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3-year freedom from progression following 68GaPSMA PET CT triaged management in men with biochemical recurrence post radical prostatectomy. Results of a prospective multi-center trial.

Background: 68Ga PSMA PET CT (PSMA) is increasingly used in men with biochemical recurrence (BCR) post radical prostatectomy (RP), but its longer term prognostic / predictive potential in these men is unknown. The aim of this study was to evaluate the predictive value of PSMA PET for 3 year freedom from progression (FFP) in men with BCR post RP undergoing salvage radiotherapy (sRT). Methods: This prospective multi-center study enrolled 260 men between 2015 and 2017. Eligible patients were referred for PSMA with rising PSA following RP. Management following PSMA was recorded but not mandated. PSMA protocols were standardised across sites and reported prospectively. Clinical, pathological and surgical information, sRT, timing and duration of androgen deprivation (ADT), 3 year PSA results and clinical events were documented. FFP was defined as a PSA rise ≤ 0.2ng/mL above nadir post sRT, with no additional treatment. Results: The median PSA was 0.26ng/mL (IQR 0.15 - 0.59) and follow-up 38 months (IQR 31-43). PSMA was negative in 34.6% (90/260), confined to prostate fossa 21.5% (56/260), pelvic nodes 26.2% (68/260), and distant disease 17.7% (46/260). 71.5% (186/260) received sRT, 38.2% (71/186) to the fossa only, 49.4% (92/186) fossa + pelvic nodes and 12.4% (23/186) nodes alone/SBRT. PSMA was highly predictive of FFP at 3 years following sRT. Overall, FFP was achieved in 64.5% (120/186) of those who received sRT, 81% (81/100) with negative/fossa confined vs. 45% (39/86) for extra fossa disease (p<0.0001). On logistic regression PSMA was more independently predictive of FFP than established clinical predictors, including PSA, T-stage, surgical margin status or Gleason score (P < 0.002). 32% of men with a negative PSMA PET did not receive treatment. Of these, 66% (19/29) progressed, with a mean rise in PSA of 1.59ng/mL over the 3 years. Conclusion: PSMA PET result is highly predictive of FFP at 3 years in men undergoing sRT for BCR following RP. In particular, men with negative PSMA PET or disease identified as still confined to the prostate fossa demonstrate high FFP, despite receiving less extensive radiotherapy and lower rates of additional ADT than those with extra fossa disease.




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Pre-treatment 18F-FDG PET/CT Radiomics predict local recurrence in patients treated with stereotactic radiotherapy for early-stage non-small cell lung cancer: a multicentric study

Purpose: The aim of this retrospective multicentric study was to develop and evaluate a prognostic FDG PET/CT radiomics signature in early-stage non-small cell lung cancer (NSCLC) patients treated with stereotactic radiotherapy (SBRT). Material and Methods: Patients from 3 different centers (n = 27, 29 and 8) were pooled to constitute the training set, whereas the patients from a fourth center (n = 23) were used as the testing set. The primary endpoint was local control (LC). The primary tumour was semi-automatically delineated in the PET images using the Fuzzy locally adaptive Bayesian algorithm, and manually in the low-dose CT images. A total of 184 IBSI-compliant radiomic features were extracted. Seven clinical and treatment parameters were included. We used ComBat to harmonize radiomic features extracted from the four institutions relying on different PET/CT scanners. In the training set, variables found significant in the univariate analysis were fed into a multivariate regression model and models were built by combining independent prognostic factors. Results: Median follow-up was 21.1 (1.7 – 63.4) and 25.5 (7.7 – 57.8) months in training and testing sets respectively. In univariate analysis, none of the clinical variables, 2 PET and 2 CT features were significantly predictive of LC. The best predictive models in the training set were obtained by combining one feature from PET, namely information correlation 2 (IC2) and one from CT (Flatness), reaching a sensitivity of 100% and a specificity of 96%. Another model combining 2 PET features (IC2 and Strength), reached sensitivity of 100% and specificity of 88%, both with an undefined hazard ratio (HR) (p<0.001). The latter model obtained an accuracy of 0.91 (sensitivity 100%, specificity 81%), with a HR undefined (P = 0.023) in the testing set, however other models relying on CT radiomics features only or the combination of PET and CT features failed to validate in the testing set. Conclusion: We showed that two radiomic features derived from FDG PET were independently associated with LC in patients with NSCLC undergoing SBRT and could be combined in an accurate predictive model. This model could provide local relapse-related information and could be helpful in clinical decision-making.




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Label-free Visualization of Early Cancer Hepatic Micrometastasis and Intraoperative Image-guided Surgery by Photoacoustic Imaging

Objectives: The detection of cancer micrometastasis for early diagnosis and treatment poses a great challenge for conventional imaging techniques. The aim of study is to evaluate the performance of photoacoustic imaging (PAI) in detecting hepatic micrometastases from melanoma in a very early stage and perform tumor resection by intraoperative photoacoustic image-guidance. Methods: In vivo studies were performed by following protocols approved by the Ethical Committee for Animal Research at Xiamen University. First, a B16 melanoma hepatic metastasis mouse model (n = 10) was established to study the development of micrometastases in vivo. Next, the hepatic metastasis mice models were imaged by scalable PAI instrument, ultrasound, 9.4 T high-resolution magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), positron emission tomography/computed tomography (PET/CT), and bioluminescence imaging. Photoacoustic images acquired with optical wavelengths spanning from 680 to 850 nm were spectrally unmixed by using a linear least-squares method to differentiate various components. Differences in the signal-to-background ratios among different modalities were determined with the two-tailed paired t test. The diagnosis results were assessed with histologic examinations. Excised liver samples from patients diagnosed with hepatic cancer were also examined to identify tumor boundary. In vivo metastatic melanoma removal in surgery was precisely guided by the portable PAI system. Results: PAI achieved as small as ~400 µm hepatic melanoma detection at a depth up to 7 mm in vivo, which could early detect small melanoma compared with ultrasound and MRI in mouse models. The signal ratio of tumor-to-liver acquired with PAI in micrometastases at 8 days (4.2 ± 0.2, n = 6) and 14 days (9.2 ± 0.4, n = 5) were significantly higher than those obtained with PET/CT (1.8 ± 0.1, n = 5 and 4.5 ± 0.2, n = 5, P <0.001 for both). Functional PAI provided dynamic oxygen saturation changes during tumor growth. The limit of detection was measured to be approximately 219 cells per microliter in vitro. We successfully performed intraoperative photoacoustic image-guided surgery in vivo using the rapid portable PAI system. Conclusion: Our findings offer a rapid and effective tool to noninvasively detect micrometastases and guide intraoperative resection as a complementary clinical imaging application.




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Mapping prostate cancer lesions pre/post unsuccessful salvage lymph node dissection using repeat PSMA-PET

Introduction: The aim of this study was to analyze patterns of persistent versus recurrent or new PET lesions in a selected patient cohort with PSA persistence following salvage lymph node dissection (SLND) and pre/post procedure prostate-specific membrane antigen ligand positron emission tomography (PSMA-PET). Material and Methods: 16 patients were included in this multicenter study. Inclusion criteria were: a) PSMA-PET performed for biochemical recurrence before SLND (pre-SLND PET) and b) repeat PSMA-PET performed for persistently elevated PSA level (≥0.1 ng/mL) ≥6 weeks after SLND (post-SLND PET). Image analysis was performed by three independent nuclear medicine physicians applying the molecular imaging TNM system PROMISE. Lesions were confirmed by histopathology, presence on correlative CT/MRI/bone scan or PSA response after focal therapy. Results: post-SLND PET identified PCa-lesions in 88% (14/16) of patients with PSA persistence after SLND. Median PSA was 1.2 ng/mL (IQR, 0.6-2.8 ng/mL). Disease was confined to the pelvis in 56% of patients (9/16) and most of these men had common iliac (6/16, 38%) and internal iliac lymph node metastases (6/16, 38%). Extrapelvic disease was detected in 31% of patients (5/16). In pre- and post-SLND PET comparison, 10/16 had at least one lesion already detected at baseline (63% PET persistence); 4/16 had new lesions only (25% PET recurrence); 2 had no disease on post-SLND PET. All validated regions (11 regions in 9 patients) were true positive. 9/14 (64%) patients underwent repeat local therapies after SLND (7/14 radiotherapy, 2/14 surgery). Conclusion: SLND of pelvic nodal metastases was often not complete according to PSMA-PET. About two thirds of patients had PET positive nodal disease after SLND already seen on pre-SLND PSMA-PET. Notably, about one quarter of patients had new lesions, not detected by pre-surgical PSMA-PET.




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18F-Fluorodeoxyglucose Positron Emission Tomography / Computed Tomography in Left-Ventricular Assist Device Infection: Initial Results Supporting the Usefulness of Image-Guided Therapy

Background: Accurate definition of the extent and severity of left-ventricular assist device (LVAD) infection may facilitate therapeutic decision making and targeted surgical intervention. Here, we explore the value of 18F-fluorodeoxyglucose (FDG) positron emission tomography/computed tomography (PET/CT) for guidance of patient management. Methods: Fifty-seven LVAD-carrying patients received 85 whole-body 18F-FDG PET/CT scans for the work-up of device infection. Clinical follow-up was obtained over a period of up to two years. Results: PET/CT showed various patterns of infectious involvement of the 4 LVAD components: driveline entry point (77% of cases), subcutaneous driveline path (87%), pump pocket (49%) and outflow tract (58%). Driveline smears revealed staphylococcus or pseudomonas strains as the underlying pathogen in a majority of cases (48 and 34%, respectively). At receiver-operating characteristics analysis, an 18F-FDG standardized uptake value (SUV) >2.5 was most accurate to identify smear-positive driveline infection. Infection of 3 or all 4 LVAD components showed a trend towards lower survival vs infection of 2 or less components (P = 0.089), while involvement of thoracic lymph nodes was significantly associated with adverse outcome (P = 0.001 for nodal SUV above vs below median). Finally, patients that underwent early surgical revision within 3 months after PET/CT (n = 21) required significantly less inpatient hospital care during follow-up when compared to those receiving delayed surgical revision (n = 11; p<0.05). Conclusion: Whole-body 18F-FDG PET/CT identifies the extent of LVAD infection and predicts adverse outcome. Initial experience suggests that early image-guided surgical intervention may facilitate a less complicated subsequent course.




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Early Detection in a Mouse Model of Pancreatic Cancer by Imaging DNA Damage Response Signalling

Rationale: Despite its widespread use in oncology, the PET radiotracer 18F-FDG is ineffective for improving early detection of pancreatic ductal adenocarcinoma (PDAC). An alternative strategy for early detection of pancreatic cancer involves visualisation of high-grade pancreatic intraepithelial neoplasias (PanIN-3), generally regarded as the non-invasive precursors of PDAC. The DNA damage response is known to be hyper-activated in late-stage PanINs. Therefore, we investigated whether the SPECT imaging agent, 111In-anti-H2AX-TAT, allows visualisation of the DNA damage repair marker H2AX in PanIN-3s in an engineered mouse model of PDAC, to facilitate early detection of PDAC. Methods: Genetically engineered KPC mice (KRasLSL.G12D/+; p53LSL.R172H/+; PdxCre) were imaged with 18F-FDG and 111In-anti-H2AX-TAT. PanIN/PDAC presence visualised by histology was compared with autoradiography and immunofluorescence. Separately, the survival of KPC mice imaged with 111In-anti-H2AX-TAT was evaluated. Results: In KPC mouse pancreata, H2AX expression was increased in high-grade PanINs, but not in PDAC, corroborating earlier results obtained from human pancreas sections. Uptake of 111In-anti-H2AX-TAT, but not 111In-IgG-TAT or 18F-FDG, within the pancreas was positively correlated with the age of KPC mice, which was correlated with the number of high-grade PanINs. 111In-anti-H2AX-TAT localises preferentially in high-grade PanIN lesions, but not in established PDAC. Younger, non-tumour-bearing KPC mice that show uptake of 111In-anti-H2AX-TAT in the pancreas survive significantly shorter than mice with physiological 111In-anti-H2AX-TAT uptake. Conclusion: 111In-anti-H2AX-TAT imaging allows non-invasive detection of DNA damage repair signalling upregulation in pre-invasive PanIN lesions and is a promising new tool to aid in the early detection and staging of pancreatic cancer.




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Management of patients with renal failure undergoing dialysis during 131I therapy for thyroid cancer

Objectives: Radioactive iodine (131I) therapy may be used to treat thyroid cancer in end-stage renal disease patients who undergo hemodialysis. Because iodine predominantly utilizes renal clearance, treatment management in hemodialysis patients may be problematic, and no formal recommendations on hemodialysis currently exist. This work details our experience with treating thyroid cancer with iodine in chronic renal failure patients who require hemodialysis and details the therapeutic dosimetry results obtained during treatment to ensure that the dose to the bone marrow (BM) was acceptable. Methods: We treated 6 patients in the metabolic radiotherapy unit after thyroid stimulation. Two hemodialysis sessions in the metabolic radiotherapy unit were performed at 42 and 90 hours after radiopharmaceutical administration. BM toxicity was estimated with activity measurements from blood samples and with whole-body measurements that were regularly repeated during hospitalization and measured with a gamma counter. The patients underwent thyroid and hematologic monitoring to assess treatment efficacy and therapeutic toxicity in the short, medium and long term. Results: Whole-body activity was reduced on average by 66.7% [60.1-71.5] after the first dialysis session and by 53.3% [30.4-67.8] after the second. The mean estimated total absorbed dose to the BM was 0.992 Gy for all patients [0.431 – 2.323]. We did not observe any significant hematologic toxicity, and the clinical, biological and ultrasound test results confirmed the success of ablative treatment for the majority of patients. Conclusion: An approximately 30% reduction from the nominal dose in the amount of 131I activity for hemodialysis patients with thyroid cancer appears to strike an appropriate balance between the absence of BM toxicity and therapeutic efficacy. To avoid overirradiation, we recommend pretherapeutic dosimetry studies for metastatic patients to calculate the amount of activity to be administered as well as dosimetry monitoring during the hemodialysis sessions performed after therapeutic dose administration and under the same conditions.




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Impact of 68Ga-PSMA-11 PET/CT on Staging and Management of Prostate Cancer Patients in Various Clinical Settings: A Prospective Single Center Study

The impact of prostate specific membrane antigen (PSMA) PET/CT on management of prostate cancer (PCa) patients with biochemical recurrence (BCR) is well-established. However, whether and how PSMA PET/CT affects the management of patients undergoing scans for other clinical indications remains unknown. The goal of this study was to determine the impact of 68Ga-PSMA-11 PET/CT on initial and subsequent management decisions in a cohort of PCa patients referred for various indications ("basket trial") excluding the two main classical indications: BCR and presurgical staging. Methods: This was a prospective study of 197 patients that aimed to determine the impact of 68Ga-PSMA-11 PET/CT on PCa stage and management. Indications for PSMA PET/CT were: initial staging of non-surgical candidates (30 patients) and re-staging after definitive treatment (n = 168). The re-staging cohort comprised: patients re-staged with known advanced metastatic disease (n = 103), after androgen deprivation therapy only (n = 16), after surgery with serum PSA levels <0.2 ng/ml (n = 13), after radiation therapy (RT) not meeting the Phoenix criteria (n = 22) and after other primary local treatments [i.e. high-intensity focused ultrasound (HIFU), focal laser ablation, cryoablation, hyperthermia or irreversible electroporation] (n = 13). Patients with BCR and candidates for curative surgery were excluded. Impact on management was assessed using pre- and post-PET questionnaires completed by referring physicians, electronic chart review and/or patient telephone encounters. Results: PSMA PET/CT changed disease stage in 135/197 (69%) patients (38% up-stage, 30% down-stage and no changes in stage in 32%). Management was affected in 104/182 (57%) patients. Specifically, PSMA PET/CT impacted management of patients who were re-staged after RT without meeting the Phoenix criteria for BCR, after other definitive local treatments and with advanced metastatic disease in 13/18 (72%), 8/12 (67%) and 59/96 (61%), respectively. Conclusion: PSMA PET/CT has a profound impact on stage and management of PCa patients outside of the two main classical indications (BCR and presurgical staging) across all examined clinical scenarios.




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Projection-space implementation of deep learning-guided low-dose brain PET imaging improves performance over implementation in image-space

Purpose: To assess the performance of full dose (FD) positron emission tomography (PET) image synthesis in both image and projection space from low-dose (LD) PET images/sinograms without sacrificing diagnostic quality using deep learning techniques. Methods: Clinical brain PET/CT studies of 140 patients were retrospectively employed for LD to FD PET conversion. 5% of the events were randomly selected from the FD list-mode PET data to simulate a realistic LD acquisition. A modified 3D U-Net model was implemented to predict FD sinograms in the projection-space (PSS) and FD images in image-space (PIS) from their corresponding LD sinograms/images, respectively. The quality of the predicted PET images was assessed by two nuclear medicine specialists using a five-point grading scheme. Quantitative analysis using established metrics including the peak signal-to-noise ratio (PSNR), structural similarity index metric (SSIM), region-wise standardized uptake value (SUV) bias, as well as first-, second- and high-order texture radiomic features in 83 brain regions for the test and evaluation dataset was also performed. Results: All PSS images were scored 4 or higher (good to excellent) by the nuclear medicine specialists. PSNR and SSIM values of 0.96 ± 0.03, 0.97 ± 0.02 and 31.70 ± 0.75, 37.30 ± 0.71 were obtained for PIS and PSS, respectively. The average SUV bias calculated over all brain regions was 0.24 ± 0.96% and 1.05 ± 1.44% for PSS and PIS, respectively. The Bland-Altman plots reported the lowest SUV bias (0.02) and variance (95% CI: -0.92, +0.84) for PSS compared with the reference FD images. The relative error of the homogeneity radiomic feature belonging to the Grey Level Co-occurrence Matrix category was -1.07 ± 1.77 and 0.28 ± 1.4 for PIS and PSS, respectively Conclusion: The qualitative assessment and quantitative analysis demonstrated that the FD PET prediction in projection space led to superior performance, resulting in higher image quality and lower SUV bias and variance compared to FD PET prediction in the image domain.




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Improved Alignment of PET and CT Images in Whole-Body PET/CT in Cases of Respiratory Motion During CT

Respiratory motion during the CT and PET parts of a PET/CT scan leads to imperfect alignment of anatomical features seen by the two modalities. In this work, we concentrate on the effects of motion during CT. We propose a novel approach for improving the alignment. Methods: Respiratory waveform data were gathered during the CT and PET parts of 28 PET/CT scans of cancer patients with 40 lesions up to 3 cm size in the lung or upper abdomen. PET list-mode data were reconstructed by three reconstruction methods: PET/static, PET/EX or end of expiration (OncoFreeze), and a novel PET/matched method that used both waveforms. The three methods were compared. The distance between tumor positions in PET and CT were characterized in visual interpretation by physicians as well as quantitatively. Tumor standardized uptake values (SUVmax and SUVpeak) were determined relative to SUV based on the static method. Image noise was evaluated in the liver and compared to PET/static. Results: In visual interpretation, the rate of good alignment was 13/21, 13/23 and 18/21 for PET/static, PET/EX and PET/matched methods, respectively, and the mean PET-CT distances were 3.5, 5.1 and 2.8 mm. In visual comparison with PET/EX, the rate of good alignment was increased in 1/10 and 7/10 cases for PET/static and PET/matched. SUVmax was on average 21% higher than PET/static when either PET/EX or PET/matched was used. SUVpeak was 12% higher. Image noise in the liver was 15% higher than static for the PET/EX method, and 40% higher for PET/matched; that is, noise was much lower than in gated PET. Conclusion: Acquiring respiratory waveforms both in PET (as in the current state of the art) and in CT (an unusual key step in this approach) has the potential to improve the alignment of PET and CT images. A proposed method for using this information was tested. Improved alignment was demonstrated.




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Quantification of PD-L1 expression with [18F]BMS-986192 PET/CT in patients with advanced stage non-small-cell lung cancer

The aim of this work was to quantify the uptake of [18F]BMS-986192, a PD-L1 adnectin PET tracer, in patients with non-small-cell lung cancer (NSCLC). To this end, plasma input kinetic modeling of dynamic tumor uptake data with online arterial blood sampling was performed. In addition, the accuracy of simplified uptake metrics such as standardized uptake value (SUV) was investigated. Methods: Data from a study with [18F]BMS-986192 in patients with advanced stage NSCLC eligible for nivolumab treatment were used if a dynamic scan was available and lesions were present in the field of view of the dynamic scan. After injection of [18F]BMS-986192, a 60-minutes dynamic PET-CT scan was started, followed by a 30-min whole body PET-CT scan. Continuous arterial and discrete arterial and venous blood sampling were performed to determine a plasma input function. Tumor time activity curves were fitted by several plasma input kinetic models. Simplified uptake parameters included tumor to blood ratio as well as several SUV measures. Results: Twenty two tumors in nine patients were analyzed. The arterial plasma input single-tissue reversible compartment model with fitted blood volume fraction seems to be the most preferred model as it best fitted 11 out of 18 tumor time activity curves. The distribution volume VT ranged from 0.4 to 4.8 mL·cm-3. Similar values were obtained with an image derived input function. From the simplified measures, SUV normalized for body weight (SUVBW) at 50 and 67 minutes post injection correlated best with VT, with an R2 > 0.9. Conclusion: A single tissue reversible model can be used for the quantification of tumor uptake of the PD-L1 PET tracer [18F]BMS-986192. SUVBW at 60 minutes post injection, normalized for body weight, is an accurate simplified parameter for uptake assessment of baseline studies. In order to assess its predictive value for response evaluation during PD-(L)1 immune checkpoint inhibition further validation of SUV against VT based on an image derived input function is recommended.




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Folate Receptor {beta} Targeted PET Imaging of Macrophages in Autoimmune Myocarditis

Rationale: Currently available imaging techniques have limited specificity for the detection of active myocardial inflammation. Aluminum fluoride-18-labeled 1,4,7-triazacyclononane-N,N',N''-triacetic acid conjugated folate (18F-FOL) is a positron emission tomography (PET) tracer targeting folate receptor β (FR-β) that is expressed on activated macrophages at sites of inflammation. We evaluated 18F-FOL PET for the detection of myocardial inflammation in rats with autoimmune myocarditis and studied expression of FR-β in human cardiac sarcoidosis specimens. Methods: Myocarditis was induced by immunizing rats (n = 18) with porcine cardiac myosin in complete Freund’s adjuvant. Control rats (n = 6) were injected with Freund’s adjuvant alone. 18F-FOL was intravenously injected followed by imaging with a small animal PET/computed tomography (CT) scanner and autoradiography. Contrast-enhanced high-resolution CT or 2-deoxy-2-18F-fluoro-D-glucose (18F-FDG) PET images were used for co-registration. Rat tissue sections and myocardial autopsy samples of 6 patients with cardiac sarcoidosis were studied for macrophages and FR-β. Results: The myocardium of 10 out of 18 immunized rats showed focal macrophage-rich inflammatory lesions with FR-β expression occurring mainly in M1-polarized macrophages. PET images showed focal myocardial 18F-FOL uptake co-localizing with inflammatory lesions (SUVmean, 2.1 ± 1.1), whereas uptake in the remote myocardium of immunized rats and controls was low (SUVmean, 0.4 ± 0.2 and 0.4 ± 0.1, respectively; P < 0.01). Ex vivo autoradiography of tissue sections confirmed uptake of 18F-FOL in myocardial inflammatory lesions. Uptake of 18F-FOL to inflamed myocardium was efficiently blocked by a non-labeled FR-β ligand folate glucosamine in vivo. The myocardium of patients with cardiac sarcoidosis showed many FR-β-positive macrophages in inflammatory lesions. Conclusion: In a rat model of autoimmune myocarditis, 18F-FOL shows specific uptake in inflamed myocardium containing macrophages expressing FR-β, which were also present in human cardiac sarcoid lesions. Imaging of FR-β expression is a potential approach for the detection of active myocardial inflammation.




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Biodistribution of a CD3/EpCAM bispecific T-cell engager is driven by the CD3 arm

BiTE® (Bispecific T-cell engager) molecules are designed to engage and activate cytotoxic T-cells to kill tumor cells. Little is known about their biodistribution in immunocompetent settings. To explore their pharmacokinetics and the role of the immune cells, BiTE molecules were radiolabeled with positron emission tomography (PET) isotope zirconium-89 (89Zr) and studied in immunocompetent and immunodeficient mouse models. PET images and ex-vivo biodistribution in immunocompetent mice with 89Zr-muS110, targeting mouse CD3 (Kd = 2.9 nM) and mouse EpCAM (Kd = 21 nM), and 89Zr-hyS110, targeting only mouse CD3 (Kd = 2.9 nM), showed uptake in tumor, spleen and other lymphoid organs, while the human-specific control BiTE 89Zr-AMG 110 showed similar tumor uptake but lacked spleen uptake. 89Zr-muS110 spleen uptake was lower in immunodeficient than in immunocompetent mice. After repeated administration of non-radiolabeled muS110 to immunocompetent mice 89Zr-muS110 uptake in spleen, and other lymphoid tissues, decreased and was comparable to uptake in immunodeficient mice, indicating saturation of CD3 binding sites. Autoradiography and immunohistochemistry demonstrated colocalization of 89Zr-muS110 and 89Zr-hyS110 with CD3-positive T-cells in the tumor and spleen but not with EpCAM expression. Also, uptake in the duodenum correlated with a high incidence of T-cells. This study shows that in immunocompetent mice the BiTE 89Zr-muS110 distribution is predominantly based on its high affinity CD3 binding arm. Significance: 89Zr-muS110 biodistribution is mainly dependent on the T-cell targeting arm with limited contribution of its second arm, targeting EpCAM. These findings highlight the need for extensive biodistribution studies of novel bispecific constructs as results might have implications for their respective drug development and clinical translation.




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Repurposing Molecular Imaging and Sensing for Cancer Image-Guided Surgery

Gone are the days when medical imaging was used primarily to visualize anatomical structures. The emergence of molecular imaging, championed by radiolabeled fluorodeoxyglucose positron emission tomography (18FDG PET) has expanded the information content derived from imaging to include pathophysiological and molecular processes. Cancer imaging, in particular, has leveraged advances in molecular imaging agents and technology to improve the accuracy of tumor detection, interrogate tumor heterogeneity, monitor treatment response, focus surgical resection, and enable image-guided biopsy. Surgeons are actively latching on to the incredible opportunities provided by medical imaging for preoperative planning, intraoperative guidance, and postoperative monitoring. From label-free techniques to enabling cancer-selective imaging agents, image-guided surgery provides surgical oncologists and interventional radiologists both macroscopic and microscopic views of cancer in the operating room. This review highlights the current state of molecular imaging and sensing approaches available for surgical guidance. Salient features of nuclear, optical, and multimodal approaches will be discussed, including their strengths, limitations and clinical applications. To address the increasing complexity and diversity of methods available today, this review provides a framework to identify a contrast mechanism, suitable modality, and device. Emerging low cost, portable, and user-friendly imaging systems make the case for adopting some of these technologies as the global standard of care in surgical practice.




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Impact of 68Ga-PSMA-11 PET on the Management of recurrent Prostate Cancer in a Prospective Single-Arm Clinical Trial

Introduction: Prostate-specific membrane antigen ligand positron emission tomography (PSMA PET) induces management changes in patients with prostate cancer. We aim to better characterize the impact of PSMA PET on management of recurrent prostate cancer in a large prospective cohort. Methods: We report management changes following PSMA PET, a secondary endpoint of a prospective multicenter trial in men with prostate cancer biochemical recurrence. Pre-PET (Q1), Post-PET (Q2) and Post-Treatment (Q3) questionnaires were sent to referring physicians recording site of recurrence, intended (Q1 to Q2 change) and implemented (Q3) therapeutic and diagnostic management. Results: Q1/Q2 response was collected for 382/635 (60%, intended cohort), Q1/Q2/Q3 for 206 patients (32%, implemented cohort). Intended management change (Q1/2) occurred in 260/382 (68%) patients. Intended change (Q1/2) was considered major in 176/382 (46%) patients. Major changes occurred most often for patients with PSA of 0.5 to <2.0 ng/mL (81/147, 55%). By analysis of stage-groups, management change was consistent with PET disease location, i.e. majority of major changes towards active surveillance (47%) for unknown disease site (103/382, 27%), towards local/focal therapy (56%) for locoregional disease (126/382, 33%), and towards systemic therapy (69% M1a; 43% M1b/c) for metastatic disease (153/382, 40%). According to Q3 responses, intended management was implemented in 160/206 (78%) patients. A total of 150 intended diagnostic tests, mostly CT (n = 43, 29%) and bone Scans/NaF-PET (n = 52, 35%), were prevented by PSMA PET; 73 tests, mostly biopsies (n = 44, 60%) as requested by the study protocol, were triggered (Q1/2). Conclusion: According to referring physicians, sites of recurrence were clarified by PSMA PET and disease localization translated into management changes in more than half of patients with biochemical recurrence of prostate cancer.




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Editor's Page: Unacceptable Denials




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Diversity and Unity: African Agency in International Affairs

22 November 2019

Professor Carlos Lopes

Associate Fellow, Africa Programme
More and more, African countries are able to act in concert to stand up for the interests of the continent.

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Delegates leave the plenary hall of the Africa Union headquarters in Addis Ababa in January 2018. Photo: Getty Images.

The conventional wisdom is that Africa is at the periphery of international affairs, and the perpetual subject – or victim – of decisions by powerful political or economic actors from outside the continent. The argument then goes on that the diversity of African countries, their atomization and fragmentation, further weakens the ability of the continent to act as a unified whole. As with much cliché about Africa, it does not tell the whole story. 

Soft vs hard power

There is no denying that the structure of international affairs, built on foundations which preceded the independence of the vast majority of African states, places limits on the continent’s ability to independently shape the course of its development and its international engagements. African countries lack the hard power that would typically allow them to be bolder in the global scene.

But Africa has long found softer approaches to exercise its agency, through international institutions and diplomatic arrangements. The collective mobilization at the level of the UN, leading up to the successful 1969 declaration by the General Assembly of apartheid as a crime against humanity, is a good example of early post-independence collective influence.

The last two decades have further empowered African countries, as economic development has been translated into increased diplomatic capacity, and socioeconomic potential has given weight to a more assertive leadership.

There are many examples, including: the successful integration of African priorities in the Sustainable Development Goals, notably financing for development; the push to include a substantial climate financing component for developing countries in the Paris Agreement; enhanced coordination between African non-permanent members of the UN Security Council; the condemnation of the International Criminal Court; or the solid resistance to reversals of the Doha Round at the World Trade Organization.

A fragmented unity?

It is also correct to note that individual African countries are quite diverse. Today, there are 55 member states of the African Union (AU); 30 are middle income economies with the rest towards the bottom of various indexes measuring progress and wellbeing. Socioeconomic and political divergences undeniably exist within the continent. But these factors have not prevented the continent from demonstrating some impressive feats of collective agency.

The internal processes put in place by the AU have created a level of continental diplomacy which is more coordinated than any other continental block bar the EU. African countries have also proved adept at using other diplomatic alliances to exercise collective agency, for instance as the most powerful voice within the G77, a coalition of developing nations.

Africa’s Future in a Changing Global Order: Agency in International Relations

HE Jakaya Kikwete, former president of the Republic of Tanzania, addresses a Chatham House conference on the role that African states and citizens play in international relations.

This has allowed Africa to build tactical alliances with countries and blocs from across the globe, resisting being drawn into any one sphere of influence. It has thus retained ultimate control of decision-making, even on issues of traditional ‘hard’ politics, notably the establishment of the African Peace and Security Architecture and the subsequent building of African capacity to collectively manage its peace and security efforts.

Among other things, this collective political will has powered African opposition to a formal permanent presence of US Africa Command (AFRICOM) and helped resolve conflicts from West Africa to Zimbabwe and Lesotho.

Another extraordinary example of collective political resistance can be observed in the trade discussions taking place between Africa and Europe. The EU is Africa's number-one trading partner. It designed and aggressively promoted new bilateral economic partnership agreements (EPAs) at a time when Africans were busy putting together a continental free-trade area. The apparent imbalance between the collective weight of the EU and the weakness of African states seemed likely to end African aspirations to continental integration.

But, to the surprise of many, the majority of African countries were able to resist pressure to sign the EPAs. Almost 20 years into the negotiations, only 15 countries have signed them, with 5 of these being interim agreements. Comparatively, 54 African countries signed the African Continental Free Trade Area agreement in 2018, and 28 have so far ratified.

The ongoing debate between Europe and Africa on migration is an equally useful illustration of how the continent has become more protective of its interests. Despite pressure, the continent has collectively resisted attempts to externalize the EU’s internal migration management challenges to Africa. Rather, it has emphasized finding solutions that would also benefit its nationals through a mobility framework that privileges the management of intra-Africa migration.   

Diversity and unity

There are of course different levels of agency at work. The power of African countries is uneven both vis-à-vis the international community and within the continent itself, where development pathways are increasingly divergent. Achieving collective positions and joint action demands the careful balancing of regional and bilateral objectives and assuaging multiple – and sometimes contradictory – concerns. It is not easy in Africa, like for any other region.

However, there is no denying that Africans have realized the need for bolder action in the international arena, and the importance of unity in achieving their goals. The call by Africa’s leaders for the reform of their continental organization, the AU, demonstrates their recognition of its current limitations. This must now go beyond good intentions.

This article is the first of a series on African agency in international affairs.




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The Horn of Africa and the Gulf States: Strategic Engagements and Red Sea Geopolitics

Invitation Only Research Event

16 December 2019 - 9:00am to 12:15pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Ambassador Mohamed Ali Guyo, IGAD Special Envoy for the Red Sea, Gulf of Aden and Somalia
Julian Reilly, UK Special Envoy for the Red Sea and Horn of Africa
Parfait Onanga-Anyanga, United Nations Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa
Alexander Rondos, EU Special Representative for the Horn of Africa
Chair: Susan Stigant, Director of Africa Programs, United States Institute of Peace

Over the last five years, the prevailing order in the Horn of Africa has been influenced by increasing engagement from the Gulf states across the Red Sea. Their growing presence has presented governments in the region with significant policy challenges, as they seek to leverage interest and competition to further their own objectives with Gulf players and their allies, while simultaneously navigating the multiple overlapping tensions and disputes that have long marked the Horn region.

Balancing regional and global dynamics will continue to be a considerable challenge for states in the Horn that already have to deal with complex internal development and political and conflict challenges. Interventions by the Gulf states have heightened tensions around internal and cross-border relationships but they have also contributed to reconciliation and have the potential to fuel long-term regional economic integration. Developing a collective action plan and coordinated strategies for engagement on common issues with the Gulf states and along the shared Red Sea arena will enable countries in the Horn of Africa to better meet the challenges and benefits from external interest.

This high-level invitation-only roundtable will bring together the special envoys and representatives for the Horn of Africa and Red Sea, along with expert participants, to analyse regional dynamics and explore options to boost collaboration and burden-sharing towards greater integration, development and more durable peace and security on both sides of the Red Sea.

Event attributes

Chatham House Rule

Sahar Eljack

Programme Administrator, Africa Programme
+ 44 (0) 20 7314 3660




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Economic Recovery and Anticorruption in South Africa: Assessing Progress on the Reform Agenda

Invitation Only Research Event

4 December 2019 - 3:00pm to 4:00pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Professor Nick Binedell, Founding Director and Sasol Chair of Strategic Management, Gordon Institute of Business Science (GIBS), University of Pretoria

South Africa has significant economic potential based on its resource endowment, quality human capital and well-developed infrastructure compared to the region. However, the country’s economic growth rate has not topped 2 per cent since 2013, and in 2018, was below 1 per cent. This has put a strain on citizens and communities in a country that still suffers from structural inequality, poverty and high unemployment. Economic recovery and anti-corruption were the central pillars of President Cyril Ramaphosa’s 2019 electoral campaign and he has set an investment target of $100 billion. However, voters and investors alike are demanding faster and more visible progress from the country’s enigmatic leader who has a reputation for caution and calculation.

At this event, Professor Nick Binedell will discuss the progress of and opposition to the president’s economic reform agenda and the opportunities for international investment to support long term inclusive and sustainable growth in South Africa.

Attendance at this event is by invitation only. 

Event attributes

Chatham House Rule

Sahar Eljack

Programme Administrator, Africa Programme
+ 44 (0) 20 7314 3660




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The African Continental Free Trade Area Could Boost African Agency in International Trade

10 December 2019

Tighisti Amare

Assistant Director, Africa Programme

Treasure Thembisile Maphanga

Director, Trade and Industry, African Union Commission (2012–19)
The agreement, which entered into force in May, could be a major step for Africa’s role in international trade, if the continent can overcome barriers to implementation.

2019-12-10-Niger.jpg

Delegates arrive at the closing ceremony of the African Union summit in Niger in July. Photo: Getty Images.

The entry into force of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) on 30 May, after only three years of negotiations, is an economic, political and diplomatic milestone for the African Union (AU) and its member states, crucial for economic growth, job creation, and making Africa a meaningful player in international trade. But the continent will have to work together to ensure that the potential benefits are fully realized.

A necessary innovation

With its advances in maintaining peace and security, abundant natural resources, high growth rates, improved linkages to global supply chains and a youthful population, Africa is emerging as a new global centre of economic growth, increasingly sought after as a partner by the world’s biggest economies. Governments from across Africa have been taking a more assertive role in international markets, including through proactive diversification of trading partners, and the continent remains a strong advocate for the multilateral trading system.

However, this is not yet reflected in outcomes. The African Union does not have observer status at the World Trade Organization, despite diplomatic efforts in the past decade. Africa has less than a three per cent share of global trade, and the growing trend towards protectionism across the global economy may only increase the vulnerability of a disunited Africa. Its fractured internal market means that trade within Africa is lower than for any other region on the globe, with intra-African trade just 18 per cent of overall exports, as compared to 70 per cent in Europe.

The AfCFTA is the continent’s tool to address the disparity between Africa’s growing economic significance and its peripheral place in the global trade system, to build a bridge between present fragmentation and future prosperity. It is an ambitious, comprehensive agreement covering trade in goods, services, investment, intellectual property rights and competition policy. It has been signed by all of Africa’s states with the exception of Eritrea.

It is the AU's Agenda 2063 flagship project, brought about by the decisions taken at the January 2012 African Union Summit to boost intra-African trade and to fast track the establishment of the Continental Free Trade Area. It builds upon ambitions enshrined in successive agreements including the Lagos Plan of Action and the Abuja Treaty. Access to new regional markets and reduced non-tariff barriers are intended to help companies scale up, driving job creation and poverty reduction, as well as attracting inward investment to even Africa’s smaller economies.

The signing in 2018 of the instruments governing the Single Air Transport Market and the Protocol on Free Movement of Persons, Right of Residence and Right of Establishment provided another step towards the gradual elimination of barriers to the movement of goods, services and people within the continent.

Tests to come

However, while progress is being made towards the ratification of the AfCFTA, much remains to be done before African countries can fully trade under its terms. The framework for implementation is still under development, and the creation of enabling infrastructure that is critical for connectivity will take time to develop and requires extensive investment.

Africa’s Future in a Changing Global Order: Africa’s Economic Diplomacy

Treasure Thembisile Maphanga talks about the international implications of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA).

So, the first test for the AfCFTA will be the level to which Africa’s leaders make it a domestic priority, and whether a consensus can be maintained across the AU’s member states as the costs of implementation become clear.

There is no guarantee that the gains of free trade will be evenly distributed. They will mainly depend on the extent to which countries embrace industrialization, liberalization of their markets and opening of their borders for free movement of goods and people – policies that some incumbent leaders may be reluctant to implement. Political will to maintain a unified negotiating position with diverse stakeholders, including the private sector, will come under increasing stress.  

A second challenge is how the AfCFTA relates to already existing trade arrangements, notably with the EU.  The AU has long preferred to pursue a continent-to-continent trading arrangement instead of the bilateral Economic Partnership Agreements being sought by the EU under the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) framework to which, with the exception of Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia and South Africa, all African states belong. The signing of the AfCFTA is one important step towards making this possible.

But there are currently negotiations under the ACP to replace the Cotonou Accord (the framework governing trade between ACP members and the EU, including Economic Partnership Agreements [EPAs], that is due to expire in 2020). Negotiations on the African pillar of the accord are due to take place after the AfCFTA has entered into force. So African states and the AU will face the challenge of balancing their commitment to the ACP bloc with pursuing their own interests.

And though the AfCFTA should supersede any other agreements, the EPAs or their successors, will continue to govern day-to-day trading, in parallel to the new pan-African market. It is not yet clear how these contradictions will be reconciled.

A new role for the AU?

The AU will need to play an active role as the main interlocutor with Africa´s international trading partners, with the AfCFTA secretariat being the arbiter of internal tensions and trade disputes. The AU´s engagement at continental level has to date revolved mainly around headline political diplomacy, security and peacekeeping. With the continental free market becoming a reality, an effective pivot to economic diplomacy will be critical for growth and development.

With the AfCFTA, the AU has endeavoured to address Africa’s unsustainable position in global trade, to stimulate growth, economic diversification and jobs for its growing population. Much will depend on the commitment of African leaders to maintaining a unified negotiating position to implement the agreement and the AU’s capacity to effectively move from political to economic diplomacy.




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African Agency Holds Power to Account in a Social Media Age

18 December 2019

Yusuf Hassan

Parliamentary and Media Outreach Assistant, Africa Programme

Waihiga Mwaura

News Anchor, Citizen TV Kenya
Structures to support more in-depth investigative journalism are vital in Africa because that seems to be the only thing those in power still truly fear.

2019-12-17-Africa-Ivory-Coast-Media.jpg

Broadcast technicians work in a control room during the official launch of the Digital Terrestrial Television (TNT) in February 2019 near Abidjan, Ivory Coast. Photo by ISSOUF SANOGO/AFP via Getty Images.

Africa’s media landscape has undergone a significant change over the last decade as digitalization and new forms of media consumption have weakened state control of information. Social media has provided an opportunity for African citizens and journalists to take agency over how the continent is presented to the wider world, and many emerging African voices bring clarity to this digitally disrupted marketplace. But significant external support is required to make these efforts sustainable.  

There is no one ‘African’ story. African media remains as diverse as the 55 states in the African Union, with each national media ecosystem dependent on patterns of culture and governance - most importantly the power gap between those in leadership and their voters.

Journalists from Egypt, Eritrea and Cameroon - states in the 2019 global top 10 for putting their colleagues in prison - have different perspectives from those in other more liberal African countries.

This is most visible in traditional media where a business model based on advertising revenue has allowed African media houses to grow. But it is susceptible to manipulation from state and business actors holding outlets to ransom in exchange for editorial influence or control – a particularly acute problem in states where business and political elites are closely intertwined, and a middle-class consumer base to fund market-driven advertising has yet to develop.

Those African countries with relatively open borders, stronger passports and a more vibrant civil society also tend to have a more diverse and vibrant media environment. Open borders allow for easier movement, granting journalists the opportunity to travel, benchmark and participate in exchange programs.

The power of online networking

The advent of the social media age has begun to disrupt the links between governance and media health, as the large operations required by ‘serious’ media organizations have been replaced by mobile phone cameras and social media timelines.

Many African journalists are at the forefront of this innovation, unrestricted by historical perceptions of how journalism should be presented, and free to disrupt and change the established narratives to better engage with their ever-growing audiences.

And, far from replacing journalism, social media has actively empowered African journalists and media professionals. Instead of acting as sources for international media outlets as in the past, African journalists can publish their work on their own platforms, enabling greater ownership of how issues in their localities are globally framed. This local voice is often the key to avoiding the endemic oversimplifications and generalisations that have coloured much external coverage of the continent.

Obviously, these changes bring risks. Individual uploaders are largely free to publish what they like, and misinformation can - and often has - lead to devastating consequences, evident in recent violence across central Mali, South Africa and the middle belt of Nigeria.

But journalists on the African continent have an increasingly important role in preventing the spread of misinformation, not only as purveyors of news but also as fact-checkers, able to discern the difference between valid opinion and dubious rhetoric on social media, while new pan-African digital networks and discussion groups enable journalists to share knowledge, expertise, and story ideas, or quickly verify information from across the continent.

It is now possible to quickly find authentic voices for TV, radio or online commentary through digital platforms, present on the ground and able to speak with real authority. Many online networks also include Africa-focused journalists from outside the continent, and any biased or incorrect coverage of the African continent can be ‘called out’ and heavily critiqued, with challenges shared and solutions generated. While journalists remain independent, their working practices and professional standards are being shaped by the discourse in the groups like never before.

Online networking has also exposed the existence of lingering cultural differences between journalists of different national backgrounds, such as a hesitancy to discuss sensitive issues – the health of leaders for instance – for fear of being targeted by the authorities, or the level to which government statements are uncritically accepted.

While journalists search for truth, how they go about it is still very dependent on the state of democracy in their country. Though the cross-fertilisation of best practices and critical scrutiny can only improve the quality of journalism on the continent, in many places there remains a long way to go.

Drive for better resources

Across the world, digital media has struggled to create models which can provide news free at the point of access while also successfully monetizing content. This is even more palpable on the African continent, as the subscription-based models employed as a remedy elsewhere are not feasible on such a large scale in countries without a well-established middle-class.

African media needs resources to keep operating at a time when revenue is dwindling, and talented journalists are decamping to join the marketing, communication and sales sectors in search of better wages. Structures to support more in-depth investigative journalism are vital in Africa because that seems to be the only thing those in power still truly fear.

This means more training opportunities, fellowships, and exchange programs to allow the exchange of ideas and expertise. And, as social media has given a platform to talented local voices from across Africa, then an international community which truly wants to understand the nuances of the continent must hire them.   




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Central & Eastern Europe and Africa Engagement: Labour Mobility and Policy in East Africa

Research Event

15 January 2020 - 10:00am to 12:30pm

Nairobi, Kenya

Strengthened links between the states of sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) and Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) are emerging marked by growth in diplomatic representation, trade and economic ties and supporting networks.

Against this backdrop, labour migration within and from the CEE and East Africa sub-regions are a key policy area with significant potential for shared learning and cooperation. For both regions, migration trends in recent years have evolved as a result of a diverse range of interactions among public, private and civil society actors and at local, national, regional and international levels. Unpacking such interactions and their political and geographical specificities is essential to effective engagement and cooperation within and between the regions on issues of labour migration and their management.

This roundtable brainstorming workshop will provide a platform for stakeholders based in East Africa to discuss the way in which different actors and agencies in the region influence and shape labour migration processes and policy responses.

This event is supported by the Robert Bosch Stiftung.

Event attributes

Chatham House Rule

Fergus Kell

Projects Assistant, Africa Programme
+ 44 (0) 20 7314 3671




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How images frame China's role in African development

7 May 2020 , Volume 96, Number 3

George Karavas

Political leaders, policy-makers and academics routinely refer to development as an objective process of social change through the use of technical, value-free terms. Images of poverty and inequality are regularly presented as evidence of a world that exists ‘out there’ where development unfolds. This way of seeing reflects the value of scientific forms of knowledge but also sits in tension with the normative foundations of development that take European modernization and industrialization as the benchmark for comparison. The role images play in this process is often overlooked. This article argues that a dominant mode of visuality based on a Cartesian separation between subject and object, underpinning the ascendance of European hegemony and colonialism, aligns with the core premises of orthodox development discourse. An example of how visual representations of development matter is presented through images of Africa–China relations in western media sources. Using widely circulated images depicting China's impact on African development in western news media sources as an example of why visual politics matters for policy-making, the article examines how images play a role in legitimizing development planning by rendering associated forms of epistemological and structural violence ‘invisible to the viewer’.




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A Compact Quadrupole-Orbitrap Mass Spectrometer with FAIMS Interface Improves Proteome Coverage in Short LC Gradients [Technological Innovation and Resources]

State-of-the-art proteomics-grade mass spectrometers can measure peptide precursors and their fragments with ppm mass accuracy at sequencing speeds of tens of peptides per second with attomolar sensitivity. Here we describe a compact and robust quadrupole-orbitrap mass spectrometer equipped with a front-end High Field Asymmetric Waveform Ion Mobility Spectrometry (FAIMS) Interface. The performance of the Orbitrap Exploris 480 mass spectrometer is evaluated in data-dependent acquisition (DDA) and data-independent acquisition (DIA) modes in combination with FAIMS. We demonstrate that different compensation voltages (CVs) for FAIMS are optimal for DDA and DIA, respectively. Combining DIA with FAIMS using single CVs, the instrument surpasses 2500 peptides identified per minute. This enables quantification of >5000 proteins with short online LC gradients delivered by the Evosep One LC system allowing acquisition of 60 samples per day. The raw sensitivity of the instrument is evaluated by analyzing 5 ng of a HeLa digest from which >1000 proteins were reproducibly identified with 5 min LC gradients using DIA-FAIMS. To demonstrate the versatility of the instrument, we recorded an organ-wide map of proteome expression across 12 rat tissues quantified by tandem mass tags and label-free quantification using DIA with FAIMS to a depth of >10,000 proteins.




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Proteomic Analysis of Salmonella-modified Membranes Reveals Adaptations to Macrophage Hosts [Research]

Systemic infection and proliferation of intracellular pathogens require the biogenesis of a growth-stimulating compartment. The gastrointestinal pathogen Salmonella enterica commonly forms highly dynamic and extensive tubular membrane compartments built from Salmonella-modified membranes (SMMs) in diverse host cells. Although the general mechanism involved in the formation of replication-permissive compartments of S. enterica is well researched, much less is known regarding specific adaptations to different host cell types. Using an affinity-based proteome approach, we explored the composition of SMMs in murine macrophages. The systematic characterization provides a broader landscape of host players to the maturation of Salmonella-containing compartments and reveals core host elements targeted by Salmonella in macrophages as well as epithelial cells. However, we also identified subtle host specific adaptations. Some of these observations, such as the differential involvement of the COPII system, Rab GTPases 2A, 8B, 11 and ER transport proteins Sec61 and Sec22B may explain cell line-dependent variations in the pathophysiology of Salmonella infections. In summary, our system-wide approach demonstrates a hitherto underappreciated impact of the host cell type in the formation of intracellular compartments by Salmonella.




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The real reason St George Bank, Bank of Melbourne and BankSA are suffering a long outage

It was meant to be a simple task: turn the computer off and on again while performing scheduled maintenance.




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St George, Bank of Melbourne and BankSA outage to be fixed on Monday night, St George says

St George, Bank of Melbourne and BankSA customers begin to regain access to their accounts after a system outage.




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Australian public service failing to share information: Public Sector Data Management report

A report has revealed stunning examples of public service inefficiency when it comes to releasing and managing data.




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Government agencies name cybercrime as their top fraud risk: PwC

The 'typical' corrupt bureaucrat is a male, university-educated middle manager, aged 41 to 50.




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Digital Transformation Agency boss Paul Shetler resigns

Agile government takes a stumble as digital pioneer logs off after just six weeks.




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Construction of mega new IT data storage centre under way in Fyshwick

Fyshwick is set to get another massive IT data storage facility from 2018.




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The African Continental Free Trade Area Could Boost African Agency in International Trade

10 December 2019

Tighisti Amare

Assistant Director, Africa Programme

Treasure Thembisile Maphanga

Director, Trade and Industry, African Union Commission (2012–19)
The agreement, which entered into force in May, could be a major step for Africa’s role in international trade, if the continent can overcome barriers to implementation.

2019-12-10-Niger.jpg

Delegates arrive at the closing ceremony of the African Union summit in Niger in July. Photo: Getty Images.

The entry into force of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) on 30 May, after only three years of negotiations, is an economic, political and diplomatic milestone for the African Union (AU) and its member states, crucial for economic growth, job creation, and making Africa a meaningful player in international trade. But the continent will have to work together to ensure that the potential benefits are fully realized.

A necessary innovation

With its advances in maintaining peace and security, abundant natural resources, high growth rates, improved linkages to global supply chains and a youthful population, Africa is emerging as a new global centre of economic growth, increasingly sought after as a partner by the world’s biggest economies. Governments from across Africa have been taking a more assertive role in international markets, including through proactive diversification of trading partners, and the continent remains a strong advocate for the multilateral trading system.

However, this is not yet reflected in outcomes. The African Union does not have observer status at the World Trade Organization, despite diplomatic efforts in the past decade. Africa has less than a three per cent share of global trade, and the growing trend towards protectionism across the global economy may only increase the vulnerability of a disunited Africa. Its fractured internal market means that trade within Africa is lower than for any other region on the globe, with intra-African trade just 18 per cent of overall exports, as compared to 70 per cent in Europe.

The AfCFTA is the continent’s tool to address the disparity between Africa’s growing economic significance and its peripheral place in the global trade system, to build a bridge between present fragmentation and future prosperity. It is an ambitious, comprehensive agreement covering trade in goods, services, investment, intellectual property rights and competition policy. It has been signed by all of Africa’s states with the exception of Eritrea.

It is the AU's Agenda 2063 flagship project, brought about by the decisions taken at the January 2012 African Union Summit to boost intra-African trade and to fast track the establishment of the Continental Free Trade Area. It builds upon ambitions enshrined in successive agreements including the Lagos Plan of Action and the Abuja Treaty. Access to new regional markets and reduced non-tariff barriers are intended to help companies scale up, driving job creation and poverty reduction, as well as attracting inward investment to even Africa’s smaller economies.

The signing in 2018 of the instruments governing the Single Air Transport Market and the Protocol on Free Movement of Persons, Right of Residence and Right of Establishment provided another step towards the gradual elimination of barriers to the movement of goods, services and people within the continent.

Tests to come

However, while progress is being made towards the ratification of the AfCFTA, much remains to be done before African countries can fully trade under its terms. The framework for implementation is still under development, and the creation of enabling infrastructure that is critical for connectivity will take time to develop and requires extensive investment.

Africa’s Future in a Changing Global Order: Africa’s Economic Diplomacy

Treasure Thembisile Maphanga talks about the international implications of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA).

So, the first test for the AfCFTA will be the level to which Africa’s leaders make it a domestic priority, and whether a consensus can be maintained across the AU’s member states as the costs of implementation become clear.

There is no guarantee that the gains of free trade will be evenly distributed. They will mainly depend on the extent to which countries embrace industrialization, liberalization of their markets and opening of their borders for free movement of goods and people – policies that some incumbent leaders may be reluctant to implement. Political will to maintain a unified negotiating position with diverse stakeholders, including the private sector, will come under increasing stress.  

A second challenge is how the AfCFTA relates to already existing trade arrangements, notably with the EU.  The AU has long preferred to pursue a continent-to-continent trading arrangement instead of the bilateral Economic Partnership Agreements being sought by the EU under the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) framework to which, with the exception of Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia and South Africa, all African states belong. The signing of the AfCFTA is one important step towards making this possible.

But there are currently negotiations under the ACP to replace the Cotonou Accord (the framework governing trade between ACP members and the EU, including Economic Partnership Agreements [EPAs], that is due to expire in 2020). Negotiations on the African pillar of the accord are due to take place after the AfCFTA has entered into force. So African states and the AU will face the challenge of balancing their commitment to the ACP bloc with pursuing their own interests.

And though the AfCFTA should supersede any other agreements, the EPAs or their successors, will continue to govern day-to-day trading, in parallel to the new pan-African market. It is not yet clear how these contradictions will be reconciled.

A new role for the AU?

The AU will need to play an active role as the main interlocutor with Africa´s international trading partners, with the AfCFTA secretariat being the arbiter of internal tensions and trade disputes. The AU´s engagement at continental level has to date revolved mainly around headline political diplomacy, security and peacekeeping. With the continental free market becoming a reality, an effective pivot to economic diplomacy will be critical for growth and development.

With the AfCFTA, the AU has endeavoured to address Africa’s unsustainable position in global trade, to stimulate growth, economic diversification and jobs for its growing population. Much will depend on the commitment of African leaders to maintaining a unified negotiating position to implement the agreement and the AU’s capacity to effectively move from political to economic diplomacy.




age

How images frame China's role in African development

7 May 2020 , Volume 96, Number 3

George Karavas

Political leaders, policy-makers and academics routinely refer to development as an objective process of social change through the use of technical, value-free terms. Images of poverty and inequality are regularly presented as evidence of a world that exists ‘out there’ where development unfolds. This way of seeing reflects the value of scientific forms of knowledge but also sits in tension with the normative foundations of development that take European modernization and industrialization as the benchmark for comparison. The role images play in this process is often overlooked. This article argues that a dominant mode of visuality based on a Cartesian separation between subject and object, underpinning the ascendance of European hegemony and colonialism, aligns with the core premises of orthodox development discourse. An example of how visual representations of development matter is presented through images of Africa–China relations in western media sources. Using widely circulated images depicting China's impact on African development in western news media sources as an example of why visual politics matters for policy-making, the article examines how images play a role in legitimizing development planning by rendering associated forms of epistemological and structural violence ‘invisible to the viewer’.




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Images in Lipid Research

Stephen G. Young
May 1, 2020; 61:589-590
Editorials




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Episode 84 - The Internet of Porn (IoP) Nectome, Galaxy S9 and UK porn age checks

The gang returns with an eclectic mix of tech chat. Can Nectome really download your thoughts - while killing you - to preserve your memories forever in the cloud? We didn't make this up.


Then we discuss the brand new Samsung Galaxy S9, phone cameras and crap AR before discussing how the UK should go about contracting a company to age check porn site users.

 

See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.




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The fatty acids from LPL-mediated processing of triglyceride-rich lipoproteins are taken up rapidly by cardiomyocytes [Images in Lipid Research]




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Dispersed lipid droplets: an intermediate site for lipid transport and metabolism in primary human adipocytes. [Images in Lipid Research]




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Ebola virus matrix protein VP40 hijacks the host plasma membrane to form the virus envelope [Images in Lipid Research]




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ANGPTL4 inactivates lipoprotein lipase by catalyzing the irreversible unfolding of LPLs hydrolase domain [Images in Lipid Research]




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Accessibility of cholesterol at cell surfaces [Images in Lipid Research]




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Lipid sensing tips the balance for a key cholesterol synthesis enzyme [Images in Lipid Research]




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Perlecan knockdown significantly alters extracellular matrix composition and organization during cartilage development [Research]

Perlecan is a critical proteoglycan found in the extracellular matrix (ECM) of cartilage. In healthy cartilage, perlecan regulates cartilage biomechanics and we previously demonstrated perlecan deficiency leads to reduced cellular and ECM stiffness in vivo. This change in mechanics may lead to the early onset osteoarthritis seen in disorders resulting from perlecan knockdown such as Schwartz-Jampel syndrome (SJS). To identify how perlecan knockdown affects the material properties of developing cartilage, we used imaging and liquid chromatography–tandem mass spectrometry (LC-MS/MS) to study the ECM in a murine model of SJS, Hspg2C1532Y-Neo. Perlecan knockdown led to defective pericellular matrix formation, whereas the abundance of bulk ECM proteins, including many collagens, increased. Post-translational modifications and ultrastructure of collagens were not significantly different; however, LC-MS/MS analysis showed more protein was secreted by Hspg2C1532Y-Neo cartilage in vitro, suggesting that the incorporation of newly synthesized ECM was impaired. In addition, glycosaminoglycan deposition was atypical, which may explain the previously observed decrease in mechanics. Overall, these findings provide insight into the influence of perlecan on functional cartilage assembly and the progression of osteoarthritis in SJS.




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Politics, policy-making and the presence of images of suffering children

7 May 2020 , Volume 96, Number 3

Helen Berents

In 2017 Trump expressed pity for the ‘beautiful babies’ killed in a gas attack on Khan Shaykhun in Syria before launching airstrikes against President Assad's regime. Images of suffering children in world politics are often used as a synecdoche for a broader conflict or disaster. Injured, suffering, or dead; the ways in which images of children circulate in global public discourse must be critically examined to uncover the assumptions that operate in these environments. This article explores reactions to images of children by representatives and leaders of states to trace the interconnected affective and political dimensions of these images. In contrast to attending to the expected empathetic responses prompted by images of children, this article particularly focuses on when such images prompt bellicose foreign policy decision-making. In doing this, the article forwards a way of thinking about images as contentious affective objects in international relations. The ways in which images of children's bodies and suffering are strategically deployed by politicians deserves closer scrutiny to uncover the visual politics of childhood inherent in these moments of international politics and policy-making.




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How images frame China's role in African development

7 May 2020 , Volume 96, Number 3

George Karavas

Political leaders, policy-makers and academics routinely refer to development as an objective process of social change through the use of technical, value-free terms. Images of poverty and inequality are regularly presented as evidence of a world that exists ‘out there’ where development unfolds. This way of seeing reflects the value of scientific forms of knowledge but also sits in tension with the normative foundations of development that take European modernization and industrialization as the benchmark for comparison. The role images play in this process is often overlooked. This article argues that a dominant mode of visuality based on a Cartesian separation between subject and object, underpinning the ascendance of European hegemony and colonialism, aligns with the core premises of orthodox development discourse. An example of how visual representations of development matter is presented through images of Africa–China relations in western media sources. Using widely circulated images depicting China's impact on African development in western news media sources as an example of why visual politics matters for policy-making, the article examines how images play a role in legitimizing development planning by rendering associated forms of epistemological and structural violence ‘invisible to the viewer’.




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Crimea’s Occupation Exemplifies the Threat of Attacks on Cultural Heritage

4 February 2020

Kateryna Busol

Robert Bosch Stiftung Academy Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme
Societies, courts and policymakers should have a clearer awareness that assaults against cultural heritage constitute a creeping encroachment on a people’s identity, endangering its very survival.

2020-02-04-Bakhchysarai.jpg

'The destructive reconstruction of the 16th-century Bakhchysarai Palace is being conducted by a team with no experience of cultural sites, in a manner that erodes its authenticity and historical value.' Photo: Getty Images.

Violations against cultural property – such as archaeological treasures, artworks, museums or historical sites – can be no less detrimental to the survival of a nation than the physical persecution of its people. These assaults on heritage ensure the hegemony of some nations and distort the imprint of other nations in world history, sometimes to the point of eradication.

As contemporary armed conflicts in Syria, Ukraine and Yemen demonstrate, cultural property violations are not only a matter of the colonial past; they continue to be perpetrated, often in new, intricate ways.

Understandably, from a moral perspective, it is more often the suffering of persons, rather than any kind of ‘cultural’ destruction, that receives the most attention from humanitarian aid providers, the media or the courts. Indeed, the extent of the damage caused by an assault on cultural property is not always immediately evident, but the result can be a threat to the survival of a people. This is strikingly exemplified by what is currently happening in Crimea.

Ukraine’s Crimean peninsula has been occupied by Russia since February 2014, meaning that, under international law, the two states have been involved in an international armed conflict for the last six years.

While much attention has been paid to the alleged war crimes perpetrated by the occupying power, reports by international organizations and the International Criminal Court (ICC) have been less vocal on the issue of cultural property in Crimea. Where they do raise it, they tend to confine their findings to the issue of misappropriation.

However, as part of its larger policy of the annexation and Russification of the peninsula and its history, Russia has gone far beyond misappropriation.

Crimean artefacts have been transferred to Russia – without security justification or Ukrainian authorization as required by the international law of occupation – to be showcased at exhibitions celebrating Russia’s own cultural heritage. In 2016, the Tretyakov Gallery in Moscow staged its record-breaking Aivazovsky exhibition, which included 38 artworks from the Aivazovsky Museum in the Crimean town of Feodosia.

Other ‘cultural’ violations in the region include numerous unsanctioned archaeological excavations, whose findings are often unlawfully exported to Russia or end up on the black market.

There is also the example of Russia’s plan to establish a museum of Christianity in Ukraine’s UNESCO World Heritage site, the Ancient City of Tauric Chersonese. This is an indication of Russia’s policy of asserting itself as a bastion of Orthodox Christianity and culture in the Slavic world, with Crimea as one of the centres.

The harmful effects of Russia’s destructive cultural property policy can be seen in the situation of the Crimean Tatars, Ukraine’s indigenous Muslim people. Already depleted by a Stalin-ordered deportation in 1944 and previously repressed by the Russian Empire, the Crimean Tatars are now facing the destruction of much of the remainder of their heritage.

For example, Muslim burial grounds have been demolished to build the Tavrida Highway, which leads to the newly built Kerch Bridge connecting the peninsula to Russia.

The destructive reconstruction of the 16th-century Bakhchysarai Palace – the only remaining complete architectural ensemble of the indigenous people, included in the UNESCO World Heritage Tentative List – is another example of how the very identity of the Crimean Tatars is being threatened. This reconstruction is being conducted by a team with no experience of cultural sites, in a manner that erodes its authenticity and historical value – which is precisely as Russia intends.

There is a solid body of international and domestic law covering Russia’s treatment of Crimea’s cultural property.

Under the 1954 Hague Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict – ratified by both Ukraine and Russia – the occupying power must facilitate the safeguarding efforts of the national authorities in occupied territories. States parties must prevent any vandalism or misappropriation of cultural property, and, according to the first protocol of the convention, the occupying power is required to prevent any export of artefacts from the occupied territory.

The 1907 Hague Regulations and the 1949 Fourth Geneva Convention confirm that the authentic domestic legislation continues to apply in occupied territories. This leaves Russia with no excuse for non-compliance with Ukraine’s cultural property laws and imposing its own rules unless absolutely necessary.

Besides, both Ukrainian and Russian criminal codes penalise pillage in occupied territory, as well as unsanctioned archaeological excavations. As an occupying power, Russia must not just abstain from such wrongdoings in Crimea, but also duly investigate and prosecute the alleged misconduct.

The clarity of the international legal situation demonstrates that no exhibitions in continental Russia and no archaeological excavations which are not sanctioned by Ukraine can be justified. Likewise, any renovation or use of cultural sites, especially those on permanent or tentative UNESCO lists, must only be conducted pursuant to consultancy with and approval of the Ukrainian authorities.

But the resonance of the Crimean case goes beyond law and touches on issues of the very survival of a people. The Soviet deportation of the Crimean Tatars in 1944 did not only result in the deaths of individuals. Their footprints in Crimea have been gradually erased by baseless treason charges, the long exile of the indigenous community from their native lands and ongoing persecution.

First the Soviet Union and now Russia have targeted the Crimean Tatars’ cultural heritage to undermine their significance in the general historical narrative, making attempts to preserve or celebrate this culture seem futile. Russia is thus imposing its own historical and political hegemony at the expense of the Crimean Tatar and Ukrainian layers of Crimean history.

As exemplified by occupied Crimea, the manipulation and exploitation of cultural heritage can serve an occupying power’s wider policies of appropriating history and asserting its own dominance. Domestic cultural property proceedings are challenging due to the lack of access to the occupied territory, but they should still be pursued.

More effort is needed in the following areas: case prioritization; informing the documenters of alleged violations about the spectrum of cultural property crimes; developing domestic investigative and prosecutorial capacity, including by involving foreign expert consultancy; more proactively seeking bilateral and multilateral cooperation in art crime cases; liaising with auction houses (to track down objects originating from war-affected areas) and museums (to prevent the exhibition of the artefacts from occupied territories).

When possible, cultural property crimes should also be reported to the ICC.

Additionally, more international – public, policy, media and jurisprudential – attention to such violations is needed. Societies, courts and policymakers should have a clearer awareness that assaults against cultural heritage constitute a creeping encroachment on a people’s identity, endangering its very survival.




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