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Swing Dance Club - Weekly Meeting

Ever been interested in learning how to swing dance? Come and join our group! Everyone is welcome, including undergraduate and graduate students, staff and faculty, and community members. No partner or experience necessary! Our weekly schedule starts with a beginner lesson, where we’ll teach you the basic steps and a few fun moves. After that, we hold an intermediate lesson for more experienced dancers. We end the night with a social dance to practice our skills and learn from each other! For more details, please visit https://swing.princeton.edu. (Masks are optional but encouraged)




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2024 Princeton Dance Festival

Featuring new and repertory works by nationally and internationally recognized choreographers, performed by 49 Princeton students in an energetic program of dances from a surprising range of dance forms. The work in the Festival includes a new hip-hop work by Rennie Harris, a new contemporary dance-theater work by Raja Feather Kelly, a new contemporary work by Rebecca Lazier, a new ballet work by Matthew Neenan, an excerpt from Stephen Petronio’s Lareigne (1995) staged by Davalois Fearon, and a restaged excerpt of Ripple, a 2021 contemporary work rooted in Chinese classical and folk dance by Yue Yin. Relaxed Performance on 11/24.




dan

2024 Princeton Dance Festival

Featuring new and repertory works by nationally and internationally recognized choreographers, performed by 49 Princeton students in an energetic program of dances from a surprising range of dance forms. The work in the Festival includes a new hip-hop work by Rennie Harris, a new contemporary dance-theater work by Raja Feather Kelly, a new contemporary work by Rebecca Lazier, a new ballet work by Matthew Neenan, an excerpt from Stephen Petronio’s Lareigne (1995) staged by Davalois Fearon, and a restaged excerpt of Ripple, a 2021 contemporary work rooted in Chinese classical and folk dance by Yue Yin. Relaxed Performance on 11/24.




dan

2024 Princeton Dance Festival

Featuring new and repertory works by nationally and internationally recognized choreographers, performed by 49 Princeton students in an energetic program of dances from a surprising range of dance forms. The work in the Festival includes a new hip-hop work by Rennie Harris, a new contemporary dance-theater work by Raja Feather Kelly, a new contemporary work by Rebecca Lazier, a new ballet work by Matthew Neenan, an excerpt from Stephen Petronio’s Lareigne (1995) staged by Davalois Fearon, and a restaged excerpt of Ripple, a 2021 contemporary work rooted in Chinese classical and folk dance by Yue Yin. Relaxed Performance on 11/24.




dan

2024 Princeton Dance Festival

Featuring new and repertory works by nationally and internationally recognized choreographers, performed by 49 Princeton students in an energetic program of dances from a surprising range of dance forms. The work in the Festival includes a new hip-hop work by Rennie Harris, a new contemporary dance-theater work by Raja Feather Kelly, a new contemporary work by Rebecca Lazier, a new ballet work by Matthew Neenan, an excerpt from Stephen Petronio’s Lareigne (1995) staged by Davalois Fearon, and a restaged excerpt of Ripple, a 2021 contemporary work rooted in Chinese classical and folk dance by Yue Yin. Relaxed Performance on 11/24.




dan

Swing Dance Club Weekly Meeting

Ever been interested in learning how to swing dance? Come and join our group! Everyone is welcome, including undergraduate and graduate students, staff and faculty, and community members. No partner or experience necessary! Our weekly schedule starts with an intermediate lesson for more advanced dancers; after that, we teach a beginner lesson, where we’ll teach you the basic steps and a few fun moves. We end the night with a social dance to practice our skills and learn from each other! For more details, please visit swing.princeton.edu. We hope to see you there!




dan

Dancing on My Own: Book Talk and Signing with Author Simon Wu '17

Conversation with emerging writer, art critic, curator and Princeton alum Simon Wu ’17 as he discusses his new book, Dancing on My Own, with Monica Youn ’93, Visiting Professor of Creative Writing. Followed by a book signing and reception. Current Princeton students can register to join writer and art curator Simon Wu ‘17 for a private dinner and career conversation from 4:30-5:30 PM.




dan

Authentic Jazz and Swing Dance Workshop

As part of Dyane Harvey-Salaam's fall 2024 dance course, "The American Experience and Dance Practices of the African Diaspora," guest artist Mickey Davidson gives a lecture/workshop on Authentic Jazz and Swing Dance Practices. Open to University community.




dan

Swing Dance Club Weekly Meeting

Ever been interested in learning how to swing dance? Come and join our group! Everyone is welcome, including undergraduate and graduate students, staff and faculty, and community members. No partner or experience necessary! Our weekly schedule starts with an intermediate lesson for more advanced dancers; after that, we teach a beginner lesson, where we’ll teach you the basic steps and a few fun moves. We end the night with a social dance to practice our skills and learn from each other! For more details, please visit swing.princeton.edu. We hope to see you there!




dan

‘Over The Garden Wall’ Receives A 10th Anniversary Stop-Motion Makeover By Mikey Please And Dan Ojari

Featuring intricately crafted wooden-style puppets with hand-drawn eyes and mouths, the short serves as a fitting coda to McHale’s masterpiece.




dan

Bike Check: Dangerholm's Scott Spark RC Visione



Another next-level build from Mr. Dangerholm.
( Photos: 31, Comments: 126 )




dan

Bali flights cancelled after volcanic eruption near holiday spot creates dangerous ash cloud

Over a dozen flights cancelled or delayed between Bali and Australia




dan

Red-cockaded woodpeckers are no longer an endangered species

The red-cockaded woodpecker, an iconic bird in southeastern forests, has grown more numerous. So the Fish and Wildlife Service no longer lists it as an endangered species, instead classifying it as a threatened species. The Associated Press reports: in the 1970s, the red-cockaded woodpecker population had dipped as low as 1,470 clusters — or groups […]

The post Red-cockaded woodpeckers are no longer an endangered species appeared first on Liberty Unyielding.



  • Science and Technology

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Assisted dying bill dangerous, says Archbishop

His comments came ahead of an assisted dying bill being introduced to Parliament.




dan

Norris calls Verstappen 'dangerous' as Sainz wins in Mexico

Lando Norris cuts Max Verstappen’s lead to 47 points and labels his rival “dangerous” as the championship battle reaches boiling point at the Mexico City Grand Prix.




dan

Inside a hospital on the front line of Sudan’s hunger crisis

One of the worst famines in decades could be underway in Sudan, aid workers warn.




dan

Ugandan TikTokers held for insulting first family

They are accused of hate speech as rights groups say the law is being used to restrict freedoms.




dan

Watch: Strictly's 'spectacular' blackout dance moment

Blind comedian Chris McCausland and his dance partner performed part of the routine with the lights off.




dan

Khalife could have 'endangered Zaghari-Ratcliffe'

Daniel Khalife told jurors at his trial that he cannot remember the document in question.




dan

Bali flights cancelled due to dangerous volcanic ash

Australian airlines say it is unsafe to fly after Mount Lewotobi Laki-laki spewed ash.




dan

News24 | WATCH | It's an affordable family car: The VW Polo sedan keeps things simple

It’s refreshing to see manufacturers still making sedans that the average South African family can afford. The Volkswagen Polo Sedan is one of those cars, but now it’s bigger than the previous generation and a lot more modern.




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Tom the Dancing Bug: "Hey, Ladies! Trump will be your protector!"

Announcing the brand new Tom the Dancing Bug book: Volume 8 of The Complete Tom the Dancing Bug book program is "IT'S THE GREAT STORM, TOM THE DANCING BUG!" Now accepting orders right HERE! Get your personalized / signed / sketched / swagged copy today! — Read the rest

The post Tom the Dancing Bug: "Hey, Ladies! Trump will be your protector!" appeared first on Boing Boing.



  • Video
  • Tom The Dancing Bug

dan

"Back to Work" - Merlin's New Thing with Dan Benjamin at 5by5.tv

[update 2011-01-18 @ 16:07:40: We're up!]

5by5 Live

Before Christ was a corporal, Dan Benjamin was already a bit of a hero to me.

Since the early aughts–long before his insanely great 5by5.tv podcast network–Dan’s Hivelogic Enkoder was saving us millions of spam messages. His thoughtful tutorials on OS X (including unmissable advice on doing sane installs of MySQL and Rails, among others) are among the best on the web. His CSS has been widely stolen and reused without acknowledgment by thieves as diverse as other people and me. And his polymath posts on everything from Buddhism to The Paleo Diet to how to record a “Double-ender” have shown a charming combination of curiosity and empathy that, amongst numerous other reasons, clearly makes Dan a better human than me.

A propos of nothing, Dan’s also the guy who conducted one of (mp3) the three best interviews with me in which it’s been my good fortune to participate.1

Today, I’m honored to say that Dan and I are starting a thing together.

If it suits you, drop by 5by5.tv/live in about 35 minutes–at Noon Eastern/9am Pacific–to find out what we’re up to. I think it might be good. I’ll just say I’m as excited about this as I’ve been about any new project I’ve started in the past year or so.

Anyway. You can judge for yourself. Whether you can tolerate me or otherwise, definitely do not miss the work Dan’s doing at 5by5. Because it really is outstanding and very polished stuff.

As for our thing? My own goal, to paraphrase a bit from that interview with Dan, is to help you get excited, get better–and then?–Back to Work.

More soon. Thanks.


  1. Favorite interviews. Just for the sake of completion, my all-time favorite interview was conducted by Colin Marshall for The Marketplace of Ideas (mp3); Dan’s “The Pipeline” eppy with me was a close second; and David and Katie’s recent nerderrific interview on my Mac workflow (mp3) on Mac Power Users has turned out to be a lot of peoples’ favorite thing I’ve done in years (love LOVE David’s stuff). ↩


And...we're up

Back to Work | Ep.#1: Alligator in the Bathroom

Download MP3 of "'Back to Work,' Ep. 1"

In the inaugural episode of Back to Work, Merlin Mann and Dan Benjamin discuss why they’re doing this show, getting back to work instead of buying berets, the lizard brain, and compare the Shadow of the Mouse to San Francisco, and eventually get to some practical tips for removing friction.

It's a start.

Sexy Audio RSS Feed
Sexy Subscription via iTunes

Episode Links

"Back to Work" - Merlin's New Thing with Dan Benjamin at 5by5.tv” was written by Merlin Mann for 43Folders.com and was originally posted on January 18, 2011. Except as noted, it's ©2010 Merlin Mann and licensed for reuse under CC BY-NC-ND 3.0. "Why a footer?"




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Sport | 'Dangerous' and 'arrogant': Rassie's latest Bomb Squad whips up fresh criticism up north

Rassie Erasmus' 7-1 variation of the Bomb Squad used against Scotland on Sunday set off a few tremors in the north, with Times writer Stephen Jones the latest to criticise the "dangerous" and "arrogant" tactic.




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Civilian priorities for ending the war in Sudan

Civilian priorities for ending the war in Sudan 31 October 2024 — 12:30PM TO 1:30PM Anonymous (not verified) Chatham House and Online

Dr Abdalla Hamdok, former prime minister of Sudan and chairperson of the Coordination of Civil Democratic Forces (Tagadum), will discuss the prospects for conflict resolution in Sudan.

The intensification of fighting across Sudan demonstrates that both warring parties and their allies are continuing to pursue an outright military victory in the war, with little regard for the human cost. Diplomatic efforts, including the US-led Geneva talks in August, have produced little progress towards a ceasefire.  Meanwhile, the conflict has resulted in widespread devastation, mass displacement, and an escalating hunger crisis.

Civilian perspectives on ending the war, their vital efforts in providing lifesaving humanitarian assistance, and the aspiration of many Sudanese for a more inclusive and democratic Sudan, have been sidelined by the interests and actions of the belligerent parties.

At this event, Dr Abdalla Hamdok will discuss options for reaching a ceasefire and seeking a peaceful political resolution to the conflict. He will also address the urgent need for an international response to what has become the world’s largest humanitarian crisis.

Please note that in-person attendance for this event will be balloted. Guests looking to join in-person must ‘register interest’ in joining. Full confirmations to successful applicants will be sent on Monday 28 October at 15:00.

Individual membership provides you with the complete Chatham House experience, connecting you with a unique global policy community. Find out more about membership.




dan

Mass Spectrometry of Human Leukocyte Antigen Class I Peptidomes Reveals Strong Effects of Protein Abundance and Turnover on Antigen Presentation

Michal Bassani-Sternberg
Mar 1, 2015; 14:658-673
Research




dan

Quantitative, Multiplexed Assays for Low Abundance Proteins in Plasma by Targeted Mass Spectrometry and Stable Isotope Dilution

Hasmik Keshishian
Dec 1, 2007; 6:2212-2229
Research




dan

PaxDb, a Database of Protein Abundance Averages Across All Three Domains of Life

M. Wang
Aug 1, 2012; 11:492-500
Technological Innovation and Resources




dan

Discordant Protein and mRNA Expression in Lung Adenocarcinomas

Guoan Chen
Apr 1, 2002; 1:304-313
Research




dan

Exponentially Modified Protein Abundance Index (emPAI) for Estimation of Absolute Protein Amount in Proteomics by the Number of Sequenced Peptides per Protein

Yasushi Ishihama
Sep 1, 2005; 4:1265-1272
Research




dan

Jordan: Regime Survival and Politics Beyond the State




dan

Undercurrents: Episode 19 - Green Building Projects in Jordan, and Qatar's Football World Cup




dan

Voices of Jordan: The Kingdom in the Centre of the Middle East




dan

Getting to a New Deal: Guidance for the United States, Europe and Iran




dan

Genetic evidence for partial redundancy between the arginine methyltransferases CARM1 and PRMT6 [Signal Transduction]

CARM1 is a protein arginine methyltransferase (PRMT) that acts as a coactivator in a number of transcriptional programs. CARM1 orchestrates this coactivator activity in part by depositing the H3R17me2a histone mark in the vicinity of gene promoters that it regulates. However, the gross levels of H3R17me2a in CARM1 KO mice did not significantly decrease, indicating that other PRMT(s) may compensate for this loss. We thus performed a screen of type I PRMTs, which revealed that PRMT6 can also deposit the H3R17me2a mark in vitro. CARM1 knockout mice are perinatally lethal and display a reduced fetal size, whereas PRMT6 null mice are viable, which permits the generation of double knockouts. Embryos that are null for both CARM1 and PRMT6 are noticeably smaller than CARM1 null embryos, providing in vivo evidence of redundancy. Mouse embryonic fibroblasts (MEFs) from the double knockout embryos display an absence of the H3R17me2a mark during mitosis and increased signs of DNA damage. Moreover, using the combination of CARM1 and PRMT6 inhibitors suppresses the cell proliferation of WT MEFs, suggesting a synergistic effect between CARM1 and PRMT6 inhibitions. These studies provide direct evidence that PRMT6 also deposits the H3R17me2a mark and acts redundantly with CARM1.




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Deformation of Artinian Algebras and Jordan Type

Anthony Iarrobino, Pedro Macias Marques, Maria Evelina Rossi and Jean Vallès, editors. American Mathematical Society, 2024, CONM, volume 805, approx. 252 pp. ISBN: 978-1-4704-7356-3 (print), 978-1-4704-7665-6 (online).

This volume contains the proceedings of the AMS-EMS-SMF Special Session on Deformations of Artinian Algebras and Jordan Type, held July 18–22,...




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‘My Ting Different’ - Tosh Alexander blends R&B and dancehall on new single

Dynamic singer Tosh Alexander has been lighting up the music scene with her latest track, ' My Ting Different', a thrilling collaboration with American rapper and songwriter Lady London. The song fuses R...




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Is the Juba Peace Agreement a Turning Point for Sudan?

14 September 2020

Dame Rosalind Marsden

Associate Fellow, Africa Programme
Sudan is looking towards a brighter future after the initialling of the Juba peace agreement on August 31, an important first step towards bringing peace to the conflict zones and laying the foundation for democratic transition and economic reform throughout the country.

2020-09-14-Sudan-Peace-Deal-Juba

Chairman of Sudan’s Sovereign Council, Lt General Abdel Fattah al Burhan (left), South Sudan President Salva Kiir (centre) and the Sudanese Prime Minister Dr Abdalla Hamdok (right) greet people gathering during the initialling of the Sudan peace deal with the rebel groups in Juba, South Sudan. Photo by AKUOT CHOL/AFP via Getty Images.

Although there is a long road ahead to achieve sustainable peace and formidable challenges remain, the hope is Sudan can turn the page on decades of war that has left hundreds of thousands dead and millions displaced, particularly in Darfur and the Two Areas (South Kordofan and Blue Nile).

The peace agreement, between Sudan’s transitional government and the Sudan Revolutionary Front (SRF), a broad alliance of armed and other movements, and Minni Minawi’s Sudan Liberation Movement, is not yet comprehensive as it did not include two other important armed movements.

Expected to be formally signed in early October, the deal has been hailed as a ’historic achievement’ by the UN secretary-general, and the international community also commended the government of South Sudan for its positive role as mediator and urged hold-out groups to join the peace process. Much does depend on delivering on the agreement, and the experience of implementing past peace accords in Sudan has been dismal, particularly when it comes to bringing tangible benefits to people on the ground.

What potentially makes the Juba agreement different is that Sudan’s civilian-led transitional government aspires to deliver peace, justice and democracy in line with the goals of the revolution; that the agreement was negotiated between the Sudanese themselves, with a light touch from the South Sudanese mediation and low-key logistical and technical support from the international community; and that much of the negotiations were conducted between former comrades, in marked contrast to the confrontational atmosphere that prevailed during the Bashir era.

As Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok put it: ’This is a Sudanese peace, made with our own hands and by our own efforts’ and: ’This is not a paper agreement, but is a living organism that needs care, attention and political will from all of us’.

Achievements of the agreement

The result of almost one year’s hard work in Juba, the agreement is comprehensive in scope and addresses the fundamental issues of Sudan’s crises in Darfur, the Two Areas and other marginalized regions, albeit in a mixture of regional and national protocols. It goes a long way to realizing the vision of a democratic ‘New Sudan’ based on respect for the diversity of the Sudanese people and equal citizenship without religious, ethnic, cultural or gender discrimination.

There is a focus on the concerns of historically marginalized populations in Sudan’s conflict zones and disadvantaged areas, and it addresses root causes of conflict, such as issues of identity, marginalization, the relationship between religion and state, governance, resource-sharing, land issues, social justice, and equality at the national level.

The deal also looks to resolve the consequences of conflict, such as humanitarian relief, the safe and voluntary return of IDPs and refugees to their original lands and compensation, eviction of illegal settlers and the development and reconstruction of the conflict-affected areas. It provides for significant devolution of power and resources to the regions, including autonomy for the Two Areas and restoration of a single Darfur region. On transitional justice, the government has committed to cooperate fully with the International Criminal Court (ICC) and ensure Bashir and others subject to arrest warrants will ‘appear before’ the ICC.

This deal will change the face of the transitional government by bringing marginalized forces to the centre of the political process. The transitional period will extend to 2023, with the armed movements having three seats in the (currently 11-member) Sovereign Council and 25% of seats in the Cabinet and soon-to-be-formed Legislative Assembly.

The power-sharing provisions have been criticized as disproportionate to the size of the movements’ political constituencies and military presence inside Sudan. But the movements argue significant representation in the government is necessary to support implementation and that their arrival in Khartoum will help to strengthen the transition to democracy.

Establishing a single, national professional army, reflective of the diversity of Sudan and with a new military doctrine opens the way for much-needed comprehensive security sector reform. During the transition, this will include the creation of a 12,000 strong joint force between government security forces and the armed movements to help protect civilians in Darfur. Importantly, mechanisms allowing for civilian input on security reforms are also established.

The deal also guarantees religious freedom and the separation of religion from politics. This ensures religion will not be exploited by state institutions as it was during the Bashir-era, provides for the constitution to be based on equal citizenship, and for the establishment of a National Commission for Religious Freedom to protect the rights of Christians and other minorities. In the Two Areas, the autonomous government will have special legislative powers to pass laws based on the secular 1973 Constitution.

Increasing inclusivity

Key to achieving inclusive and sustainable peace is ensuring popular ownership and finding ways to engage civil society stakeholders and marginalized communities such as nomads in dialogue, reconciliation and social peace initiatives. The negotiations were mainly a top-down elitist process. Although the UN brought IDPs, tribal leaders and women’s groups to Juba for short periods, there was limited participation by civil society. However, the agreement provides for a wider range of stakeholders to feed into a comprehensive peace through reconciliation and transitional justice mechanisms, follow-on conferences and an inclusive National Constitutional Conference.

Achieving a comprehensive peace will also mean bringing other armed movements on board, particularly those led by Abdel Aziz Al Hilu and Abdel Wahid Al Nur, both of whom hold significant territory, forces and support (in the Two Areas and Darfur respectively). Negotiations in Juba with Abdel Aziz had stalled over his demands for a secular state or, failing that, the right to self-determination, but he has now reached a preliminary agreement with Prime Minister Hamdok on a way forward.

Other challenges of implementing peace

Turning the peace agreement into reality on the ground will face many other challenges given the fragility of a civilian-military transitional government, distrust, and competition between the signatory movements and some political parties, as well as increasing insecurity in many parts of the country caused by armed militias, inter-tribal violence, the proliferation of weapons, and sabotage by elements of the former regime. There is also likely to be resistance from groups such as illegal settlers who see their interests being threatened.

With its economy in meltdown because of economic mismanagement by the Bashir regime, COVID-19, and unprecedented floods, finding resources to implement the peace deal is far beyond the means of Sudan’s cash-strapped government. Implementation therefore requires sustained and generous support from its regional and international partners, including the country’s urgent removal from the US State Sponsors of Terrorism list, which is preventing debt relief, access to concessionary loans and large-scale foreign investment. With donor budgets under heavy pressure, raising money will be hard, but by continuing to support a nascent democracy in a strategically important but unstable region, Sudan’s allies will be safeguarding their long-term interests.

If properly implemented, the Juba peace agreement is a major first step towards creating a ‘New Sudan’ based on peace, equal citizenship and social justice. Key tests of whether Sudan can finally turn the page are whether the signatory movements and other revolutionary forces can unite to deliver the dividends of peace for the victims of Sudan’s conflicts, and embrace inclusion rather than tribalism and narrow political affiliation; whether the remaining armed movements are ready to start serious negotiations for a comprehensive peace; and whether Sudan now receives the support and attention it deserves from the international community. Surely Sudan has already come too far for this historic opportunity to be lost.




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Africa Aware: Relations between Ethiopia and Sudan

Africa Aware: Relations between Ethiopia and Sudan Audio bhorton.drupal 9 April 2022

This episode of Africa Aware examines the relationship between Ethiopia and Sudan.

Ahmed Soliman provides an overview of the Africa Programme’s work on cross-border conflict as part of the XCEPT project.

First, we speak to Kholood Khair on the steady deterioration in relations between Sudan and Ethiopia. Then Abel Abate Demissie discusses how recent political developments in Ethiopia and Sudan have impacted relations between the two countries.

This podcast was produced with support from the Cross-Border Conflict Evidence, Policy and Trends (XCEPT) project, funded by UK Aid from the UK government. The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the UK government’s official policies.

It is also part of a series of outputs on Ethiopia’s political transition.




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Towards democracy in Sudan: Reflections on the transitional period

Towards democracy in Sudan: Reflections on the transitional period 20 September 2022 — 2:00PM TO 4:00PM Anonymous (not verified) 31 August 2022 Online

In this webinar, panellists discuss the key outcomes of the evaluation workshop and reflect on how the experience of the transition to date should inform the realization of Sudan’s democratic aspirations going forward.

The military coup on 25 October 2021 halted Sudan’s transition to democracy and prospects for sustainable peace. Since then, members of the former regime have regained political influence, with many reinstated to senior positions.

The coup has provoked a strong reaction from the country’s pro-democracy movement and youth-led resistance committees who have led continuous peaceful protests demanding civilian democratic transition, despite a brutal crackdown by state security forces.

Those supportive of the coup have blamed the Forces of Freedom and Change (FFC), a wide coalition of pro-democracy political and civilian groups, for the mistakes of the transitional government.

However, the country’s political, security and economic situation has sharply deteriorated since the military’s action, and the progress achieved by the transitional government has been reversed, leading to an accelerating economic crisis, increased food insecurity and political instability.

The FFC, which played a key role in appointing the transitional government, has acknowledged its errors. In July 2022, it held a workshop in Khartoum, which was broadcast on social media, to evaluate its performance and identify lessons learned, in discussion with civil society actors and activists.

In this webinar, leading pro-democracy movement figures and independent experts discuss the key outcomes of the evaluation workshop and reflect on how the experience of the transition to date should inform the realization of Sudan’s democratic aspirations going forward.

This event is part of a Chatham House Africa programme project on supporting Sudan’s civilian-led democratic transition.




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Sudan’s gold boom: Connections to conflict and transnational impacts

Sudan’s gold boom: Connections to conflict and transnational impacts 7 December 2022 — 2:00PM TO 3:30PM Anonymous (not verified) 24 November 2022 Online

At this event, experts will discuss Sudan’s gold sector, its connections to conflict, and transnational impacts. 

At this webinar panellists will discuss Sudan’s gold sector, its connections to conflict, and transnational impacts.

Sudan is one of the largest gold producers on the continent, with the industry constituting Sudan’s foremost source of hard currency since the secession of South Sudan in 2011 and resulting loss of oilfields.

The gold rush that has ensued has had important implications for domestic and transnational conflict dynamics. Military actors and armed groups have sought control of gold-producing areas in the peripheries and to capitalize on the flow of labour migrants, against a wider backdrop of conflict partly stemming from contestation for control between central and local actors.

International interests are prominent, including increased Russian involvement in the sector, while gold smuggling has also interlaced with mercenary activity in neighbouring CAR, Chad and Libya.
 
At this event, panellists will discuss Sudan’s gold trade, its connections to conflict, and transnational impacts, including the international politics of Sudan’s gold extraction and role of armed groups. It will also explore the environmental and socio-economic dimensions of gold in Sudan’s border areas. 
 
This roundtable is an output of the Cross-Border Conflict: Evidence, Policy and Trends (XCEPT) research programme, funded by UK Aid from the UK government.
 




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A critical juncture for Sudan’s democratic transition

A critical juncture for Sudan’s democratic transition Expert comment LJefferson 28 March 2023

International pressure is essential to reach an agreement that establishes a credible civilian government.

The signing of the Framework Agreement (FA) on 5 December 2022 between Sudan’s military leaders and its leading pro-democracy parties is a major step to reversing the damage done by the disastrous military coup in October 2021.

The FA removes any formal role for the military in Sudan’s politics. A civilian head of state and prime minister will select the cabinet and chair the Defence and Security Council. The armed forces will be prohibited from non-military business activities and security sector reform will lead to a unified, professional and non-partisan national army. Elections are due to take place at the end of a two-year transitional period. 

Signatories included General Abdel Fatah Al Burhan, chair of the Sovereign Council and head of the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (known as Hemedti), his deputy and Commander of the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and more than 40 civilian entities, including the Forces of Freedom and Change- Central Council (FFC-CC), a few other political parties, former armed movements, civil society organizations and professional associations. However, the agreement has faced criticism from the street for not being sufficiently radical, has been overshadowed at times by heightened tension between the two military leaders, and has seen sabotage attempts by supporters of the Bashir regime.

Building consensus on the Framework Agreement

The agreement meets most of the demands of the anti-coup camp, at least on paper. Yet doubts persist as to whether the military are genuine about handing over power, particularly among the neighbourhood-based resistance committees – the heart of the youth-led mobilization that forced the military to recognize the failure of their power grab. Peaceful protests against the coup have seen 125 killed and over 8,000 injured by government security forces. Many want to see Burhan and Hemedti held accountable.

Doubts persist as to whether the military are genuine about handing over power, particularly among the neighbourhood-based resistance committees.

Recognizing the need to expand popular support, FFC-CC leaders have been reaching out to other pro-democracy forces to build a united civilian front. They report increased buy-in from some resistance committees in the last few months, recognizing that street protests alone were not sufficient to overthrow the coup, and that engagement with the military is necessary to find a way out of the impasse.

The FA offers the only currently available path to embedding civilian politics in Sudan and has received active diplomatic support from UNITAMS, AU and IGAD (who form the Tripartite Mechanism), the Troika of the US, UK and Norway, alongside the EU, as well as Saudi Arabia and the UAE (who are members of ‘the Quad’ with the US and UK).

Broader public participation has also been developed through a series of conferences, facilitated by the Tripartite Mechanism, on five contentious issues – dismantling the old regime, the Juba Peace Agreement, Eastern Sudan, Transitional Justice and Security Sector Reform. Recommendations will be incorporated in a final political agreement. 

In a significant breakthrough, both sides have agreed to draft the final agreement and transitional constitution, with the aim of forming a civilian government by 11 April. 

The political process has been overshadowed by increasingly visible tension between Burhan and Hemedti, seen in parallel foreign visits, conflicting public statements, and a heavy military presence in Khartoum. But concerns that SAF and the RSF were heading towards confrontation appear to have been assuaged thanks to international pressure and preliminary agreements reached between military and civilian signatories of the FA on security sector reform and integration. In a significant breakthrough, both sides have now agreed to draft the final agreement and transitional constitution, with the aim of forming a civilian government by 11 April.  

Potential spoilers and interests from Sudan’s regions

Progress has been made, but significant challenges remain, notably from supporters of the former Bashir regime in ‘the deep state’ and from Sudan’s historically marginalized peripheries. Old regime elements have been intensifying social media campaigns to derail the agreement and drive a wedge between the SAF and RSF, and have been accused of deliberately inciting instability in the peripheries to undermine the democratic transition. 

The Popular Defence Forces, established by the National Islamic Front in the 1990s, have been reactivated under different names in several parts of the country and there are reports of mobilization and recruitment of armed militias in Darfur. The recent public appearance of Ali Karti, the Secretary-General of the Islamic Movement, who has close relations with Islamists in SAF, has also caused renewed concern.

Two Darfuri armed movement leaders who signed the October 2020 Juba Peace Agreement (JPA) and are members of the current military-led government, have not signed the FA, allegedly due to concerns about their representation in the next government.

Despite intensive efforts to bring them on board, there is continuing disagreement over the inclusion of other members of ‘the Democratic Bloc’, a political alliance backed by Sudan’s influential neighbour Egypt, which is reportedly angry at being excluded from the Quad. The FFC-CC say that the door is open for the two Darfuri leaders and some other political parties, but they will not allow the agreement to be ‘diluted’ with political forces who intend to torpedo the transition, including by imposing a weak prime minister.

Supporters of the pro-democracy movement outside Khartoum, particularly the resistance committees, recognize the organic link between peace and democracy.

Both Burhan and Hemedti have courted support from the regions. Burhan used the 2020 SAF takeover of Al Fashaga in the contested eastern border region with Ethiopia to boost his national standing and secure backing from local tribal leaders; while Hemedti has sought to position himself as a champion of the peripheries, particularly in his Darfur heartlands, while simultaneously advancing his business interests.

Competition between them in building domestic powerbases, as well as alliances with neighbouring states, risks reigniting tensions, particularly given deep grievances and contrasting ambitions between and among Sudan’s diverse regional leaders and communities.




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Fighting over ‘white gold’: Sesame in Ethiopia and Sudan

Fighting over ‘white gold’: Sesame in Ethiopia and Sudan Expert comment LJefferson 3 April 2023

The supply chain of a seemingly innocuous cash crop – sesame – has intersected with transnational conflict dynamics, exacerbating tensions between Ethiopia and Sudan.

Late 2020 saw the beginning of the devastating war in Tigray and the occupation of a disputed region on the Ethiopia–Sudan border – Al Fashaga – by the Sudanese army. These shocks disrupted settled patterns of land ownership and control in both Ethiopia’s volatile north and Sudan’s borderlands, historically the heart of the sesame and oilseed production that is economically vital to both countries.

These seemingly harmless cash crops are now embedded in local, subnational and national political contestations in both countries. Sesame value chains are being reshaped, with power and profits being used to entrench the grip of political and armed actors who are reinforcing new patterns of land control and driving informal and illicit trade – impacting the coping mechanisms of local communities and threatening to fuel further conflict.

Regional rivalries drive contestation over the Ethiopia supply chain

Internal borders between most of Ethiopia’s regions are marked by boundary disputes, which often degenerate into violent conflict. The most important is between the Tigray and Amhara regions. Since the war began in 2020, the Amhara region has annexed vast areas of western and southern Tigray, which the Amhara region claims were taken from them by Tigray 30 years ago, after the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) dominated ethnic coalition came to power.

Conflict has exacerbated a steady decline in formal revenues from sesame exports, dropping over $115 million from 2016 to 2021.

Ethiopia’s exports of spices, oilseeds and pulses brought in over half a billion dollars in 2021, roughly a quarter of the country’s total export revenues and second only to coffee. The sector has been rocked by the war in the north, which accounted for much of Ethiopia’s sesame production, with an estimated 500,000 hectares of sesame fields taken out of cultivation during the 2021 growing season. Conflict has exacerbated a steady decline in formal revenues from sesame exports, dropping over $115 million from 2016 to 2021.

Alongside falling production, the previously integrated value chain has been disrupted and decentralized by political fragmentation and land competition between Amharas and Tigrayans. Before the war, the agricultural sector in Western Tigray/Welkait was dominated by Tigrayan business interests, through the TPLF’s regional endowment fund EFFORT, a business conglomerate including subsidiaries such as Guna Trading House, and Hiwot Agricultural Mechanization.

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Two-minute video explainer: Supply chains, land contestation and conflict in the Horn of Africa

The taking of the area by Amhara forces in late 2020 saw the control over agricultural supply chains shift to actors from the Amhara region, amid contestation between regional officials, businessmen and security actors, backed by political elites. Thousands of displaced ethnic Tigrayan inhabitants of the area have been replaced by ethnic Amharas, enticed to settle there by the Amhara regional government’s offer of grants and leases for land which promise better livelihoods. The sesame they farm is now largely exported through informal and illicit channels, with profits used to reinforce de facto regional control.    

But there is also contestation within the Amhara region over the land and sesame supply chain between sub-regional elites from Gojjam, Gondar and indigenous Welkaites. Welkaites, who were marginalized under TPLF rule, believed that by aligning themselves with powerful Amharas they would reclaim land and influence. But this has not been fully realized, with the local administration reliant on Amhara region subsidies, rather than the federal budget. With little support from the federal government, local Welkait officials are strengthening their ties with Eritrea.

The Ethiopian government’s pursuit of peace with Tigray may lead it to turn away from the Amhara region, which could result in a renewed showdown between Amhara and Tigrayan forces.

At the national level, regional contestation over the control over Western Tigray/Welkait feeds into shifting political alliances between the Amhara, Tigrayans and Oromo which threaten the sustainability of the peace agreement struck between the federal government and TPLF in November 2022 – despite efforts by the government to defer the thorny issue.

While the constitutional return of the land to Tigray remains unlikely anytime soon, there is a feeling that Amhara control over Western Tigray/Welkait is no longer certain. The Ethiopian government’s pursuit of peace with Tigray may lead it to turn away from the Amhara region, despite their alliance during and before the war, which could result in a renewed showdown between Amhara and Tigrayan forces.

The prospect of losing territory could also heighten Amhara nationalist claims on Al Fashaga – the loss of which was partly offset by gaining Western Tigray/Welkait – leading to renewed conflagration with Sudan, outside of federal direction. Eritrea’s presence and alliance with Amhara militias remains a concern, given Asmara’s demonstrable ability to inflame tensions.  

Sudan’s securocrats battle over resources to entrench political power

The war in northern Ethiopia was also used opportunistically by the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) to take control of the fertile Al Fashaga borderland. This roughly 250 sq km area had been awarded to Sudan when the boundary was initially demarcated by the British in 1903, a ruling that remained contested by Ethiopia. An uneasy truce had seen Ethiopian farmers cultivate the land under nominal Sudanese administration; a settlement that collapsed in 2020 when thousands of predominantly Amhara farmers were evicted.

Local Sudanese farmers have also lost out – with some not compensated for the loss of lands to their own military, with land given to people from other parts of the country, and through lost relationships with Ethiopian farmers, labourers and investors.

The Sudanese military now allegedly controls more than 90 per cent of the disputed areas and security-linked companies and investors have moved into the lucrative sesame sector, re-routing the supply chain, which used to flow largely through Ethiopian markets. These companies are connected to Sudan’s Military Industrial Corporation, a vast conglomerate of business subsidiaries controlled by SAF – which is headed by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan.

Competition between Sudanese security actors fuels volatile political rivalries, and further entrenches military control of economic resources.

The commander of the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, General Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo (or Hemedti), also has interests in agriculture, through his family business Al-Junaid. Both sit at the top of Sudan’s Sovereign Council. Hemedti’s competition with Burhan has seen him develop relations with Ethiopia’s prime minister – counter-balanced by recent rapprochement between Abiy and Burhan – as well as senior Amhara leaders, including over business activities.

Moreover, competition between Sudanese security actors fuels volatile political rivalries, and further entrenches military control of economic resources, undermining civilians at a time when pro-democracy forces are seeking to restore a reform-minded government. One of the key challenges for a new civilian government will be to quickly build up a domestic revenue base to compete with the economic heft of the country’s prominent security institutions, which will demand taking on military-controlled holdings in civic sectors such as agriculture, including sesame.

Informal and illicit trade reinforces conflict dynamics

This context has driven the informalization of trade, with cash crops such as sesame increasingly exported outside of formal channels and connected to other illicit cross-border activities between Ethiopia and Sudan. Indications are that sesame production in Western Tigray/Welkait has recovered significantly during the current 2022/23 harvest season. However, rather than contributing much needed currency to soften Ethiopia’s forex crisis, the Amhara elite-controlled supply chain is primarily being used to secure a variety of regional interests.




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Guidance and best practices for nuclear cardiology laboratories during the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic: An Information Statement from ASNC and SNMMI




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MSstatsTMT: Statistical Detection of Differentially Abundant Proteins in Experiments with Isobaric Labeling and Multiple Mixtures [Technological Innovation and Resources]

Tandem mass tag (TMT) is a multiplexing technology widely-used in proteomic research. It enables relative quantification of proteins from multiple biological samples in a single MS run with high efficiency and high throughput. However, experiments often require more biological replicates or conditions than can be accommodated by a single run, and involve multiple TMT mixtures and multiple runs. Such larger-scale experiments combine sources of biological and technical variation in patterns that are complex, unique to TMT-based workflows, and challenging for the downstream statistical analysis. These patterns cannot be adequately characterized by statistical methods designed for other technologies, such as label-free proteomics or transcriptomics. This manuscript proposes a general statistical approach for relative protein quantification in MS- based experiments with TMT labeling. It is applicable to experiments with multiple conditions, multiple biological replicate runs and multiple technical replicate runs, and unbalanced designs. It is based on a flexible family of linear mixed-effects models that handle complex patterns of technical artifacts and missing values. The approach is implemented in MSstatsTMT, a freely available open-source R/Bioconductor package compatible with data processing tools such as Proteome Discoverer, MaxQuant, OpenMS, and SpectroMine. Evaluation on a controlled mixture, simulated datasets, and three biological investigations with diverse designs demonstrated that MSstatsTMT balanced the sensitivity and the specificity of detecting differentially abundant proteins, in large-scale experiments with multiple biological mixtures.




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Slight Deuterium Enrichment in Water Acts as an Antioxidant: Is Deuterium a Cell Growth Regulator? [Research]

Small admixtures in water, e.g. of metal ions, often act as cell growth regulators. Here we report that enrichment of deuterium content in water, normally found at 8 mm concentration, two-three folds increases cell proliferation and lowers the oxidative stress level as well. Acting as an anti-oxidant, deuterium-enriched water prevents the toxic effect of such oxidative agents as hydrogen peroxide and auranofin. This action is opposite to that of deuterium depletion that is known to suppress cell growth and induce oxidative stress in mitochondria. We thus hypothesize that deuterium may be a natural cell growth regulator that controls mitochondrial oxidation-reduction balance. Because growth acceleration is reduced approximately by half by addition to water a minute amount (0.15%) of 18O isotope, at least part of the deuterium effect on cell growth can be explained by the isotopic resonance phenomenon. A slight (2-fold) enrichment of deuterium in water accelerates human cell growth. Quantitative MS based proteomics determined changes in protein abundances and redox states and found that deuterium-enriched water acts mainly through decreasing ROS production in mitochondria. This action is opposite to that of deuterium depletion that suppresses cell growth by inducing oxidative stress. Thus deuterium may be a natural cell growth regulator that controls mitochondrial oxidation-reduction balance. The role of isotopic resonance in this effect was validated by further experiments on bacteria.




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Comment se débarrasser des glaires coincées dans la gorge ?

Gêne constant, difficulté à respirer : avez-vous une impression de glaires coincées dans la gorge actuellement ? Cette impression peut être due à plusieurs facteurs parfois bénignes mais aussi graves. Fort heureusement, il existe quelques astuces naturelles qui vous permettront d’avoir un soulagement en attendant de consulter un médecin ORL. Mais avant, l’impression de glaires coincées dans la gorge est […]

L’article Comment se débarrasser des glaires coincées dans la gorge ? est apparu en premier sur Ortho Doc France.




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Quand mettre les professions au féminin dans le domaine de la santé ?

L’utilisation du féminin dans les titres de professions dans le domaine de la santé a beaucoup évolué ces dernières années. Cela reflète une prise de conscience croissante de certaines réalités des métiers de la santé et la reconnaissance de la présence de plus en plus importante des femmes dans le domaine. Vous demandez-vous quand mettre les professions au féminin […]

L’article Quand mettre les professions au féminin dans le domaine de la santé ? est apparu en premier sur Ortho Doc France.




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Dance of the Trillions: Developing Countries and Global Finance

Dance of the Trillions: Developing Countries and Global Finance Book sysadmin 6 July 2018

David Lubin tells the story of what makes money flow from high-income countries to lower-income ones; what makes it flow out again; and how developing countries have sought protection against the volatility of international capital flows.

Selected by the Financial Times as one of the best economics books of 2018, Dance of the Trillions traces an arc from the 1970s, when developing countries first gained access to international financial markets, to the present day.

Underlying this story is a discussion of how the relationship between developing countries and global finance appears to be moving from one governed by the ‘Washington Consensus’ to one more likely to be shaped by Beijing.

This book is part of the Insights series.

 

 

 

Praise for Dance of the Trillions

This brilliant, well-written book shows how the destinies of developing countries have been shaped by the capricious flows of trillions of US dollars in international capital. When the funds gushed in, many emerging markets flourished but were just as quickly left stricken when the tides of international capital deserted them.

James Kynge, emerging markets editor, Financial Times and author of China Shakes the World

About the author

David Lubin is managing director and head of emerging markets economics at Citi, an American bank, where he is responsible for a team of more than 30 economists in 15 locations globally.

Purchase




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Leprosy: Jordan becomes first country to eliminate disease