotes migration of amoeboid cancer cells through confined environments [Cell Biology]

Tumor cells can spread to distant sites through their ability to switch between mesenchymal and amoeboid (bleb-based) migration. Because of this difference, inhibitors of metastasis must account for each migration mode. However, the role of vimentin in amoeboid migration has not been determined. Because amoeboid leader bleb–based migration (LBBM) occurs in confined spaces and vimentin is known to strongly influence cell-mechanical properties, we hypothesized that a flexible vimentin network is required for fast amoeboid migration. To this end, here we determined the precise role of the vimentin intermediate filament system in regulating the migration of amoeboid human cancer cells. Vimentin is a classic marker of epithelial-to-mesenchymal transition and is therefore an ideal target for a metastasis inhibitor. Using a previously developed polydimethylsiloxane slab–based approach to confine cells, RNAi-based vimentin silencing, vimentin overexpression, pharmacological treatments, and measurements of cell stiffness, we found that RNAi-mediated depletion of vimentin increases LBBM by ∼50% compared with control cells and that vimentin overexpression and simvastatin-induced vimentin bundling inhibit fast amoeboid migration and proliferation. Importantly, these effects were independent of changes in actomyosin contractility. Our results indicate that a flexible vimentin intermediate filament network promotes LBBM of amoeboid cancer cells in confined environments and that vimentin bundling perturbs cell-mechanical properties and inhibits the invasive properties of cancer cells.




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Structural and mutational analyses of the bifunctional arginine dihydrolase and ornithine cyclodeaminase AgrE from the cyanobacterium Anabaena [Enzymology]

In cyanobacteria, metabolic pathways that use the nitrogen-rich amino acid arginine play a pivotal role in nitrogen storage and mobilization. The N-terminal domains of two recently identified bacterial enzymes: ArgZ from Synechocystis and AgrE from Anabaena, have been found to contain an arginine dihydrolase. This enzyme provides catabolic activity that converts arginine to ornithine, resulting in concomitant release of CO2 and ammonia. In Synechocystis, the ArgZ-mediated ornithine–ammonia cycle plays a central role in nitrogen storage and remobilization. The C-terminal domain of AgrE contains an ornithine cyclodeaminase responsible for the formation of proline from ornithine and ammonia production, indicating that AgrE is a bifunctional enzyme catalyzing two sequential reactions in arginine catabolism. Here, the crystal structures of AgrE in three different ligation states revealed that it has a tetrameric conformation, possesses a binding site for the arginine dihydrolase substrate l-arginine and product l-ornithine, and contains a binding site for the coenzyme NAD(H) required for ornithine cyclodeaminase activity. Structure–function analyses indicated that the structure and catalytic mechanism of arginine dihydrolase in AgrE are highly homologous with those of a known bacterial arginine hydrolase. We found that in addition to other active-site residues, Asn-71 is essential for AgrE's dihydrolase activity. Further analysis suggested the presence of a passage for substrate channeling between the two distinct AgrE active sites, which are situated ∼45 Å apart. These results provide structural and functional insights into the bifunctional arginine dihydrolase–ornithine cyclodeaminase enzyme AgrE required for arginine catabolism in Anabaena.




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Glycation-mediated inter-protein cross-linking is promoted by chaperone-client complexes of {alpha}-crystallin: Implications for lens aging and presbyopia [Glycobiology and Extracellular Matrices]

Lens proteins become increasingly cross-linked through nondisulfide linkages during aging and cataract formation. One mechanism that has been implicated in this cross-linking is glycation through formation of advanced glycation end products (AGEs). Here, we found an age-associated increase in stiffness in human lenses that was directly correlated with levels of protein–cross-linking AGEs. α-Crystallin in the lens binds to other proteins and prevents their denaturation and aggregation through its chaperone-like activity. Using a FRET-based assay, we examined the stability of the αA-crystallin–γD-crystallin complex for up to 12 days and observed that this complex is stable in PBS and upon incubation with human lens–epithelial cell lysate or lens homogenate. Addition of 2 mm ATP to the lysate or homogenate did not decrease the stability of the complex. We also generated complexes of human αA-crystallin or αB-crystallin with alcohol dehydrogenase or citrate synthase by applying thermal stress. Upon glycation under physiological conditions, the chaperone–client complexes underwent greater extents of cross-linking than did uncomplexed protein mixtures. LC-MS/MS analyses revealed that the levels of cross-linking AGEs were significantly higher in the glycated chaperone–client complexes than in glycated but uncomplexed protein mixtures. Mouse lenses subjected to thermal stress followed by glycation lost resilience more extensively than lenses subjected to thermal stress or glycation alone, and this loss was accompanied by higher protein cross-linking and higher cross-linking AGE levels. These results uncover a protein cross-linking mechanism in the lens and suggest that AGE-mediated cross-linking of α-crystallin–client complexes could contribute to lens aging and presbyopia.




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Structure of an ancestral mammalian family 1B1 cytochrome P450 with increased thermostability [Enzymology]

Mammalian cytochrome P450 enzymes often metabolize many pharmaceuticals and other xenobiotics, a feature that is valuable in a biotechnology setting. However, extant P450 enzymes are typically relatively unstable, with T50 values of ∼30–40 °C. Reconstructed ancestral cytochrome P450 enzymes tend to have variable substrate selectivity compared with related extant forms, but they also have higher thermostability and therefore may be excellent tools for commercial biosynthesis of important intermediates, final drug molecules, or drug metabolites. The mammalian ancestor of the cytochrome P450 1B subfamily was herein characterized structurally and functionally, revealing differences from the extant human CYP1B1 in ligand binding, metabolism, and potential molecular contributors to its thermostability. Whereas extant human CYP1B1 has one molecule of α-naphthoflavone in a closed active site, we observed that subtle amino acid substitutions outside the active site in the ancestor CYP1B enzyme yielded an open active site with four ligand copies. A structure of the ancestor with 17β-estradiol revealed only one molecule in the active site, which still had the same open conformation. Detailed comparisons between the extant and ancestor forms revealed increases in electrostatic and aromatic interactions between distinct secondary structure elements in the ancestral forms that may contribute to their thermostability. To the best of our knowledge, this represents the first structural evaluation of a reconstructed ancestral cytochrome P450, revealing key features that appear to contribute to its thermostability.




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Zinc promotes liquid-liquid phase separation of tau protein [Protein Structure and Folding]

Tau is a microtubule-associated protein that plays a major role in Alzheimer's disease (AD) and other tauopathies. Recent reports indicate that, in the presence of crowding agents, tau can undergo liquid–liquid phase separation (LLPS), forming highly dynamic liquid droplets. Here, using recombinantly expressed proteins, turbidimetry, fluorescence microscopy imaging, and fluorescence recovery after photobleaching (FRAP) assays, we show that the divalent transition metal zinc strongly promotes this process, shifting the equilibrium phase boundary to lower protein or crowding agent concentrations. We observed no tau LLPS-promoting effect for any other divalent transition metal ions tested, including Mn2+, Fe2+, Co2+, Ni2+, and Cu2+. We also demonstrate that multiple zinc-binding sites on tau are involved in the LLPS-promoting effect and provide insights into the mechanism of this process. Zinc concentration is highly elevated in AD brains, and this metal ion is believed to be an important player in the pathogenesis of this disease. Thus, the present findings bring a new dimension to understanding the relationship between zinc homeostasis and the pathogenic process in AD and related neurodegenerative disorders.




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PPARA Polymorphism Influences the Cardiovascular Benefit of Fenofibrate in Type 2 Diabetes: Findings From ACCORD-Lipid

Mario Luca Morieri
Apr 1, 2020; 69:771-783
Genetics/Genomes/Proteomics/Metabolomics




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A Bivariate Genome-Wide Approach to Metabolic Syndrome: STAMPEED Consortium

Aldi T. Kraja
Apr 1, 2011; 60:1329-1339
Genetics




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From the Triumvirate to the Ominous Octet: A New Paradigm for the Treatment of Type 2 Diabetes Mellitus

Ralph A. DeFronzo
Apr 1, 2009; 58:773-795
Banting Lecture




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Correction: Metabolic fingerprinting for diagnosis of fibromyalgia and other rheumatologic disorders. [Additions and Corrections]

VOLUME 294 (2019) PAGES 2555–2568Due to publisher error, “150 l/mm” was changed to “150 liters/mm” in the second paragraph of the “Vibrational spectroscopy of samples” section under “Experimental Procedures.” The correct phrase should be “150 l/mm.”




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Correction: Comparative structure-function analysis of bromodomain and extraterminal motif (BET) proteins in a gene-complementation system. [Additions and Corrections]

VOLUME 295 (2020) PAGES 1898–1914Yichen Zhong's name was misspelled. The correct spelling is shown above.




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Correction: Histone demethylase KDM6B promotes epithelial-mesenchymal transition. [Additions and Corrections]

VOLUME 287 (2012) PAGES 44508–44517In Fig. 1A, the wrong image for the control group was presented. The authors inadvertently cropped the control images in Fig. 1, A and E, from the same raw image. Fig. 1A has now been corrected and does not affect the results or conclusions of the work. The authors sincerely apologize for their mistake during figure preparation and for any inconvenience this may have caused readers.jbc;295/19/6781/F1F1F1Figure 1A.




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Giants acquire righty reliever Gott from Nats

The Giants added another arm into their bullpen mix Wednesday, acquiring right-hander Trevor Gott from the Nationals for cash considerations.




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Re: David Oliver: Let’s not forget care homes when covid-19 is over - What should we expect from care homes after Covid-19?




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Re: Reducing risks from coronavirus transmission in the home—the role of viral load




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Combination upstream and downstream treatment modalities for RECOVERY from COVID-19




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Online CBT is trialled for children with chronic fatigue syndrome




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Taking Inspiration From Kofi Annan

31 May 2019

Robin Niblett

Director and Chief Executive, Chatham House
Robin Niblett reflects on the legacy of the former UN secretary-general and what current leaders can learn from his example.

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Kofi Annan in 2017. Photo: Getty Images.

On 3 and 4 June, Chatham House will host a major conference in partnership with the UN Association (UK), supported by the Bill and Melinda Gates and Open Society Foundations, to reflect on the lessons learned from the remarkable life of Kofi Annan, who served as UN secretary-general from 1997 to 2006 and passed away almost a year ago, on 18 August 2018.

The conference will fall on the same days as Donald Trump’s state visit to the United Kingdom, which, though unplanned, brings into stark relief the ways in which current changes in international relations are affecting Kofi Annan’s legacy of UN-led multilateralism that Ban Ki-moon and now Antonio Guterres have carried forward.

A vision of multilateral governance

Kofi Annan advocated a vision of multilateral governance anchored in shared responsibility for global challenges and in promoting the rights and dignity of the individual. He placed the importance of individual freedom and justice alongside the global challenges of poverty and health. The launch of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and the UN Global Fund on HIV/Aids, which brought together both strands of his approach to global governance, stand among his landmark contributions to international affairs.

Kofi Annan’s time as secretary-general also saw him involved in managing numerous crises. The 2003 US-led military intervention in Iraq raised acute questions about the purpose and future of the UN Security Council. The aftermath of the conflict also exposed serious failings in the broader UN system under his leadership.

It was to his credit that he leveraged the investigation into the corruption surrounding the UN’s 1995–2003 ‘oil-for-food’ programme in order to introduce procedures for greater scrutiny over UN financial programmes and personnel appointments. In 2000, he set up and then took on board the criticisms of the Brahimi Report into the failed UN peacekeeping operations in Rwanda and Srebrenica during his tenure as undersecretary-general for peacekeeping.

Global governance on the defensive

One can look back at Kofi Annan’s term as UN secretary-general as a period when ideas for how to improve global governance were in the ascendant, despite the persistence of civil wars and interstate disputes. Today, the persistence of long-standing conflicts and growing competition between the world’s major powers appear to be overwhelming the global agenda, putting ideas for global governance on the defensive.

America’s purposeful disengagement from and disruption of the multilateral institutions that it helped establish during the 20th century is a major factor in this shift. The principal difference with the Cold War is that China’s rise might divide America from its allies rather than unite them. 

China has become embedded in the global economy that America championed, creating new webs of interdependence. On the other hand, China is promoting a system of domestic and international governance that gives primacy to the state over the rights of the individual. In recent years, China has not only supported the world’s most repressive regimes, like North Korea, Venezuela and Zimbabwe, but also corrupt and opaque practices in countries in southeast Asia and Africa. And it is offering new digital surveillance tools that leaders in these countries can use to suppress popular dissent.

Despite concerns over its direction, most states around the world continue to engage China, even US allies in Europe and Asia. America, however, has decided to challenge it. With the world’s two most powerful states in confrontation, and Russia happy to play a disruptive role in between, there is little scope for state-led multilateralism to regain its momentum.

This rise of a more competitive international system has had a negative effect on Kofi Annan’s legacy, eroding some of its highlights, such as expectations for Responsibility to Protect, and weakening multilateralism and respect for human rights in general.

The question for the future is whether Annan’s successors can build on the more radical, transformative aspects of his tenure and bypass this state-led confrontation. The shift from the MDGs to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) could prove critical in this respect.

A more inclusive approach to complex problem-solving

In order to have a chance of achieving the SDGs, the world needs to deploy a more inclusive approach to complex problem-solving of the sort that Kofi Annan promoted with his Global Compact. Bringing the private sector and civil society proactively into multilateral responses offers the only prospect to end poverty and reduce inequality, build sustainable cities, and shift to responsible production and consumption, along with the other SDGs.

A more inclusive approach also means giving a greater sense of agency to individuals, who can now mobilize digitally and engage in responding to global challenges, such as creating more energy-efficient and climate-friendly lifestyles, with minimal government support. Annan was a pioneer of this more bottom-up approach to development and rights issues after leaving the UN, through his work on youth leadership against violent extremism and on transforming agriculture in Africa.

Thinking of systemic change as a more societal rather than government-led process demands leaders capable of mobilizing mass individual action towards public policy goals, as reflected, for example, in Secretary-General Guterres’ High Level Panel on Digital Cooperation.

The fact that Kofi Annan was dubbed by some ‘the secular pope’ points to people’s search for leadership towards shared global challenges that goes beyond what can be achieved by national action alone. If an important part of his legacy is the idea of more inclusive forms of global governance, then Kofi Annan has provided an essential starting point for the debates that will accompany the UN’s upcoming 75th anniversary.




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Justice for the Rohingya: Lessons from the Khmer Rouge Tribunal

8 April 2020

Sandra Smits

Programme Manager, Asia-Pacific Programme
The Cambodian case study illustrates the challenges of ensuring justice and accountability for the Rohingya in Myanmar.

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Coast guards escort Rohingya refugees following a boat capsizing accident in Teknaf on 11 February 2020. Photo: Getty Images.

International criminal justice provides a stark reminder that state sovereignty is not an absolute, and that the world’s most heinous crimes should be prosecuted at an international level, particularly where domestic systems lack the capacity or will to hold perpetrators to account. 

The post-Cold War period witnessed a dramatic rise in the number of international tribunals with jurisdiction over war crimes and serious human rights abuses in countries including Cambodia, East Timor, Rwanda, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Yugoslavia. With these processes approaching, or having reached the end of their dockets, many have called for the creation of new tribunals to address more recent conflicts, including the army crackdown in Myanmar in 2017 that resulted in evidence of crimes against humanity against the Rohingya

In January this year, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) imposed emergency provisional measures on Myanmar, instructing it to prevent genocidal violence against its Rohingya minority. But a final judgement is expected to take years and the ICJ has no way of enforcing these interim measures. Myanmar has already responded defiantly to international criticism

Model for justice

Myanmar is not the first country to face scrutiny for such crimes in Southeast Asia. The Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), more commonly known as the Khmer Rouge Tribunal was established in 1997 to prosecute Khmer Rouge leaders for alleged violations of international law and serious crimes perpetrated during the Cambodian genocide. This provides an opportunity to consider whether the Tribunal can act as a ‘hybrid’ model for justice in the region. 

The first lesson that can be taken from the Cambodian context is that the state must have the political will and commitment to pursue accountability. It was indeed the Cambodian government itself, who requested international assistance from the United Nations (UN), to organize a process for holding trials. The initial recommendation of the UN-commissioned Group of Experts was for the trial to be held under UN control, in light of misgivings about Cambodia’s judicial system. Prime Minister Hun Sen rejected this assessment and in prolonged negotiations, continued to spearhead the need for domestic involvement (arguably, in order to circumscribe the search for justice). This eventually resulted in the creation of a hybrid body consisting of parallel international and Cambodian judges and prosecutors with supermajority decision-making rules.   

It is worth noting that the Hun Sen government initially chose to do business with former Khmer Rouge leaders, until it became more advantageous to embrace a policy of putting them on trial. It is possible to infer from this that there will be no impetus for action in Myanmar until it is domestically advantageous to do so. At present, this appetite is clearly lacking, demonstrated by de-facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi shying away from accountability and instead defending the government’s actions before the ICJ.

One unique aspect of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal has been the vast participation by the Cambodian people in witnessing the trials as well as widespread support for the tribunal. This speaks to the pent-up demand in Cambodia for accountability and the importance of local participation. While international moral pressure is clear, external actors cannot simply impose justice for the Rohingya when there is no domestic incentive or support to pursue this. The reality is that the anti-Rohingya campaign has galvanized popular support from the country’s Buddhist majority. What is more, the Rohingya are not even seen as part of Myanmar so there is an additional level of disenfranchisement.

Secondly, the Cambodian Tribunal illustrates the need for safeguards against local political interference. The ECCC was designed as national court with international participation. There was an agreement to act in accordance with international standards of independence and impartiality, but no safeguards in place against serious deficiencies in the Cambodian judicial system. Close alliances between judges and the ruling Cambodian People’s Party, as well as high levels of corruption meant the tribunal effectively gave Hun Sen’s government veto power over the court at key junctures. Despite the guise of a hybrid structure, the Cambodian government ultimately retained the ability to block further prosecutions and prevent witnesses from being called. 

In Myanmar, political interference could be a concern, but given there is no popular support for justice and accountability for crimes committed against the Rohingya, the prospects of a domestic or hybrid process remain unlikely. However, there are still international options. The investigation by the International Criminal Court (ICC) into crimes that may have taken place on the Myanmar–Bangladesh border represents a potential route for justice and accountability. The UN Human Rights Council has also recently established the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM), mandated to collect and preserve evidence, as well as to prepare files for future cases before criminal courts.

Finally, the Cambodian case illustrates the culture of impunity in the region. The ECCC was conceived partly as a showcase for international standards of justice, which would have a ‘contagion effect’ upon the wider Cambodian and regional justice systems. 

Cambodia was notorious for incidents in which well-connected and powerful people flouted the law. This culture of impunity was rooted in the failure of the government to arrest, try and punish the Khmer Rouge leadership. The Tribunal, in holding perpetrators of the worst crimes to account, sought to send a clear signal that lesser violations would not be tolerated in the same way. Arguably, it did not achieve this in practice as Cambodia still has a highly politicized judicial system with high levels of corruption and clear limits to judicial independence

What this illustrates is that the first step towards accountability is strengthening domestic institutions. The United Nation’s Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar has urged domestic authorities to embrace democracy and human rights, highlighting the need to reform the judicial system in order to ensure judicial independence, remove systemic barriers to accountability and build judicial and investigatory capacity in accordance with international standards. Based on this assessment, it is clear that domestic institutions are currently insufficiently independent to pursue accountability.

The ECCC, despite its shortcomings, does stand as proof that crimes against humanity will not go completely unpunished. However, a process does not necessarily equal justice. The region is littered with justice processes that never went anywhere: Indonesia, Nepal, and Sri Lanka. International recourse is also challenging in a region with low ratification of the ICC, and the absence of regional mechanisms like the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, the European Court of Human Rights, and the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (although their remit is not mass atrocity prosecutions). 

The Cambodian case study illustrates the challenges of ensuring justice and accountability within the region. The end of impunity is critical to ensure peaceful societies, but a purely legalistic approach will fail unless it is supported by wider measures and safeguards. It is these challenges, that undermine the prospects for ensuring justice for the Rohingya within Myanmar.




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Reflections from the Munich Security Conference on America’s Role in the World

Invitation Only Research Event

17 February 2020 - 8:00am to 9:15am

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Senator Chris Coons, United States Senator, Delaware
Chair: Dr Leslie Vinjamuri, Director, US and Americas Programme

In the aftermath of World War II, the United States cemented its role as the leader of a new global order, characterized by the creation of international institutions and treaties like the United Nations and North Atlantic Treaty Organization. More recently, however, the United States has appeared to take an inward turn, a trend which has been mirrored across the globe and has led to the international order being challenged more now than ever before.

As the Trump administration and US members of Congress attempt to address multiple challenges from a rising China and a disruptive Russia to a nuclear North Korea and shifting Middle East, Senator Chris Coons will offer his vision for restoring American leadership on the world stage.What is the role of Congress in setting and shaping US foreign policy?  How will the outcome of the consequential 2020 elections shape the future of America’s global role? Would a change in administration necessarily increase prospects of American reengagement, and if so, across which international spheres?

Event attributes

Chatham House Rule

Department/project

US and Americas Programme




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Three Takeaways From the Belarusian Parliamentary Elections

28 November 2019

Ryhor Astapenia

Robert Bosch Stiftung Academy Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme
Lukashenka’s domestic support is waning and he is not willing to make concessions to the West. Instead, he is trying to appease the ruling cadre.

2019-11-28-Luk.jpg

Alexander Lukashenka leaves a voting booth on 17 November. Photo: Getty Images.

Belarus’s parliamentary elections, held on 17 November, were predictably non-transparent, with numerous violations. The regime of Alexander Lukasheka allowed no opposition candidates as members of parliament – in contrast to the previous parliament, in which there were two opposition MPs. While this might seem to be a return to ‘business as usual’, three key takeaways from the elections highlight a shifting political and social landscape.

1. Lukashenka is appeasing his ruling cadre by promising to increase their role in the political system.

With several influential officials becoming new MPs, it is more likely that parliament will be more involved in any forthcoming discussion of a new constitution. Lukashenka has been promising constitutional reform for several years; he has said publicly that it will lead to an increased significance of government agencies as well as parliament. The aim of this is to keep them more engaged and on Lukashenka’s side.

In terms of the composition of the new parliament itself, there are some key differences with previous years. It is no longer a comfortable place for officials to while away their pre-retirement: many MPs are now in their fifties or younger, and have plans for careers beyond parliament.

It also looks as if small steps are being taken towards the emergence of a party system in Belarus. The leader of Belaya Rus, a pro-government association of Belarusian officials, got a seat in parliament for the first time, increasing the likelihood of it becoming a political party. The number of MPs from different parties has increased to 21 (out of 110 in total). Although these still all broadly support Lukashenka, they can differ from the president in policy positions. For example, the Labour and Justice Party, with 6 seats in parliament, supported the annexation of Crimea in 2014. Change, of course, may not necessarily be in a pro-Western direction.

Moreover, the newly elected members of parliament look more like real politicians. They go to debates, speak to independent journalists and have their own social media channels. Some have even felt able to criticize the actions of the authorities.

Similar changes have been taking place in other institutions in Belarus. The government is now more competent than it has ever been. The National Bank has managed to carry out macroeconomic stabilization on one of the most unstable currencies in Europe, while the ministries responsible for the economic development have implemented certain small-scale reforms. The Minister of the Interior has even acknowledged mistakes made by his department (under his predecessor), and undertaken to make improvements.

This has resulted in a near-comical situation, whereby the Belarusian non-state media outlets have an increasingly positive view of some state officials, such as Prime Minister Siarhei Rumas, while the state media has been scaling back its coverage of him to ensure he does not become too popular.

2. Belarus has less need for the West and is reluctant to make even small concessions.

Since the slight warming of Belarusian relations with the West in 2014, Lukashenka has been having more meetings with prominent Western officials. Western institutions began trying to cooperate more closely with Belarus, but soon saw that it was not very interested. In 2018, the European Bank of Reconstruction and Development allocated €360 million to Belarus. However, it is now considering a reduction, as reforms in Belarus have not, in its view, gone far enough. The European Union has also committed considerable time and money to regional authorities, but this has not brought any significant changes to Belarusian local government.

The absence of opposition candidates also demonstrates that the Belarusian authorities are prepared for a new deterioration of relations with the West. The authorities could certainly have afforded some opposition in parliament, especially since they themselves choose whom to appoint. Given that they did not, they either do not consider worsened relations a problem or are confident that the West will continue to cooperate with Belarus in order to limit Russian power, regardless of its violations of the rule of law.

3. There is growing popular dissatisfaction with the current regime, but the state has no good plan for how to deal with it.

Parliamentary election campaigns in Belarus are traditionally low-key, but this year they were particularly muted. The authorities tried to ensure that people knew as little about the election as possible. Campaign posters appeared on the streets just two weeks before polling day. It seems the authorities were reluctant to politicize society, as further resentment at autocratic rule is brewing.

Many Belarusians who previously supported Lukashenka now have a very critical opinion of him. Take political blogging: the most popular political blogger in Belarus is a 22-year-old man who goes by the name of NEXTA. He produces low-quality videos which are highly critical of the authorities. A film by him about Lukashenka, released a month ago, has already received 1.8 million views, even though there are only 9.5 million people in Belarus.

The authorities are not in a concessionary mood. The presidential elections in 2020 will also likely be a sham. If the authorities’ grip over the country is weakened, they will fear an outbreak of anger, resulting in widespread protests which the regime might once again have to meet with violence.




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