era Cultivating cooperation through kinship By www.eurekalert.org Published On :: Thu, 30 Apr 2020 00:00:00 EDT (University of Chicago Press Journals) Extensive cooperation among biologically unrelated individuals is uniquely human. It would be surprising if this uniqueness were not related to other uniquely human characteristics, yet current theories of human cooperation tend to ignore the human aspects of human behavior. This paper presents a theory of cooperation that draws on social, cultural, and psychological aspects of human uniqueness for which current theories have little or no explanation. Full Article
era Demographic expansion of several Amazonian archaeological cultures by computer simulation By www.eurekalert.org Published On :: Tue, 05 May 2020 00:00:00 EDT (Universitat Pompeu Fabra - Barcelona) Expansions by groups of humans were common during prehistoric times, after the adoption of agriculture. Among other factors, this is due to population growth of farmers which was greater than of that hunter-gatherers. We can find one example of this during the Neolithic period, when farming was introduced to Europe by migrations from the Middle East. Full Article
era Democrats’ Desperation about Tara Reade Is Growing. So Is Their Hypocrisy. By news.yahoo.com Published On :: Fri, 08 May 2020 15:15:20 -0400 There aren’t a ton of synonyms for the word “hypocrisy.” I’ve become aware of this problem ever since I began writing about the Tara Reade–Joe Biden situation. I keep gravitating towards phrases such as “despicable hypocrisy,” or “partisan hypocrisy,” or “unconscionable hypocrisy,” but you can only go to the well so often. Really, though, I’m not sure how else to describe the actions of someone like Senator Dianne Feinstein.You might recall that it was Feinstein, the ranking member of the Judiciary Committee, who withheld Christine Blasey Ford's allegation of sexual misconduct against Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh from the Senate so that it could not be properly vetted, in a last-ditch effort to sink the nomination.Feinstein knew that Ford's credibility was brittle -- the alleged victim could not tell us where or when the attack occurred, hadn’t mentioned Kavanugh’s name to anyone for over 30 years, and offered nothing approaching a contemporaneous witness.At first, Feinstein did not want to provide Ford’s name, or a place or time of the alleged attack, or allow the accused to see any evidence against him, denying him the ability to answer the charges.Henceforth this brand of justice could be referred to as “The Joe Biden Standard,” since it’s exactly the kind of show trial the presumptive Democratic nominee promises college kids via Title IX rules.When finally asked about Reade yesterday, Feinstein responded: “And I don’t know this person at all who has made the allegations. She came out of nowhere. Where has she been all these years? He was vice president.”To put this in perspective, when Ford came forward “out of nowhere,” Feinstein said: “Victims must be able to come forward only when they are ready.”What’s changed?During the Kavanaugh hearings Feinstein noted that “sharing an experience involving sexual assault — particularly when it involves a politically connected man with influence, authority and power — is extraordinarily difficult.”Is Biden not a politically connected man with influence, authority, and power? Feinstein is now arguing the opposite: She is saying we should dismiss Reade’s allegations because she failed to come forward against a powerful man earlier.But to answer Feinstein’s question about what Reade has been “up to” the past 27 years: Well, she’s been telling people that Biden had engaged in sexual misconduct. She relayed her story to her former neighbor, her brother, her former co-worker, and at least two other friends. It is also likely that her mother called Larry King Live asking for advice for her daughter the year of the alleged attack.Yesterday a document uncovered by local journalists in California -- somehow missed by Barack Obama’s crack vetting team -- shows Reade’s ex-husband bolstering her claim in 1996 divorce proceedings: “On several occasions [Reade] related a problem that she was having at work regarding sexual harassment, in U.S. Senator Joe Biden's office.”The reaction to the divorce papers has been extraordinary. Biden defenders argue that because Reade alleged “sexual harassment” -- a catch-all term used in the 1990s when men were getting away with despicable behavior far more often -- it proves her story has changed. Biden, through his deputy campaign manager Kate Bedingfield, alleges that “more and more inconsistencies” come up every day.Even if Reade didn't tell everyone everything that allegedly happened every time she mentioned the incident, that doesn’t definitively prove anything. If it did, none of us would have ever heard the name Christine Blasey Ford.Indeed, at time of Ford’s evolving story, there was a slew of journalists taking deep dives into the unreliability of memory and trauma and complexities of relaying assault allegations. I assume that science hasn’t changed in two years.Let’s also not forget that, despite Ford’s inconsistencies, Biden still argued that Kavanaugh should be presumed guilty. Why shouldn’t he?It is also quite amazing to see Biden’s defenders implicitly contending that Reade is only credibly claiming that she was sexually harassed for nearly 30 years, so her story must be politically motivated.Even if we concede that Reade is a wily Sanders operative or Putin stooge, what political motive could Reade possibly have had back in 1993 -- after working for Biden -- to smear the senator? What motive did she have to repeat that story to her family before Sanders was a candidate or Putin was running Russia?By the way, liberals have never argued that political motivations should be disqualifying. Ford came forward, by her own admission, because she did not believe the man who had allegedly assaulted her in high school should be given a seat on highest court in the land. Reade says she doesn’t want a man who allegedly assaulted her -- when he was in his 50s -- to hold the most powerful office in the world.Feinstein, of course, isn’t the only one to engage in this kind of transparent double standard. When asked about Reade, the idealist Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, said, “I’m not sure. Frankly, this is a messy moment, and I think we need to acknowledge that -- that it is not clear-cut.”Where was all this hand-wringing and caution over the messiness of sexual-assault claims when nearly every Democrat and all their allies in the press were spreading Julie Swetnick’s alleged “gang rape” piece? Nowhere.AOC, whose position on Biden has evolved, invited Ana Maria Archila, the women who had famously cornered a weak-kneed senator Jeff Flake in an elevator and yelled at him about Kavanaugh, to the 2019 State of the Union address. Archila now says, “I feel very trapped.”I bet.People point out that there are numerous sexual-misconduct allegations leveled at Donald Trump. Indeed. If they haven’t yet, news outlets should scrutinize and investigate the credibility of those allegations, as they did for Biden but not for Kavanaugh. But it’s important to remember that Trump accuser E. Jean Carroll was given immediate and widespread coverage on cable news, while Reade reportedly wasn’t asked to tell her story by any major network -- save Fox News -- until this week.Of course, most Biden defenders are being purposely obtuse about the debate -- Mona Charen’s recent column is an excellent example. The problem isn’t that Biden is being treated unjustly, or that he should be treated unjustly; it’s that he is being treated justly by the same people who treat others unjustly. Democrats have yet to explain why Biden is afforded every benefit of the doubt but not Kavanaugh, and not millions of college students.Public figures such as Biden have every right to demand fair hearings and due process. Voters have every right to judge the credibility of both accuser and accused. Many women are victims. Many women are victims who are powerless to prove it. And some women are frauds. You can’t keep demanding that our political system adjudicate similar incidents under two completely differ set of rules. It’s untenable. Full Article
era Frontier Airlines becomes first U.S. airline to announce passenger temperature checks By news.yahoo.com Published On :: Thu, 07 May 2020 18:36:43 -0400 The budget carrier will begin conducting temperature checks via touchless thermometers on June 1. Passengers have to start wearing masks Friday. Full Article
era Position statement addresses difficult issue: allocating scare resources in COVID-19 era By www.eurekalert.org Published On :: Wed, 06 May 2020 00:00:00 EDT (American Geriatrics Society) The COVID-19 pandemic has placed unprecedented pressure on societies worldwide, given the pandemic's rapid, often deadly spread. In health care, the pandemic has raised the pressing question of how society should allocate scarce resources during a crisis. This is the question experts addressed today in a new position statement published by the American Geriatrics Society (AGS) in the Journal of the American Geriatrics Society (DOI: 10.1111/jgs.16537). Full Article
era Addressing the ethical considerations of SARS-CoV-2 human challenge trials By www.eurekalert.org Published On :: Thu, 07 May 2020 00:00:00 EDT (American Association for the Advancement of Science) While an effective vaccine for the SARS-CoV-2 virus is likely many months away, development could be accelerated by conducting controlled human infection (CHI) studies -- which are increasingly being considered by the scientific community due to the urgent need. Full Article
era Deciphering the hidden interactions within biological networks of varying sizes By www.eurekalert.org Published On :: Thu, 07 May 2020 00:00:00 EDT (University of Tsukuba) Researchers from the University of Tsukuba discovered that fish schools showed a significant change in behavior with varying school sizes. Using integrated information theory, they showed that a significant change in the interaction between the fish and the overall collective behavior occurred between three- and four-fish schools, including the emergence of leadership within the group. These findings help understand the dynamics of collective behavior. Full Article
era Carbohydrate Content in the GDM Diet: Two Views: View 1: Nutrition Therapy in Gestational Diabetes: The Case for Complex Carbohydrates By spectrum.diabetesjournals.org Published On :: 2016-05-01 Teri L. HernandezMay 1, 2016; 29:82-88From Research to Practice Full Article
era Drug Interactions of Medications Commonly Used in Diabetes By spectrum.diabetesjournals.org Published On :: 2006-10-01 Curtis TriplittOct 1, 2006; 19:202-211Pharmacy Update Full Article
era Addressing Health Literacy and Numeracy to Improve Diabetes Education and Care By spectrum.diabetesjournals.org Published On :: 2010-10-01 Richard O. WhiteOct 1, 2010; 23:238-243Articles Full Article
era Pharmacotherapy for Hyperglycemia in Noncritically Ill Hospitalized Patients By spectrum.diabetesjournals.org Published On :: 2014-08-01 Carlos E. MendezAug 1, 2014; 27:180-188From Research to Practice Full Article
era Complementary and Integrative Medicine: Emerging Therapies for Diabetes, Part 1: Preface By spectrum.diabetesjournals.org Published On :: 2001-08-01 Cynthia PayneAug 1, 2001; 14:Preface Full Article
era Select Vitamins and Minerals in the Management of Diabetes By spectrum.diabetesjournals.org Published On :: 2001-08-01 Belinda S. OConnellAug 1, 2001; 14:Articles Full Article
era Diabetes Self-Management Education for Older Adults: General Principles and Practical Application By spectrum.diabetesjournals.org Published On :: 2006-10-01 Emmy SuhlOct 1, 2006; 19:234-240Articles Full Article
era Making a Difference With Interactive Technology: Considerations in Using and Evaluating Computerized Aids for Diabetes Self-Management Education By spectrum.diabetesjournals.org Published On :: 2001-04-01 Russell E. GlasgowApr 1, 2001; 14:Feature Articles Full Article
era Alumni and Students From Greater China Donate PPE to NY Healthcare Workers Desperate for Gear By www8.gsb.columbia.edu Published On :: Thu, 16 Apr 2020 00:00:00 -0400 As the pandemic ebbed in China, alumni from the region raised more than $2.1 million to send crucial protective gear to New York healthcare workers. Full Article
era Engage China to Uphold Multilateralism – But Not at Any Cost By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Thu, 23 May 2019 11:14:05 +0000 12 June 2019 Harriet Moynihan Senior Research Fellow, International Law Programme @HarrietMoyniha9 Where China’s interests align with those of the international community, there are opportunities for the country’s influence and economic power to strengthen the rules-based international order. Where they do not, states that traditionally support that order should join together to push back. 2019-02-01-China.jpg Students holding Chinese national flags watch the live broadcast of the 40th anniversary celebration of China's reform and opening-up at Huaibei Normal University on 18 December. Photo: Getty Images. China’s adherence to the rules-based international system is selective, prioritizing certain rules in favour of others. States supportive of that ‘system’ – or, as some argue, systems[1] – should identify areas of mutual strategic interest so that they can draw China further into the global rules-based order and leverage China as a constructive player that potentially also contributes to improvements in such areas. This is particularly apposite at a time when the US is in retreat from multilateralism and Russia seems bent on disrupting the rules-based international order.Supportive playerThere are many reasons for actively engaging with China on mutual areas of interest. China is a committed multilateralist in many areas, recognizing that often international cooperation and frameworks hold the key to its domestic problems, for example in the fields of environmental sustainability and financial regulation.China’s economic power is valuable in upholding international institutions: China is the UN’s third-largest donor (after the US and Japan) at a time when the UN is facing budgetary shortfalls. China is also the second-highest contributor to the UN peacekeeping budget, and the largest contributor of peacekeeping forces among the five permanent members of the UN Security Council.China also has a valuable role to play in the settlement of international disputes over trade and investment. China is a big supporter of the World Trade Organization (WTO)’s dispute settlement mechanism, and one of its most active participants;[2] China is currently playing an active role in negotiations to save the WTO’s appellate mechanism from folding in the wake of the US’s refusal to nominate new judges.The last 15 years have also seen a major shift in Chinese attitudes to investment arbitration, from a general suspicion and limitation of arbitration rights to broad acceptance and incorporation of such rights in China’s trade and investment treaties. China is actively engaged in multilateral negotiations through the UN Commission on International Trade Law (UNCITRAL) on reforms to investor–state dispute settlement.China has shown leadership on global climate change diplomacy, urging nations to remain committed to the Paris Agreement in the wake of the US decision to pull out, and has been an important interlocutor with the UK and the EU on these issues. As a strong supporter of the Paris Agreement, but also as the world’s top emitter of carbon dioxide, China has a crucial role to play in pushing forward implementation of the Paris targets. Despite its high emissions, China remains one of the few major economies on track to meet its targets,[3] giving it greater leverage to peer review other parties’ efforts.A recent report by the UK parliament’s Foreign Affairs Committee (FAC), on China and the rules-based international order, noted that where a body of trust and goodwill is developed with China, there is the possibility of discovering interests that coincide and the ability to work together on issues mutually regarded as of global importance. The report refers to a number of success stories from UK partnership with China in multilateral forums, including in counterproliferation and global health.[4]Developing areas of global governanceAs well as working with the current system, China is increasingly involved in the shaping of newer areas of international law – whether it be submissions to the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) on procedural rules for the emerging deep-sea mining regime or pitching for a greater role in Arctic governance.[5]This enthusiasm should be harnessed to promote the international rule of law, but at the same time there needs to be recognition of the strategic goals that drive China’s engagement. China’s interest in the Arctic, while including the desire to protect its ecology and environment, is also about access to marine resources, as well as about the Arctic’s strategic potential for China’s military.China’s submissions to ITLOS on the rules of procedure for deep-sea mining are constructive, but also reflect an ambition to secure first-mover advantage when commercial mining eventually takes place. Like other major powers working in this policy area, China’s actions are guided by self-interest, but that doesn’t mean its goals can’t be pursued through multilateral rules.China is also interested in creating new international structures and instruments that further its strategic aims. For example, with Russia (through the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation) it has proposed an International Code of Conduct for Information Security in the UN.[6]China is also pondering an array of options for dispute-resolution mechanisms for its Belt and Road projects, including the possibility of an Asian version of the international Convention on the Settlement of Investment Disputes, which might sit under the auspices of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB).[7]The creation of new instruments and institutions need not be a threat to the rules-based international order in itself. We have already seen a combination of the creation of parallel complementary regimes alongside the reform of existing institutions, for example in development financing through the AIIB or the New Development Bank (often referred to as the ‘BRICS Bank’); these two banks are relatively conventionally structured along the lines of Western-dominated institutions, albeit with greater Chinese control. Based on these examples, selective adaptation seems more likely than a hostile ‘Eastphalian’ takeover.[8]RisksThere is, however, a real risk that in certain areas China may promote a rival authoritarian model of governance, assisted by an opportunistic convergence with Russia on issues such as human rights, development and internet governance. In areas where China’s core interests clash with those of the rules-based international order, China has shown itself to be unbending, as in its refusal to abide by the July 2016 decision of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in its dispute with the Philippines over the South China Sea.[9]China is becoming more assertive at the UN, but while it seeks to project itself there as a responsible emerging global leader, it is promoting a vision that weakens international norms of human rights, transparency and accountability,[10] while also carrying out practices domestically that raise serious human rights concerns (not least the detention of hundreds of thousands of Uighurs in re-education camps in Xinjiang).[11]China’s increased dominance geographically and geopolitically through its Belt and Road infrastructure projects carries with it a number of social and economic risks, including smaller states becoming trapped in unsustainable financial debts to China.But at a recent Chatham House conference on Asia and international law, participants highlighted the limitations on how far China can shape an alternative governance model.[12] China currently lacks soft power, cultural power and language power, all of which are needed in order to embed an alternative model abroad. China also currently lacks capacity and confidence to build coalitions with other states in the UN.Where it has tried to get buy-in from the international community for its new institutions, such as the China International Commercial Court (CICC) announced in July 2018, there has been scepticism about the standards to be applied.[13] Unless the court can demonstrate sufficient due process, international parties are likely to prefer other centres with a strong reputation for upholding the rule of law, such as those in London, Dubai and Singapore.Where China does promote its own governance model at the expense of the rules-based international order, states are starting to push back, often in concert. EU member states so far have adopted a joined-up approach to the Belt and Road Initiative. With the exception of Italy, they have refused to sign a Memorandum of Understanding on participation unless China provides much greater transparency on its compliance with international standards.The EU also recently presented a coordinated response to China on the situation in Xinjiang.[14] Similarly, members of the so-called ‘Five Eyes’ intelligence-sharing alliance (comprising Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the UK and the US) have acted together in relation to certain incidents of cyber interference attributed to China.[15]There are also signs of pushback from smaller states closer to home in relation to challenges to national sovereignty, debt diplomacy and financial viability arising from Belt and Road projects. The Sri Lankan government recently reversed the award of a $300 million housing deal to China, instead opting for a joint venture with an Indian company.China has been downscaling its investments as a way to counter some of the backlash it has received: the most recent Belt and Road summit put forward a more modest set of aspirations. This suggests that there is some scope for states to stand up to China and use leverage to secure better deals.Many international institutions have been Western-dominated for years;[16] China, together with many emerging and middle powers, has felt for some time that the international architecture does not reflect the world we live in. Given that context, states that champion the rules-based international order should acknowledge China’s desire to update the international order to reflect greater multipolarity, globalization and technological change, while being clear-eyed about their engagement with China. This involves investing in a proper understanding of China and how it works.[17]Where possible, cooperation with China should lead to outcomes that are backed up by international standards and transparency. The above-mentioned FAC report cites evidence that the UK’s support, and that of other developed countries, had a positive impact in shaping the governance and standards of the AIIB.[18] China has brought in international experts to advise on disputes before the CIIC, which may reassure would-be litigants.China’s relationship with the rules-based international order needs to be assessed pragmatically and dynamically. China can be a valuable partner in many areas where its objectives are closely aligned with those of the international community – from trade to climate change to peacekeeping.But where the country’s core interests are at odds with those of the wider international community, an increasingly confident China will strongly resist pressure, including on the South China Sea and human rights. In these areas, states supportive of international law can most powerfully push back through alliances and by ensuring that their own core values are not compromised in the interests of economic benefits.What needs to happenChina’s rising power and selective commitment to multilateralism make it a potentially influential ally in modernizing international governance.China is increasingly involved in shaping newer areas of international law. This enthusiasm could be harnessed in the service of institutional development and reform.Other states should identify areas of mutual strategic interest where China may offer a constructive role, including dispute settlement, health and climate change.However, engagement must not ignore the strategic calculations that drive China’s agenda, or its poor record on civil and political rights, transparency and accountability.Cooperation with China should lead to outcomes that are backed up by international standards and transparency.Where China’s actions undermine the rules-based international order, coordinated action by states supportive of that order is likely to be more effective than acting individually.Notes[1] Chalmers, M. (2019), Which Rules? Why There is No Single ‘Rules-Based International System’, RUSI Occasional Paper, April 2019, London: Royal United Services Institute, https://rusi.org/occasional-papers/Which-Rules-Why-There-Is-No-Single-Rules-Based-International-System.[2] See, for example, Moynihan, H. (2017), China’s Evolving Approach to International Dispute Settlement, Briefing, London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, https://www.chathamhouse.org/publication/chinas-evolving-approach-international-dispute-settlement.[3] UN Environment (2018), Emissions Gap Report 2018, p. XVII, https://www.unenvironment.org/resources/emissions-gap-report-2018.[4] House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee (2019), China and the Rules-Based International System: Sixteenth Report of Session 2017–19, p. 32, https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201719/cmselect/cmfaff/612/612.pdf.[5] Moynihan, H. (2018), ‘China Expands Its Global Governance Ambitions in the Arctic’, Expert Comment, 15 October 2018, https://www.chathamhouse.org/expert/comment/china-expands-its-global-governance-ambitions-arctic.[6] Updated version proposed 9 January 2015.[7] Moynihan, H. (2018), ‘Exploring Public International Law Issues with Chinese Scholars – Part Four’, Meeting Summary, 3 June 2018, https://www.chathamhouse.org/publication/exploring-public-international-law-issues-chinese-scholars-part-four.[8] Chatham House (2019, forthcoming, ‘Security and Prosperity in the Asia-Pacific: The Role of International Law’, conference summary, https://www.chathamhouse.org/event/security-and-prosperity-asia-pacific-role-international-law.[9] Permanent Court of Arbitration Case No. 2013-19 (Philippines v China), Award of 12 July 2016, https://pca-cpa.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/6/2016/07/PH-CN-20160712-Award.pdf.[10] Piccone, T. (2018), China’s Long Game on Human Rights at the United Nations, Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/FP_20181009_china_human_rights.pdf.[11] Wye, R. (2018), ‘‘The entire Uyghur population is seemingly being treated as suspect’: China’s persecution of its Muslim minority’, LSE Religion and Global Society blog, 18 September 2018, https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/religionglobalsociety/2018/09/the-entire-uyghur-population-is-seemingly-being-treated-as-suspect-chinas-persecution-of-its-muslim-minority/.[12] Chatham House (2019, forthcoming, ‘Security and Prosperity in the Asia-Pacific: The Role of International Law’.[13] Walters, M. (2018), ‘Jury is out over China’s new commercial court, say lawyers’, Law Society Gazette, 1 November 2018, https://www.lawgazette.co.uk/law/jury-is-out-over-chinas-new-commercial-court-say-lawyers/5068125.article.[14] The Economist (2019), ‘Hope remains for Western solidarity. Look at embassies in Beijing’, 17 April 2019, https://www.economist.com/china/2019/04/20/hope-remains-for-western-solidarity-look-at-embassies-in-beijing.[15] In December 2018, the Five Eyes attributed the activities of a Chinese cyber espionage group targeting intellectual property and sensitive commercial property to China’s Ministry of State Security.[16] Roberts, A. (2017), Is International Law International?, Oxford: Oxford University Press.[17] Parton, C. (2019), China–UK Relations: Where to Draw the Border Between Influence and Interference?, RUSI Occasional Paper, February 2019, London: Royal United Services Institute, p. 30, https://rusi.org/publication/occasional-papers/china-uk-relations-where-draw-border-between-influence-and.[18] House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee (2019), China and the Rules-Based International System, p. 15.This essay was produced for the 2019 edition of Chatham House Expert Perspectives – our annual survey of risks and opportunities in global affairs – in which our researchers identify areas where the current sets of rules, institutions and mechanisms for peaceful international cooperation are falling short, and present ideas for reform and modernization. Full Article
era Sovereignty and Non-Intervention: The Application of International Law to State Cyberattacks By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Fri, 01 Nov 2019 10:55:01 +0000 Research Event 4 December 2019 - 5:30pm to 7:00pm Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE Event participants Douglas, Legal Director, GCHQZhixiong Huang, Luojia Chair of International Law, Wuhan UniversityNemanja Malisevic, Director of Digital Diplomacy, MicrosoftHarriet Moynihan, Associate Fellow, International Law Programme, Chatham HouseChair: Elizabeth Wilmshurst, Distinguished Fellow, International Law Programme, Chatham House International law applies to cyber operations – but views differ on exactly how. Does state-sponsored interference in another state's affairs using cyber means – for example, disinformation campaigns in elections, disabling government websites, or disrupting transport systems – breach international law? If so, on what basis and how are the principles of sovereignty and non-intervention relevant? States are increasingly attributing cyber operations to other states and engaging in the debate on how international law applies, including circumstances that would justify countermeasures.As states meet to debate these issues at the UN, the panel will explore how international law regulates cyberoperations by states, consider the prospects of progress at the UN, and assess the value of other initiatives.This event coincides with the launch of a Chatham House research paper which analyses how the principles of sovereignty and intervention apply in the context of cyberoperations, and considers a way forward for agreeing a common understanding of cyber norms.This event will bring together a broad group of actors, including policymakers, the private sector, legal experts and civil society, and will be followed by a drinks reception. Department/project International Law Programme, Cyber, Sovereignty and Human Rights Jacqueline Rowe Programme Assistant, International Law Programme 020 7389 3287 Email Full Article
era The Application of International Law to State Cyberattacks: Sovereignty and Non-Intervention By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Fri, 29 Nov 2019 16:56:12 +0000 2 December 2019 Hostile cyber operations by one state against another state are increasingly common. This paper analyzes the application of the sovereignty and non-intervention principles in relation to states’ cyber operations in another state below the threshold of the use of force. Read online Download PDF Harriet Moynihan Senior Research Fellow, International Law Programme @HarrietMoyniha9 2019-11-29-Intl-Law-Cyberattacks.jpg A computer hacked by a virus known as Petya. The Petya ransomware cyberattack hit computers of Russian and Ukrainian companies on 27 June 2017. Photo: Getty Images. SummaryThe vast majority of state-to-state cyberattacks consist of persistent, low-level intrusions that take place below the threshold of use of force. International law, including the principle of non-intervention in another state’s internal affairs and the principle of sovereignty, applies to these cyber operations.It is not clear whether any unauthorized cyber intrusion would violate the target state’s sovereignty, or whether there is a threshold in operation. While some would like to set limits by reference to effects of the cyber activity, at this time such limits are not reflected in customary international law. The assessment of whether sovereignty has been violated therefore has to be made on a case by case basis, if no other more specific rules of international law apply.In due course, further state practice and opinio iuris may give rise to an emerging cyber-specific understanding of sovereignty, just as specific rules deriving from the sovereignty principle have crystallized in other areas of international law.Before a principle of due diligence can be invoked in the cyber context, further work is needed by states to agree upon rules as to what might be expected of a state in this context.The principle of non-intervention applies to a state’s cyber operations as it does to other state activities. It consists of coercive behaviour by one state that deprives the target state of its free will in relation to the exercise of its sovereign functions in order to compel an outcome in, or conduct with respect to, a matter reserved to the target state.In practice, activities that contravene the non-intervention principle and activities that violates sovereignty will often overlap.In order to reach agreement on how international law applies to states’ cyber operations below the level of use of force, states should put their views on record, where possible giving examples of when they consider that an obligation may be breached, as states such as the UK, Australia, France and the Netherlands have done.Further discussion between states should focus on how the rules apply to practical examples of state-sponsored cyber operations. There is likely to be more commonality about specific applications of the law than there is about abstract principles.The prospects of a general treaty in this area are still far off. In due course, there may be benefit in considering limited rules, for example on due diligence and a prohibition on attacking critical infrastructure, before tackling broad principles. Department/project International Law Programme, Cyber, Sovereignty and Human Rights Full Article
era 12-LOX catalyzes the oxidation of 2-arachidonoyl-lysolipids in platelets generating eicosanoid-lysolipids that are attenuated by iPLA2{gamma} knockout [Signal Transduction] By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-04-17T00:06:05-07:00 The canonical pathway of eicosanoid production in most mammalian cells is initiated by phospholipase A2-mediated release of arachidonic acid, followed by its enzymatic oxidation resulting in a vast array of eicosanoid products. However, recent work has demonstrated that the major phospholipase in mitochondria, iPLA2γ (patatin-like phospholipase domain containing 8 (PNPLA8)), possesses sn-1 specificity, with polyunsaturated fatty acids at the sn-2 position generating polyunsaturated sn-2-acyl lysophospholipids. Through strategic chemical derivatization, chiral chromatographic separation, and multistage tandem MS, here we first demonstrate that human platelet-type 12-lipoxygenase (12-LOX) can directly catalyze the regioselective and stereospecific oxidation of 2-arachidonoyl-lysophosphatidylcholine (2-AA-LPC) and 2-arachidonoyl-lysophosphatidylethanolamine (2-AA-LPE). Next, we identified these two eicosanoid-lysophospholipids in murine myocardium and in isolated platelets. Moreover, we observed robust increases in 2-AA-LPC, 2-AA-LPE, and their downstream 12-LOX oxidation products, 12(S)-HETE-LPC and 12(S)-HETE-LPE, in calcium ionophore (A23187)-stimulated murine platelets. Mechanistically, genetic ablation of iPLA2γ markedly decreased the calcium-stimulated production of 2-AA-LPC, 2-AA-LPE, and 12-HETE-lysophospholipids in mouse platelets. Importantly, a potent and selective 12-LOX inhibitor, ML355, significantly inhibited the production of 12-HETE-LPC and 12-HETE-LPE in activated platelets. Furthermore, we found that aging is accompanied by significant changes in 12-HETE-LPC in murine serum that were also markedly attenuated by iPLA2γ genetic ablation. Collectively, these results identify previously unknown iPLA2γ-initiated signaling pathways mediated by direct 12-LOX oxidation of 2-AA-LPC and 2-AA-LPE. This oxidation generates previously unrecognized eicosanoid-lysophospholipids that may serve as biomarkers for age-related diseases and could potentially be used as targets in therapeutic interventions. Full Article
era Determination of globotriaosylceramide analogs in the organs of a mouse model of Fabry disease [Lipids] By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-04-24T06:08:45-07:00 Fabry disease is a heritable lipid disorder caused by the low activity of α-galactosidase A and characterized by the systemic accumulation of globotriaosylceramide (Gb3). Recent studies have reported a structural heterogeneity of Gb3 in Fabry disease, including Gb3 isoforms with different fatty acids and Gb3 analogs with modifications on the sphingosine moiety. However, Gb3 assays are often performed only on the selected Gb3 isoforms. To precisely determine the total Gb3 concentration, here we established two methods for determining both Gb3 isoforms and analogs. One was the deacylation method, involving Gb3 treatment with sphingolipid ceramide N-deacylase, followed by an assay of the deacylated products, globotriaosylsphingosine (lyso-Gb3) and its analogs, by ultra-performance LC coupled to tandem MS (UPLC-MS/MS). The other method was a direct assay established in the present study for 37 Gb3 isoforms and analogs/isoforms by UPLC-MS/MS. Gb3s from the organs of symptomatic animals of a Fabry disease mouse model were mainly Gb3 isoforms and two Gb3 analogs, such as Gb3(+18) containing the lyso-Gb3(+18) moiety and Gb3(−2) containing the lyso-Gb3(−2) moiety. The total concentrations and Gb3 analog distributions determined by the two methods were comparable. Gb3(+18) levels were high in the kidneys (24% of total Gb3) and the liver (13%), and we observed Gb3(−2) in the heart (10%) and the kidneys (5%). These results indicate organ-specific expression of Gb3 analogs, insights that may lead to a deeper understanding of the pathophysiology of Fabry disease. Full Article
era MtrP, a putative methyltransferase in Corynebacteria, is required for optimal membrane transport of trehalose mycolates [Lipids] By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-05-01T00:06:09-07:00 Pathogenic bacteria of the genera Mycobacterium and Corynebacterium cause severe human diseases such as tuberculosis (Mycobacterium tuberculosis) and diphtheria (Corynebacterium diphtheriae). The cells of these species are surrounded by protective cell walls rich in long-chain mycolic acids. These fatty acids are conjugated to the disaccharide trehalose on the cytoplasmic side of the bacterial cell membrane. They are then transported across the membrane to the periplasm where they act as donors for other reactions. We have previously shown that transient acetylation of the glycolipid trehalose monohydroxycorynomycolate (hTMCM) enables its efficient transport to the periplasm in Corynebacterium glutamicum and that acetylation is mediated by the membrane protein TmaT. Here, we show that a putative methyltransferase, encoded at the same genetic locus as TmaT, is also required for optimal hTMCM transport. Deletion of the C. glutamicum gene NCgl2764 (Rv0224c in M. tuberculosis) abolished acetyltrehalose monocorynomycolate (AcTMCM) synthesis, leading to accumulation of hTMCM in the inner membrane and delaying its conversion to trehalose dihydroxycorynomycolate (h2TDCM). Complementation with NCgl2764 normalized turnover of hTMCM to h2TDCM. In contrast, complementation with NCgl2764 derivatives mutated at residues essential for methyltransferase activity failed to rectify the defect, suggesting that NCgl2764/Rv0224c encodes a methyltransferase, designated here as MtrP. Comprehensive analyses of the individual mtrP and tmaT mutants and of a double mutant revealed strikingly similar changes across several lipid classes compared with WT bacteria. These findings indicate that both MtrP and TmaT have nonredundant roles in regulating AcTMCM synthesis, revealing additional complexity in the regulation of trehalose mycolate transport in the Corynebacterineae. Full Article
era Integrative Metabolic Pathway Analysis Reveals Novel Therapeutic Targets in Osteoarthritis By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-04-01 Beatriz RochaApr 1, 2020; 19:574-588Research Full Article
era Peptide-based interaction proteomics By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-04-28 Katrina MeyerApr 28, 2020; 0:R120.002034v1-mcp.R120.002034Review Full Article
era Modulation of natural HLA-B*27:05 ligandome by ankylosing spondylitis-associated endoplasmic reticulum aminopeptidase 2 (ERAP2) By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-04-07 Elena LorenteApr 7, 2020; 0:RA120.002014v1-mcp.RA120.002014Research Full Article
era Identification of an Unconventional Subpeptidome Bound to the Behcet's Disease-associated HLA-B*51:01 that is Regulated by Endoplasmic Reticulum Aminopeptidase 1 (ERAP1) By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-05-01 Liye ChenMay 1, 2020; 19:871-883Research Full Article
era Immediate adaptation analysis implicates BCL6 as an EGFR-TKI combination therapy target in NSCLC By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-03-31 Yan Zhou TranMar 31, 2020; 0:RA120.002036v1-mcp.RA120.002036Research Full Article
era A cross-linking mass spectrometry approach defines protein interactions in yeast mitochondria By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-04-24 Andreas LindenApr 24, 2020; 0:RA120.002028v1-mcp.RA120.002028Research Full Article
era Improving Identification of In-organello Protein-Protein Interactions Using an Affinity-enrichable, Isotopically Coded, and Mass Spectrometry-cleavable Chemical Crosslinker By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-04-01 Karl A. T. MakepeaceApr 1, 2020; 19:624-639Research Full Article
era A Compact Quadrupole-Orbitrap Mass Spectrometer with FAIMS Interface Improves Proteome Coverage in Short LC Gradients By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: 2020-04-01 Dorte B. Bekker-JensenApr 1, 2020; 19:716-729Technological Innovation and Resources Full Article
era The Implications of Drone Proliferation in Europe By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Wed, 01 May 2019 10:55:01 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 20 May 2019 - 9:30am to 21 May 2019 - 12:30pm Chatham House, London Several countries in Europe are currently developing, increasing or arming their drone capabilities. This increase in drone capability is taking place through procurement by individual states, bilateral projects – such as the French-German Future Combat Air Systems – and multinational efforts that include the development of the Eurodrone – a project by Germany, France, Italy and Spain – and the nEUROn which involves France, Greece, Italy, Spain, Sweden and Switzerland. In addition, the EU has recently approved the European Defence Fund which, along with funds for joint development of defence equipment and technology and for defence research, also includes direct funding to support the development of the Eurodrone. Other recent developments include the UK obtaining the MQ−9B SkyGuardian – an updated variant of the MQ-9 Reaper – and Germany signing a leasing agreement for the Israeli-made Heron TP. Also, in March 2019, the US State Department approved the sale of the MQ-9B SkyGuardian to Belgium and announced the provision of MQ-9 Reaper drones to the Netherlands. While the UK and France are the only countries in Europe so far to possess armed drones, Italy is on track to acquire armed drones in the near future. However, out of the European countries currently seeking to obtain unarmed drones – including Spain, Poland and Greece – only Switzerland has so far ruled out weaponizing its drones in the future. This Chatham House workshop will examine key issues pertaining to drone proliferation in Europe including: The risks and challenges of the increasing number and arming of drones. The risks for countries of not doing so in terms of geostrategic interests and the future battlefield.Opportunities for developing common standards on drone transfers and deployment across EU member states.Sharing and cooperation on drone use.What legal and policy implications might arise for European states as a result.With Brexit on the horizon, participants will also consider what impact this may have on future drone developments in Europe.Attendance at this event is by invitation only. Nilza Amaral Project Manager, International Security Programme Email Department/project International Security Programme, Policy Implications of Armed Drone Use Full Article
era The Destabilizing Danger of Cyberattacks on Missile Systems By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 02 Jul 2019 08:40:06 +0000 2 July 2019 Dr Patricia Lewis Research Director, Conflict, Science & Transformation; Director, International Security Programme @PatriciaMary Dr Beyza Unal Senior Research Fellow, International Security Programme @beyzaunal Google Scholar ‘Left-of-launch’ attacks that aim to disable enemy missile systems may increase the chance of them being used, not least because the systems are so vulnerable. 2019-07-02-NKMissile.jpg This undated photo released by North Korea's news agency in March 2017 shows the launch of four ballistic missiles during a military drill at an undisclosed location in North Korea. Photo: STR/AFP/Getty Images. After President Trump decided to halt a missile attack on Iran in response to the downing of a US drone, it was revealed that the US had conducted cyberattacks on Iranian weapons systems to prevent Iran launching missiles against US assets in the region.This ‘left-of-launch’ strategy – the pre-emptive action to prevent an adversary launch missiles – has been part of the US missile defence strategy for some time now. President George W Bush asked the US military and intelligence community to infiltrate the supply chain of North Korean missiles. It was claimed that the US hacked the North Korean ballistic missile programme, causing a failed ballistic missile test, in 2012.It was not clear then – or now – whether these ‘left-of-launch’ cyberattacks aimed at North Korea were successful as described or whether they were primarily a bluff. But that is somewhat irrelevant; the belief in the possibility and the understanding of the potential impact of such cyber capabilities undermines North Korean or Iranian confidence in their abilities to launch their missiles. In times of conflict, loss of confidence in weapons systems may lead to escalation.In other words, the adversary may be left with no option but to take the chance to use these missiles or to lose them in a conflict setting. ‘Left of launch’ is a dangerous game. If it is based on a bluff, it could be called upon and lead to deterrence failure. If it is based on real action, then it could create an asymmetrical power struggle. If the attacker establishes false confidence in the power of a cyber weapon, then it might lead to false signalling and messaging.This is the new normal. The cat-and-mouse game has to be taken seriously, not least because missile systems are so vulnerable.There are several ways an offensive cyber operation against missile systems might work. These include exploiting missile designs, altering software or hardware, or creating clandestine pathways to the missile command and control systems.They can also be attacked in space, targeting space assets and their link to strategic systems.Most missile systems rely, at least in part, on digital information that comes from or via space-based or space-dependent assets such as: communication satellites; satellites that provide position, navigation and timing (PNT) information (for example GPS or Galileo); weather satellites to help predict flight paths, accurate targeting and launch conditions; and remote imagery satellites to assist with information and intelligence for the planning and targeting.Missile launches themselves depend on 1) the command and control systems of the missiles, 2) the way in which information is transmitted to the missile launch facilities and 3) the way in which information is transmitted to the missiles themselves in flight. All these aspects rely on space technology.In addition, the ground stations that transmit and receive data to and from satellites are also vulnerable to cyberattack – either through their known and unknown internet connectivity or through malicious use of flash drives that contain a deliberate cyber infection.Non-space-based communications systems that use cable and ground-to-air-to-ground masts are likewise under threat from cyberattacks that find their way in via internet connectivity, proximity interference or memory sticks. Human error in introducing connectivity via phones, laptops and external drives, and in clicking on malicious links in sophisticated phishing lures, is common in facilitating inadvertent connectivity and malware infection.All of these can create a military capacity able to interfere with missile launches. Malware might have been sitting on the missile command and control system for months or even years, remaining inactivated until a chosen time or by a trigger that sets in motion a disruption either to the launch or to the flight path of the missile. The country that launches the missile that either fails to launch or fails to reach the target may never know if this was the result of a design flaw, a common malfunction or a deliberate cyberattack.States with these capabilities must exercise caution: cyber offence manoeuvres may prevent the launch of missile attacks against US assets in the Middle East or in the Pacific regions, but they may also interfere with US missile launches in the future. Even, as has recently been revealed, US cyber weapons targeting an adversary may blow back and inadvertently infect US systems. Nobody is invulnerable. Full Article
era The Future of EU–US Cooperation in Space Traffic Management and Space Situational Awareness By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Mon, 19 Aug 2019 10:09:54 +0000 29 August 2019 As more space activities develop, there is an increasing requirement for comprehensive space situational awareness (SSA). This paper provides an overview of the current landscape in SSA and space traffic management as well as possible scenarios for EU–US cooperation in this area. Read online Download PDF Alexandra Stickings Research Fellow for Space Policy and Security, RUSI 2019-08-19-SpaceTrafficManagement.jpg Deployment of the NanoRacks-Remove Debris Satellite from the International Space Station. Photo: Getty Images. SummarySpace situational awareness (SSA) and space traffic management (STM) are essential for sustainable near-Earth orbit. International cooperation in SSA and STM is vital with the growing number of satellite operators and the increasingly complex space environment.The various definitions of SSA and STM are ambiguous. Understanding the activities that fall under each term can better assist in finding areas for cooperation and collaboration.SSA has historically been a military activity, leading to an incomplete public catalogue of its use and barriers to sharing information with other states and the commercial sector. The rise in private space actors has increased the number of commercial STM providers and, with plans in the US to move responsibility for STM to civilian control, there will likely be more opportunities for international collaboration, particularly through the EU Space Surveillance and Tracking (SST) programme.Individual EU member states possess developed STM capabilities, but overall these are still some way behind those of allies such as the US. Further investment in STM infrastructure and programmes is required for the EU and individual European states to be an essential partner to the US and add value to the global effort.There are worldwide challenges, both political and technical, to providing STM coverage, which may lead to a lack of collaboration and gaps in understanding of activities in orbit. Existing sensors have limitations in terms of the size of objects that can be detected and the precision with which their movements can be predicted. These capability gaps represent opportunities for the EU to contribute.The EU can build on its tradition of support for openness and civil society by creating a system that fosters an environment of cooperation and collaboration involving industry, commercial STM providers and the wider international community.Although collaboration in STM is vital, the EU should also aim to tackle issues within the wider definition of SSA including space weather, intelligence and the security of ground stations.The EU is well placed to become a global leader in SSA and STM. However, it needs to take into consideration the current political and technical landscape when making decisions regarding investment in capabilities and the pursuit of international partnerships. Department/project International Security Programme, Cyber and Space Full Article
era Examining Measures to Mitigate Cyber Vulnerabilities of Space-based Strategic Assets By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 03 Sep 2019 08:45:02 +0000 Invitation Only Research Event 30 October 2019 - 9:30am to 4:00pm Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE Event participants Beyza Unal, Senior Research Fellow, International Security Department, Chatham HousePatricia Lewis, Research Director, International Security Department, Chatham House Strategic systems that depend on space-based assets, such as command, control and communication, early warning systems, weapons systems and weapons platforms, are essential for conducting successful NATO operations and missions. Given the increasing dependency on such systems, the alliance and key member states would therefore benefit from an in-depth analysis of possible mitigation and resilience measures.This workshop is part of the International Security Department’s (ISD) project on space security and the vulnerability of strategic assets to cyberattacks, which includes a recently published report. This project aims to create resilience in NATO and key NATO member states, building the capacity of key policymakers and stakeholders to respond with effective policies and procedures. This workshop will focus on measures to mitigate the cyber vulnerabilities of NATO’s space-dependent strategic assets. Moreover, participants will discuss the type of resilience measures and mechanisms required.Attendance at this event is by invitation only. Department/project International Security Programme Calum Inverarity Research Analyst and Coordinator, International Security Department +44 (0) 207 957 5751 Email Full Article
Calum Inverarity Research Analyst and Coordinator, International Security Department +44 (0) 207 957 5751 Email
era EU–US Cooperation on Tackling Disinformation By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 17 Sep 2019 15:23:58 +0000 3 October 2019 Disinformation, as the latest iteration of propaganda suitable for a digitally interconnected world, shows no signs of abating. This paper provides a holistic overview of the current state of play and outlines how EU and US cooperation can mitigate disinformation in the future. Read online Download PDF Sophia Ignatidou Academy Associate, International Security Programme @SophiaIgnatidou LinkedIn 2019-09-19-FakeNews.jpg A congressional staff member displays print outs of social media posts during a hearing before the House Select Intelligence Committee 1 November 2017 in Washington, DC. Photo: Getty Images. EU and US cooperation on tackling disinformation needs to be grounded in an international human rights framework in order to bridge the differences of both parties and include other countries facing this challenge.The disinformation debate needs to be reformulated to cover systemic issues rather than merely technical or security concerns. A lag in regulatory development has led to systemic vulnerabilities. In this context, policymakers need to push for more evidence-based analysis, which is only attainable if technology companies engage in honest debate and allow meaningful access to data – as determined by government appointed researchers rather than the companies themselves – taking into account and respecting users’ privacy.Data governance needs to be the focus of attempts to tackle disinformation. Data’s implications for information, market and power asymmetries, feed into and exacerbate the problem.Policymakers should focus on regulating the distribution of online content rather than the subject matter itself, which may have implications for freedom of speech.Disinformation is mainly the result of inefficient gatekeeping of highly extractive digital companies. The old gatekeepers, journalists and their respective regulators, need to be actively engaged in devising the new regulatory framework.Legacy media need to urgently consider the issue of ‘strategic silence’ and avoid being co-opted by political actors aiming to manipulate the accelerated, reactive news cycle by engaging in divisive ‘clickbait’ rhetoric verging on disinformation and propaganda. When strategic silence is not an option, contextual analysis is fundamental. The EU delegation should assist the coordination of EU–US efforts to tackle disinformation by drawing on the work and expertise at the G7 Rapid Response Mechanism (RRM), the Transatlantic Commission on Election Integrity (TCEI), the European Centre of Excellence for Countering Hybrid Threats (Hybrid CoE), the High-level Panel on Digital Cooperation, and work with the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) to foster a long-term interdisciplinary forum to harness technological innovation to protect and support democracy from threats such as disinformation.The EU and US must avoid rushed regulation that may condone enhanced surveillance or vilify journalism that scrutinizes those in power in the name of security. Department/project International Security Programme, Internet Governance Full Article
era Synergy in North Africa: Furthering Cooperation By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Mon, 20 Jan 2020 15:57:54 +0000 21 January 2020 Discussions of North African integration have evoked ideas of a shared identity and a common destiny in the region. However, recent attempts to build regional blocs in North Africa have been unsuccessful. This paper examines the benefits of a ‘synergistic’ approach to North African cooperation. Read online Download PDF in English Download PDF in Arabic Dr Mohammed Masbah Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme @MasbahMohammed LinkedIn Google Scholar Mohamed El Dahshan Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme @eldahshan LinkedIn Google Scholar 2020-01-21-Market.jpg A Tunisian vendor poses as he sells white truffles at a market in the town of Ben Guerdane, 40km west of the Libyan border, in February 2016. Photo: Getty Images. SummaryNorth African integration is not a new idea. However, countries in the region have so far struggled to form a cohesive bloc with deep political, economic and social ties. Political instability has effectively deprioritized North African integration. A focus on thematic (political, economic and security) ‘synergies’ may provide a better framework for cooperation than seeking opportunities for all-encompassing ‘deep’ and ‘comprehensive’ integration.Governments of North Africa dedicate considerable resources to domestic security. Much of their efforts are conducted at the national-level and directed towards threats from terrorists, insurgents and militias. Improved security cooperation would achieve better outcomes and economies of scale, including efforts to tackle human trafficking.A new generation of jihadis has emerged in North Africa since 2011. Nearly 27 per cent of the 30,000 fighters who travelled to Syria are from the Maghreb. While government counterterrorism operations have been effective, countries have failed to address the root causes of radicalization.Border economies have suffered as a consequence of a security focus on terrorism and smuggling, which has rendered many previously accepted cross-border trade activities illegal. States have struggled to provide alternative livelihoods for those who have lost this source of income. Border forces tend to lack the right combination of capacity, training and equipment to secure borders and often resort to heavy-handed tactics.New thinking is required to develop a more human-centric and proactive approach to migration issues in the region, which continues to witness huge flows of migrants. The migration policy of Morocco, introduced through legislation in 2014, could be a model for North Africa.The countries of North Africa have varying economic profiles, ranging from economically diverse Morocco to oil-and-gas-dependant Libya. However, they all face similar challenges including unemployment (particularly among the young), poor public-service delivery, low FDI levels, an oversized public sector, ineffective tax collection, and high informality.Fostering entrepreneurship and the development of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) are priorities for North African countries, particularly regarding job creation. Regulatory cooperation – such as harmonizing SME definitions, legislation and support institutions – across North Africa is an obvious area where further integration would encourage the development of start-ups and small businesses.With the advent of the fourth industrial revolution, North African governments must address their technological gaps and work to improve public–private cooperation. In some sectors, such as the fintech industry, North African countries can build upon nascent synergies that have developed organically, such as those of start-up incubators and angel investors that work across the region.Renewables, particularly solar energy production, are a promising development for North Africa. While regional initiatives, such as Desertec, have stalled due to political differences between countries, the sector has witnessed exponential growth in Tunisia, Egypt and Morocco, where the involvement of the private sector has proved successful. Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme, North Africa Dialogues Full Article
era Webinar: Federalism in a Fragmented State: Rethinking Decentralization in Yemen By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 07 Apr 2020 11:40:01 +0000 Research Event 15 April 2020 - 1:00pm to 2:00pm Event participants Osamah Al Rawhani, Deputy Director, Sana’a Center for Strategic StudiesModerator: Nadim Houry, Executive Director, Arab Reform Initiative Yemen suffered from the excessive control of the central government prior to the current conflict. Federalism has been put forward by many Yemeni political parties since the National Dialogue Conference (NDC) as the supposed magic cure for this significant problem. Today, Yemen is more fragmented than ever, its state central institutions have been scattered and lack leadership and the state has lost most of its sovereignty. The prevailing narrative that decentralization through federalism is Yemen’s inevitable path post-conflict often fails to acknowledge that there are prerequisites for effective local governance, beyond political will. In a recent article, Osamah Al Rawhani addressed how the weakness of central state institutions is the key challenge to proceeding with federalism in Yemen and highlighted prerequisites and contextual factors that need to be addressed before reforming the structure of the state. He argued that the viability of decentralization relies on the presence of a functioning, representative central government that is capable of devolving power but also able to keep the state from further fragmentation. In this webinar, part of the Chatham House project on The Future of the State in the Middle East and North Africa, the article’s author will discuss recent developments in Yemen, where shifting frontlines and regional divisions are fragmenting the country in new ways. The speaker will explore alternative approaches to pursue the path of federalism that recognize the current realities and the critical need for strong central institutions. He will also survey the internal and external factors that must be considered to rebuild a stable state in Yemen.You can express your interest in attending by following this link. You will receive a Zoom confirmation email should your registration be successful. Alternatively, you can watch the event live on the MENA Programme Facebook page. Department/project Middle East and North Africa Programme, The Future of the State in the Middle East Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email Full Article
Reni Zhelyazkova Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme +44 (0)20 7314 3624 Email
era COVID 19: Assessing Vulnerabilities and Impacts on Iraq By feedproxy.google.com Published On :: Tue, 07 Apr 2020 14:33:01 +0000 7 April 2020 Dr Renad Mansour Senior Research Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme; Project Director, Iraq Initiative @renadmansour Dr Mac Skelton Director, Institute of Regional and International Studies (IRIS), American University of Iraq, Sulaimani; Visiting Fellow, Middle East Centre, London School of Economics Dr Abdulameer Mohsin Hussein President of the Iraq Medical Association Following 17 years of conflict and fragile state-society relations, the war-torn country is particularly vulnerable to the pandemic. 2020-04-07-Iraq-COVID-spray Disinfecting shops in Baghdad's Bayaa neighbourhood as a preventive measure against the spread of COVID-19. Photo by AHMAD AL-RUBAYE/AFP via Getty Images. Iraq is a country already in turmoil, suffering fallout from the major military escalation between the US and Iran, mass protests calling for an end to the post-2003 political system, and a violent government crackdown killing more than 600 and wounding almost 30,000 - all presided over by a fragmented political elite unable to agree upon a new prime minister following Adil abd al-Mehdi’s resignation back in November.COVID-19 introduces yet another threat to the fragile political order, as the virus exposes Iraq’s ineffective public health system dismantled through decades of conflict, corruption and poor governance.Iraqi doctors are making every effort to prepare for the worst-case scenario, but they do so with huge structural challenges. The Ministry of Health lacks enough ICU beds, human resources, ventilators, and personal protective equipment (PPE). Bogged down in bureaucracy, the ministry is struggling to process procurements of equipment and medications, and some doctors have made purchases themselves.But individual efforts can only go so far as many Iraqi doctors are concerned the official numbers of confirmed COVID-19 cases do not reflect the complexity of the situation on the ground.The ministry relies predominately upon patients self-presenting at designated public hospitals and has only just begun community-based testing in areas of suspected clusters. Reliance on self-presentation requires a level of trust between citizens and state institutions, which is at a historic low. This gap in trust – 17 years in the making – puts Iraq’s COVID-19 response particularly at risk.Iraq’s myriad vulnerabilitiesCertain social and political factors leave Iraq uniquely exposed to the coronavirus. The country’s vulnerability is tied directly to its social, religious and economic interconnections with Iran, an epicenter of the pandemic.Exchanges between Iran and Iraq are concentrated in two regions, with strong cross-border links between Iraqi and Iranian Kurds in the north-east, and Iraqi and Iranian Shia pilgrims in the south. Cross-border circulation of religious pilgrims is particularly concerning, as they can result in mass ritual gatherings.The high number of confirmed cases in the southern and northern peripheries of the country puts a spotlight on Iraq's failure in managing healthcare. The post-2003 government has failed to either rebuild a robust centralized healthcare system, or to pave the way for a federalized model.Caught in an ambiguous middle between a centralized and federalized model, coordination across provinces and hospitals during the coronavirus crisis has neither reflected strong management from Baghdad nor robust ownership at the governorate level.This problem is part of a wider challenge of managing centre-periphery relations and federalism, which since 2003 has not worked effectively. Baghdad has provided all 18 provinces with instructions on testing and treatment, but only a handful have enough resources to put them into practice. Advanced testing capacity is limited to the five provinces with WHO-approved centers, with the remaining 13 sending swabs to Baghdad.But the greatest challenge to Iraq’s COVID-19 response is the dramatic deterioration of state-society relations. Studies reveal a profound societal distrust of Iraq’s public healthcare institutions, due to corruption and militarization of medical institutions. Numerous videos have recently circulated of families refusing to turn over sick members - particularly women - to medical teams visiting households with confirmed or suspected cases.As medical anthropologist Omar Dewachi notes, the ‘moral economy of quarantine’ in Iraq is heavily shaped by a history of war and its impact on the relationship between people and the state. Although local and international media often interpret this reluctance to undergo quarantine as a matter of social or tribal norms, distrusting the state leads many families to refuse quarantine because they believe it resembles a form of arrest.The management of coronavirus relies upon an overt convergence between medical institutions and security forces as the federal police collaborate with the Ministry of Health to impose curfews and enforce quarantine. This means that, troublingly, the same security establishment which violently cracked down on protesters and civil society activists is now the teeth behind Iraq’s COVID-19 response.Without trust between society and the political class, civil society organizations and protest movements have directed their organizational structure towards awareness-raising across Iraq. Key religious authorities such as Grand Ayatollah Sistani have called for compliance to the curfew and mobilized charitable institutions.However, such efforts will not be enough to make up for the lack of governance at the level of the state. In the short-term, Iraq’s medical professionals and institutions are in dire need of technical and financial support. In the long-term, COVID-19 is a lesson that Iraq’s once robust public healthcare system needs serious investment and reform.COVID-19 may prove to be another catalyst challenging the ‘muddle through’ logic of the Iraqi political elite. International actors have largely been complicit in this logic, directing aid and technical support towards security forces and political allies in the interest of short-term stability, and neglecting institutions which Iraqis rely on for health, education, and well-being.The response to the crisis requires cooperation and buy-in of a population neglected by 17 years of failed governance. This is a seminal event that may push the country to the brink, exposing and stirring underlying tensions in state-society relations.This analysis was produced as part of the Iraq Initiative. Full Article
era PARP-1-targeted Auger emitters display high-LET cytotoxic properties in vitro but show limited therapeutic utility in solid tumor models of human neuroblastoma By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-11-01T13:36:37-07:00 The currently available therapeutic radiopharmaceutical for high-risk neuroblastoma, 131I-MIBG, is ineffective at targeting micrometastases due to the low linear energy transfer (LET) properties of high-energy beta particles. In contrast, Auger radiation has high-LET properties with nanometer ranges in tissue, efficiently causing DNA damage when emitted in close proximity to DNA. The aim of this study was to evaluate the cytotoxicity of targeted Auger therapy in pre-clinical models of high-risk neuroblastoma. Methods: Using a radiolabeled poly(ADP-ribose) polymerase (PARP) inhibitor, 125I-KX1, we delivered an Auger emitter iodine-125 to PARP-1: a chromatin-binding enzyme overexpressed in neuroblastoma. In vitro cytotoxicity of 125I-KX1 was assessed in nineteen neuroblastoma cell lines, followed by in-depth pharmacological analysis in a sensitive and resistant pair of cell lines. Immunofluorescence microscopy was used to characterize 125I-KX1-induced DNA damage. Finally, in vitro/in vivo microdosimetry was modeled from experimentally derived pharmacological variables. Results: 125I-KX1 was highly cytotoxic in vitro across a panel of neuroblastoma cell lines, directly causing double strand DNA breaks. Based on subcellular dosimetry, 125I-KX1 was approximately twice as effective compared to 131I-KX1, whereas cytoplasmic 125I-MIBG demonstrated low biological effectiveness. Despite the ability to deliver focused radiation dose to the cell nuclei, 125I-KX1 remained less effective than its alpha-emitting analog 211At-MM4, and required significantly higher activity for equivalent in vivo efficacy based on tumor microdosimetry. Conclusion: Chromatin-targeted Auger therapy is lethal to high-risk neuroblastoma cells with potential use in micrometastatic disease. This study provides the first evidence for cellular lethality from a PARP-1 targeted Auger emitter, calling for further investigation into targeted Auger therapy. Full Article
era 18F-DCFPyL PET/CT Imaging in Patients with Biochemical Recurrence Prostate Cancer after Primary Local Therapy By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-11-01T13:36:37-07:00 Objective: To investigate the lesion detection rate of 18F-DCFPyL-PET/CT, a prostate-specific membrane antigen (PSMA) targeted PET agent, in biochemical relapse prostate cancer patients after primary local therapy. Methods: This is a prospective institutional review board-approved study of 90 patients with documented biochemical recurrence (median PSA 2.5 ng/mL, range 0.21-35.5 ng/mL) with negative conventional imaging after primary local therapies, including radical prostatectomy (n = 38), radiation (n = 27) or combination (n = 25). Patients on androgen deprivation therapy were excluded. Patients underwent whole-body 18F-DCFPyL-PET/CT (299.9±15.5 MBq) at 2 h p.i. PSMA-PET lesion detection rate was correlated with PSA, PSA kinetics and original primary tumor grade. Results: Seventy patients (77.8%) showed a positive PSMA-PET scan, identifying a total of 287 lesions: 37 prostate bed foci, 208 lymph nodes, and 42 bone/organ distant sites; 11 patients had a negative scan and 9 patients showed indeterminate lesions, which were considered negative in this study. The detection rates were 47.6% (n = 10/21), 50% (n = 5/10), 88.9% (n = 8/9), and 94% (n = 47/50) for PSA >0.2 to <0.5, 0.5 to <1.0, 1 to <2.0, and ≥2.0 ng/mL, respectively. In post-surgical patients, PSA, PSAdt and PSAvel correlated with PET results but the same was not true for post-radiation patients. These parameters also correlated with the extent of disease on PET (intrapelvic vs. extrapelvic). There was no significant difference between the rate of positive scans in patients with higher grade vs lower grade primary tumors (Gleason score ≥4+3 vs <3+4). Tumor recurrence was histology confirmed in 40% (28/70) of patients. On a per-patient basis, positive predictive value was 93.3% (95% CI, 77.6-99.2%) by histopathologic validation, and 96.2% (95% CI, 86.3-99.7%) by the combination of histology and imaging/clinical follow-up. Conclusion: 18F-DCFPyL-PET/CT imaging offers high detection rates in biochemically recurrent prostate cancer patients; and is positive in about 50% of patients with PSA <0.5 ng/mL, which could substantially impact clinical management. In post-surgical patients, 18F-DCFPyL-PET/CT correlates with PSA, PSAdt and PSAvel suggesting it may have prognostic value. 18F-DCFPyL-PET/CT is highly promising for localizing sites of recurrent prostate cancer. Full Article
era Can fluorescence-guided surgery help identify all lesions in unknown locations or is the integrated use of a roadmap created by preoperative imaging mandatory? A blinded study in prostate cancer patients. By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-11-11T12:55:20-08:00 Rationale: Lymphatic tracers can help visualize the lymphatic drainage patterns and sentinel nodes of individual prostate cancer patients. To determine the role of nuclear medicine, in particular the positional guidance of a SPECT/CT-based 3D imaging roadmap, in this process we studied to which extend fluorescence-guidance underestimated the number of target lesions. Methods: SPECT/CT imaging was performed after intraprostatic tracer administration of either ICG-99mTc-nanocolloid (hybrid tracer group) or 99mTc-nanocolloid to create a roadmap that depicted all sentinel nodes (SNs). Patients who received 99mTc-nanocolloid were injected with "free" ICG immediately prior to surgery ("free" ICG group). Before unblinding, fluorescence-guidance was used for intraoperative SN identification. This was followed by extended pelvic lymph node dissection (ePLND). Following unblinding of the SPECT/CT images, the number of missed SN’s were recorded and their resection was pursued when the anatomy allowed. Results: Preoperative SPECT/CT revealed no differences in the SN identification rate between ICG-99mTc-nanocolloid and 99mTc-nanocolloid. However, fluorescence-guidance only allowed intraoperative removal of all SNs in 40% of patients in the hybrid tracer group and in 20% of patients in the "free" ICG group. Overall, 75.9% of the intraoperatively resected SNs in the hybrid tracer group and 51.8% of the SNs in the "free" ICG group were removed solely under fluorescence-guidance. During ePLND 22 additional SNs were resected (7 in the hybrid tracer group and 15 in the "free" ICG group). After unblinding 18 remaining SNs were identified (6 in the hybrid group and 12 in the "free" ICG group). In the "free" ICG group, ex vivo evaluation of the excised specimens revealed that 14 SNs removed under ePLND or after unblinding contained radioactivity but no fluorescence. Conclusion: The preoperative imaging roadmap provided by SPECT/CT enhanced the detection of prostate SNs in more ectopic locations in 17 of the 25 patients and the hybrid tracer ICG-99mTc-nanocolloid was shown to outperform "free" ICG. Overall, fluorescence-guided pelvic nodal surgery underestimated the number of SNs in 60-80% of patients. Full Article
era SUV25 and {micro}PERCIST: Precision Imaging of Response to Therapy in Co-Clinical FDG-PET Imaging of Triple Negative Breast Cancer (TNBC) Patient-Derived Tumor Xenografts (PDX) By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-11-22T10:43:33-08:00 Numerous recent works highlight the limited utility of established tumor cell lines in recapitulating the heterogeneity of tumors in patients. More realistic preclinical cancer models are thought to be provided by transplantable, patient-derived tumor xenografts (PDX). Inter- and intra-tumor heterogeneity of PDX, however, present several challenges in developing optimal quantitative pipelines to assess response to therapy. The objective of this work was to develop and optimize image metrics of FDG-PET to assess response to combination docetaxel/carboplatin therapy in a co-clinical trial involving triple negative breast cancer (TNBC) PDX. We characterize the reproducibility of SUV metrics to assess response to therapy and optimize a preclinical PERCIST (µPERCIST) paradigm to complement clinical standards. Considerations in this effort included variability in tumor growth rate and tumor size; solid tumor vs. tumor heterogeneity and necrotic phenotype; and optimal selection of tumor slice versus whole tumor. A test-retest protocol was implemented to optimize the reproducibility of FDG-PET SUV thresholds, SUVpeak metrics, and µPERCIST parameters. In assessing response to therapy, FDG-PET imaging was performed at baseline and +4 days following therapy. The reproducibility, accuracy, variability, and performance of imaging metrics to assess response to therapy were determined. We defined an index—"Quantitative Response Assessment Score (QRAS)"—to integrate parameters of prediction and precision, and thus aid in selecting optimal image metrics of response to therapy. Our data suggests that a threshold value of 25% (SUV25) of SUVmax was highly reproducible (<9% variability). Concordance and reproducibility of µPERCIST were maximized at α=0.7 and β=2.8 and exhibited high correlation to SUV25 measures of tumor uptake. QRAS scores favor SUV25 followed by SUVP14 as optimal metrics of response to therapy. Additional studies are warranted to fully characterize the utility of SUV25 and µPERCIST SUVP14 as image metrics of response to therapy across a wide range of therapeutic regiments and PDX models. Full Article
era Long term follow-up and outcomes of re-treatment in an expanded 50 patient single-center phase II prospective trial of Lutetium-177 (177Lu) PSMA-617 theranostics in metastatic castrate-resistant prostate cancer By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-11-22T10:43:33-08:00 Objectives: Lutetium-177 (177Lu)-PSMA-617 (LuPSMA) is a radioligand with high affinity for prostate specific membrane antigen (PSMA) enabling targeted beta-irradiation of prostate cancer. We have previously reported favorable activity with low toxicity in a prospective phase II trial involving 30 men with metastatic castrate-resistant prostate cancer (mCRPC). We now report their longer-term outcomes including a 20 patient extension cohort and outcomes of subsequent systemic treatments following completion of trial therapy. Methods: 50 patients with PSMA-avid mCRPC who had progressed after standard therapies received up to 4 cycles of LuPSMA every 6 weeks. Endpoints included PSA response (PCWG2), toxicity (CTCAE v4.03), imaging response, patient-reported health-related quality of life (QoL), progression-free and overall survival. We also describe, as a novel finding, outcomes of men who subsequently progressed and had further systemic therapies, including LuPSMA. Results: 75 men were screened to identify 50 patients eligible for treatment. Adverse prognostic features of the cohort included short median PSA doubling time (2.3 months) and extensive prior treatment including prior docetaxel (84%), cabazitaxel (48%), and abiraterone and/or enzalutamide (90%). The mean administered radioactivity was 7.5 GBq/cycle. PSA decline ≥ 50% was achieved in 32 of 50 patients (64%, 95% CI 50-77%), including 22 patients (44%, 95% CI 30-59%) with ≥ 80% decrease. Of 27 patients with measurable soft tissue disease, 15 (56%) achieved an objective response by RECIST 1.1. The most common toxicities attributed to LuPSMA were self-limiting G1-2 dry mouth (66%), transient G1-2 nausea (48%), G3-4 thrombocytopenia (10%) and G3 anemia (10%). Brief pain inventory severity and interference scores decreased at all time points including at the 3 month follow-up with a decrease of -1.2 (95% CI -0.5 to -1.9, P = 0.001) and 1.0 (95% CI -0.2 to -0.18, P = 0.013), respectively. At a median follow-up of 31.4 months, median OS was 13.3 months (95% CI 10.5-18.7) with a significantly longer survival of 18.4 months (95% CI 13.8-23.8) in patients achieving a PSA decline ≥ 50%. At progression following prior response, further LuPSMA was administered to 15 (30%) patients (median 2 cycles commencing 359 days from enrolment) with PSA decline ≥ 50% in 11 patients (73%). 4 of 21 patients (19%) receiving other systemic therapies upon progression experienced PSA decline ≥ 50%. There were no unexpected adverse events with LuPSMA re-treatment. Conclusion: This expanded 50 patient cohort of men with extensive prior therapy confirms our earlier report of high response rates, low toxicity and improved QoL with LuPSMA radioligand therapy. Upon progression, re-challenge LuPSMA demonstrated higher response rates than other systemic therapies. Full Article
era Pre-treatment 18F-FDG PET/CT Radiomics predict local recurrence in patients treated with stereotactic radiotherapy for early-stage non-small cell lung cancer: a multicentric study By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-12-05T10:37:41-08:00 Purpose: The aim of this retrospective multicentric study was to develop and evaluate a prognostic FDG PET/CT radiomics signature in early-stage non-small cell lung cancer (NSCLC) patients treated with stereotactic radiotherapy (SBRT). Material and Methods: Patients from 3 different centers (n = 27, 29 and 8) were pooled to constitute the training set, whereas the patients from a fourth center (n = 23) were used as the testing set. The primary endpoint was local control (LC). The primary tumour was semi-automatically delineated in the PET images using the Fuzzy locally adaptive Bayesian algorithm, and manually in the low-dose CT images. A total of 184 IBSI-compliant radiomic features were extracted. Seven clinical and treatment parameters were included. We used ComBat to harmonize radiomic features extracted from the four institutions relying on different PET/CT scanners. In the training set, variables found significant in the univariate analysis were fed into a multivariate regression model and models were built by combining independent prognostic factors. Results: Median follow-up was 21.1 (1.7 – 63.4) and 25.5 (7.7 – 57.8) months in training and testing sets respectively. In univariate analysis, none of the clinical variables, 2 PET and 2 CT features were significantly predictive of LC. The best predictive models in the training set were obtained by combining one feature from PET, namely information correlation 2 (IC2) and one from CT (Flatness), reaching a sensitivity of 100% and a specificity of 96%. Another model combining 2 PET features (IC2 and Strength), reached sensitivity of 100% and specificity of 88%, both with an undefined hazard ratio (HR) (p<0.001). The latter model obtained an accuracy of 0.91 (sensitivity 100%, specificity 81%), with a HR undefined (P = 0.023) in the testing set, however other models relying on CT radiomics features only or the combination of PET and CT features failed to validate in the testing set. Conclusion: We showed that two radiomic features derived from FDG PET were independently associated with LC in patients with NSCLC undergoing SBRT and could be combined in an accurate predictive model. This model could provide local relapse-related information and could be helpful in clinical decision-making. Full Article
era Label-free Visualization of Early Cancer Hepatic Micrometastasis and Intraoperative Image-guided Surgery by Photoacoustic Imaging By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-12-05T10:37:41-08:00 Objectives: The detection of cancer micrometastasis for early diagnosis and treatment poses a great challenge for conventional imaging techniques. The aim of study is to evaluate the performance of photoacoustic imaging (PAI) in detecting hepatic micrometastases from melanoma in a very early stage and perform tumor resection by intraoperative photoacoustic image-guidance. Methods: In vivo studies were performed by following protocols approved by the Ethical Committee for Animal Research at Xiamen University. First, a B16 melanoma hepatic metastasis mouse model (n = 10) was established to study the development of micrometastases in vivo. Next, the hepatic metastasis mice models were imaged by scalable PAI instrument, ultrasound, 9.4 T high-resolution magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), positron emission tomography/computed tomography (PET/CT), and bioluminescence imaging. Photoacoustic images acquired with optical wavelengths spanning from 680 to 850 nm were spectrally unmixed by using a linear least-squares method to differentiate various components. Differences in the signal-to-background ratios among different modalities were determined with the two-tailed paired t test. The diagnosis results were assessed with histologic examinations. Excised liver samples from patients diagnosed with hepatic cancer were also examined to identify tumor boundary. In vivo metastatic melanoma removal in surgery was precisely guided by the portable PAI system. Results: PAI achieved as small as ~400 µm hepatic melanoma detection at a depth up to 7 mm in vivo, which could early detect small melanoma compared with ultrasound and MRI in mouse models. The signal ratio of tumor-to-liver acquired with PAI in micrometastases at 8 days (4.2 ± 0.2, n = 6) and 14 days (9.2 ± 0.4, n = 5) were significantly higher than those obtained with PET/CT (1.8 ± 0.1, n = 5 and 4.5 ± 0.2, n = 5, P <0.001 for both). Functional PAI provided dynamic oxygen saturation changes during tumor growth. The limit of detection was measured to be approximately 219 cells per microliter in vitro. We successfully performed intraoperative photoacoustic image-guided surgery in vivo using the rapid portable PAI system. Conclusion: Our findings offer a rapid and effective tool to noninvasively detect micrometastases and guide intraoperative resection as a complementary clinical imaging application. Full Article
era Radiation Dosimetry in 177Lu-PSMA-617 Therapy Using a Single Post-treatment SPECT/CT: A Novel Methodology to Generate Time- and Tissue-specific Dose Factors By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-12-05T10:37:41-08:00 Calculation of radiation dosimetry in targeted nuclear medicine therapies is traditionally resource-intensive requiring multiple post-therapy SPECT acquisitions. An alternative approach is to take advantage of existing pharmacokinetic data from these smaller cohorts to enable dose computation from a single post-treatment scan in a manner that may be applied to a much broader patient population. Methods: In this work, a technical description for simplified dose estimation is presented and applied to assessment of 177Lu-PSMA-617 therapy (Prostate-Specific Membrane Antigen) for metastatic prostate cancer. By normalizing existing time-activity curves to a single measurement time, it is possible to calculate a mean and range of time-integrated activity values which relate to radiation absorbed dose. To assist with accurate pharmacokinetic modelling of the training cohort, a method for contour-guided image registration was developed. Results: Tissue-specific dose conversion factors for common post-treatment imaging times are reported along with a characterization of added uncertainty in comparison to a traditional serial imaging protocol. Single time point dose factors for tumor were determined to be 11.0, 12.1, 13.6, and 15.2 Gy per MBq/mL at image times of 24, 48, 72, and 96 hours, respectively. For normal tissues, parotid gland factors were 6.7, 9.4, 13.3, and 19.3 Gy per MBq/mL and kidneys were 7.1, 10.3, 15.0, and 22.0 Gy per MBq/mL at those times. Tumor dose estimates were most accurate using delayed scanning at times beyond 72 hours. Dose to healthy tissues is best characterized by scanning patients in the first two days of treatment owing to the larger degree of tracer clearance in this early phase. Conclusion: The work demonstrates a means for efficient dose estimation in 177Lu-PSMA-617 therapy. By providing methods to simplify and potentially automate radiation dosimetry we hope to accelerate the understanding of radiobiology and development of dose-response models in this unique therapeutic context. Full Article
era 18F-Fluorodeoxyglucose Positron Emission Tomography / Computed Tomography in Left-Ventricular Assist Device Infection: Initial Results Supporting the Usefulness of Image-Guided Therapy By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-12-05T10:37:41-08:00 Background: Accurate definition of the extent and severity of left-ventricular assist device (LVAD) infection may facilitate therapeutic decision making and targeted surgical intervention. Here, we explore the value of 18F-fluorodeoxyglucose (FDG) positron emission tomography/computed tomography (PET/CT) for guidance of patient management. Methods: Fifty-seven LVAD-carrying patients received 85 whole-body 18F-FDG PET/CT scans for the work-up of device infection. Clinical follow-up was obtained over a period of up to two years. Results: PET/CT showed various patterns of infectious involvement of the 4 LVAD components: driveline entry point (77% of cases), subcutaneous driveline path (87%), pump pocket (49%) and outflow tract (58%). Driveline smears revealed staphylococcus or pseudomonas strains as the underlying pathogen in a majority of cases (48 and 34%, respectively). At receiver-operating characteristics analysis, an 18F-FDG standardized uptake value (SUV) >2.5 was most accurate to identify smear-positive driveline infection. Infection of 3 or all 4 LVAD components showed a trend towards lower survival vs infection of 2 or less components (P = 0.089), while involvement of thoracic lymph nodes was significantly associated with adverse outcome (P = 0.001 for nodal SUV above vs below median). Finally, patients that underwent early surgical revision within 3 months after PET/CT (n = 21) required significantly less inpatient hospital care during follow-up when compared to those receiving delayed surgical revision (n = 11; p<0.05). Conclusion: Whole-body 18F-FDG PET/CT identifies the extent of LVAD infection and predicts adverse outcome. Initial experience suggests that early image-guided surgical intervention may facilitate a less complicated subsequent course. Full Article
era What You See Is Not What You Get - On the Accuracy of Voxel-Based Dosimetry in Molecular Radiotherapy By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-12-20T13:25:42-08:00 Due to improvements in quantitative SPECT/CT, voxel-based dosimetry for radionuclide therapies has aroused growing interest as it promises the visualization of absorbed doses at a voxel level. In this work, SPECT/CT-based voxel-based dosimetry of a 3D printed 2-compartment kidney phantom was performed, and the resulting absorbed dose distributions were examined. Additionally, the potential of the PETPVC partial-volume correction tool was investigated. Methods: Both kidney compartments (70% cortex, 30% medulla) were filled with different activity concentrations and SPECT/CT imaging was performed. The images were reconstructed using varying reconstruction settings (iterations, subsets, and post-filtering). Based on these activity concentration maps, absorbed dose distributions were calculated with pre-calculated 177Lu voxel S values and an empirical kidney half-life. An additional set of absorbed doses was calculated after applying PETPVC for partial-volume correction of the SPECT reconstructions. Results: SPECT/CT imaging blurs the two discrete sub-organ absorbed dose values into a continuous distribution. While this effect is slightly improved by applying more iterations, it is enhanced by additional post-filtering. By applying PETPVC, the absorbed dose values are separated into 2 peaks. Although this leads to a better agreement between SPECT/CT-based and nominal values, considerable discrepancies remain. In contrast to the calculated nominal absorbed doses of 7.8/1.6 Gy (cortex/medulla), SPECT/CT-based voxel-level dosimetry resulted in mean absorbed doses ranging from 3.0-6.6 Gy (cortex) and 2.7-5.1 Gy (medulla). PETPVC led to improved ranges of 6.1-8.9 Gy (cortex) and 2.1-5.4 Gy (medulla). Conclusion: Our study shows that 177Lu quantitative SPECT/CT imaging leads to voxel-based dose distributions largely differing from the real organ distribution. SPECT/CT imaging and reconstruction deficiencies might directly translate into unrealistic absorbed dose distributions, thus questioning the reliability of SPECT-based voxel-level dosimetry. Therefore, SPECT/CT reconstructions should be adapted to ensure an accurate quantification of the underlying activity and, therefore, absorbed dose in a volume-of-interest of the expected object size (e.g. organs, organ sub-structures, lesions or voxels). As an example, PETPVC largely improves the match between SPECT/CT-based and nominal dose distributions. In conclusion, the concept of voxel-based dosimetry should be treated with caution. Specifically, it should be kept in mind that the absorbed dose distribution is mainly a convolved version of the underlying SPECT reconstruction. Full Article
era 177Lu-NM600 targeted radionuclide therapy extends survival in syngeneic murine models of triple-negative breast cancer By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-12-20T13:25:42-08:00 Triple negative breast cancer (TNBC) remains the most aggressive subtype of breast cancer leading to the worst prognosis. Because current therapeutic approaches lack efficacy, there is a clinically unmet need for effective treatment alternatives. Herein, we demonstrate a promising strategy utilizing a tumor-targeting alkylphosphocholine (NM600) radiolabeled with 177Lu for targeted radionuclide therapy (TRT) of TNBC. In two murine syngeneic models of TNBC, we confirmed excellent tumor targeting and rapid normal tissue clearance of the PET imaging analog 86Y-NM600. Based on longitudinal PET/CT data acquired with 86Y-NM600, we estimated the dosimetry of therapeutic 177Lu-NM600, which showed larger absorbed doses in the tumor compared to normal tissues. Administration of 177Lu-NM600 resulted in significant tumor growth inhibition and prolonged overall survival in mice bearing syngeneic 4T07 and 4T1 tumors. Complete response was attained in 60% of 4T07 bearing mice, but animals carrying aggressive 4T1 tumor grafts succumbed to metastatic progression. The injected activities used for treatment (9.25 and 18.5 MBq) were well tolerated, and only mild transient cytopenia was noted. Overall, our results suggest that 177Lu-NM600 TRT has potential for treatment of TNBC and merits further exploration in a clinical setting. Full Article
era 212Pb Alpha-Radioimmunotherapy targeting CD38 in Multiple Myeloma: a preclinical study. By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2019-12-20T13:25:42-08:00 Multiple myeloma (MM) is a plasma cell cancer and represents the second most frequent hematological malignancy. Despite new treatments and protocols including high doses chemotherapy associated with autologous stem cell transplantation, the prognosis of MM patients is still poor. Alpha-radioimmunotherapy (alpha-RIT) represents an attractive treatment strategy due to the high linear energy transfer and short path length of alpha-radiation in tissues, resulting in high tumor cell killing and low toxicity to surrounding tissues. In this study, we investigated the potential of alpha-RIT with 212Pb-Daratumumab (anti-CD38), in both in vitro and in vivo models, as well as an anti-mouse CD38 antibody using in vivo models. Methods: Inhibition of cell proliferation after incubation of RPMI8226 cell line with increasing activities (0.185-3.7 kBq/ml) of 212Pb-isotypic control or 212Pb-Daratumumab was evaluated. Biodistribution was performed in vivo by SPECT-CT imaging and post-mortem. Dose range finding (DRF) and acute toxicity studies were conducted. As Daratumumab does not bind the murine CD38, biodistribution and DRF were also determined using an anti-murine CD38 antibody. To evaluate in vivo efficacy of 212Pb-Daratumumab, mice were engrafted subcutaneously with 5.106 RPMI8226 cells. Mice were treated 13 days post-engraftment with an intravenous injection of 212Pb-Daratumumab or control solutions. Therapeutic efficacy was monitored by tumor volume measurements and overall survival. Results: Significant inhibition of proliferation of the human myeloma RPMI8226 cell line was observed after three days of incubation with 212Pb-Daratumumab compared to 212Pb-Isotypic Control or cold antibodies. Biodistribution studies showed a specific tumoral accumulation of Daratumumab. No toxicity was observed with 212Pb-Daratumumab up to 370 kBq due to the lack of cross-reactivity. Nevertheless, acute toxicity experiments with 212Pb-anti-mCD38 established a toxic activity of 277.5 kBq. To remain within realistically safe treatment activities for efficacy studies, mice were treated with 185 kBq or 277.5 kBq of 212Pb-Daratumumab. Marked tumor growth inhibition compared to controls was observed, with a median survival of 55 days for 277.5 kBq of 212Pb-Daratumumab instead of 11 for PBS control groups. Conclusion: These results showed 212Pb-Daratumumab efficacy on xenografted mice with significant tumor regression and increased survival. This study highlights alpha-RIT potency in MM treatment. Full Article