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Structural basis of cell-surface signaling by a conserved sigma regulator in Gram-negative bacteria [Molecular Biophysics]

Cell-surface signaling (CSS) in Gram-negative bacteria involves highly conserved regulatory pathways that optimize gene expression by transducing extracellular environmental signals to the cytoplasm via inner-membrane sigma regulators. The molecular details of ferric siderophore-mediated activation of the iron import machinery through a sigma regulator are unclear. Here, we present the 1.56 Å resolution structure of the periplasmic complex of the C-terminal CSS domain (CCSSD) of PupR, the sigma regulator in the Pseudomonas capeferrum pseudobactin BN7/8 transport system, and the N-terminal signaling domain (NTSD) of PupB, an outer-membrane TonB-dependent transducer. The structure revealed that the CCSSD consists of two subdomains: a juxta-membrane subdomain, which has a novel all-β-fold, followed by a secretin/TonB, short N-terminal subdomain at the C terminus of the CCSSD, a previously unobserved topological arrangement of this domain. Using affinity pulldown assays, isothermal titration calorimetry, and thermal denaturation CD spectroscopy, we show that both subdomains are required for binding the NTSD with micromolar affinity and that NTSD binding improves CCSSD stability. Our findings prompt us to present a revised model of CSS wherein the CCSSD:NTSD complex forms prior to ferric-siderophore binding. Upon siderophore binding, conformational changes in the CCSSD enable regulated intramembrane proteolysis of the sigma regulator, ultimately resulting in transcriptional regulation.




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Detailed analyses of the crucial functions of Zn transporter proteins in alkaline phosphatase activation [Enzymology]

Numerous zinc ectoenzymes are metalated by zinc and activated in the compartments of the early secretory pathway before reaching their destination. Zn transporter (ZNT) proteins located in these compartments are essential for ectoenzyme activation. We have previously reported that ZNT proteins, specifically ZNT5–ZNT6 heterodimers and ZNT7 homodimers, play critical roles in the activation of zinc ectoenzymes, such as alkaline phosphatases (ALPs), by mobilizing cytosolic zinc into these compartments. However, this process remains incompletely understood. Here, using genetically-engineered chicken DT40 cells, we first determined that Zrt/Irt-like protein (ZIP) transporters that are localized to the compartments of the early secretory pathway play only a minor role in the ALP activation process. These transporters included ZIP7, ZIP9, and ZIP13, performing pivotal functions in maintaining cellular homeostasis by effluxing zinc out of the compartments. Next, using purified ALP proteins, we showed that zinc metalation on ALP produced in DT40 cells lacking ZNT5–ZNT6 heterodimers and ZNT7 homodimers is impaired. Finally, by genetically disrupting both ZNT5 and ZNT7 in human HAP1 cells, we directly demonstrated that the tissue-nonspecific ALP-activating functions of both ZNT complexes are conserved in human cells. Furthermore, using mutant HAP1 cells, we uncovered a previously-unrecognized and unique spatial regulation of ZNT5–ZNT6 heterodimer formation, wherein ZNT5 recruits ZNT6 to the Golgi apparatus to form the heterodimeric complex. These findings fill in major gaps in our understanding of the molecular mechanisms underlying zinc ectoenzyme activation in the compartments of the early secretory pathway.




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Structure of an ancestral mammalian family 1B1 cytochrome P450 with increased thermostability [Enzymology]

Mammalian cytochrome P450 enzymes often metabolize many pharmaceuticals and other xenobiotics, a feature that is valuable in a biotechnology setting. However, extant P450 enzymes are typically relatively unstable, with T50 values of ∼30–40 °C. Reconstructed ancestral cytochrome P450 enzymes tend to have variable substrate selectivity compared with related extant forms, but they also have higher thermostability and therefore may be excellent tools for commercial biosynthesis of important intermediates, final drug molecules, or drug metabolites. The mammalian ancestor of the cytochrome P450 1B subfamily was herein characterized structurally and functionally, revealing differences from the extant human CYP1B1 in ligand binding, metabolism, and potential molecular contributors to its thermostability. Whereas extant human CYP1B1 has one molecule of α-naphthoflavone in a closed active site, we observed that subtle amino acid substitutions outside the active site in the ancestor CYP1B enzyme yielded an open active site with four ligand copies. A structure of the ancestor with 17β-estradiol revealed only one molecule in the active site, which still had the same open conformation. Detailed comparisons between the extant and ancestor forms revealed increases in electrostatic and aromatic interactions between distinct secondary structure elements in the ancestral forms that may contribute to their thermostability. To the best of our knowledge, this represents the first structural evaluation of a reconstructed ancestral cytochrome P450, revealing key features that appear to contribute to its thermostability.




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NAD+ biosynthesis in bacteria is controlled by global carbon/nitrogen levels via PII signaling [Microbiology]

NAD+ is a central metabolite participating in core metabolic redox reactions. The prokaryotic NAD synthetase enzyme NadE catalyzes the last step of NAD+ biosynthesis, converting nicotinic acid adenine dinucleotide (NaAD) to NAD+. Some members of the NadE family use l-glutamine as a nitrogen donor and are named NadEGln. Previous gene neighborhood analysis has indicated that the bacterial nadE gene is frequently clustered with the gene encoding the regulatory signal transduction protein PII, suggesting a functional relationship between these proteins in response to the nutritional status and the carbon/nitrogen ratio of the bacterial cell. Here, using affinity chromatography, bioinformatics analyses, NAD synthetase activity, and biolayer interferometry assays, we show that PII and NadEGln physically interact in vitro, that this complex relieves NadEGln negative feedback inhibition by NAD+. This mechanism is conserved in distantly related bacteria. Of note, the PII protein allosteric effector and cellular nitrogen level indicator 2-oxoglutarate (2-OG) inhibited the formation of the PII-NadEGln complex within a physiological range. These results indicate an interplay between the levels of ATP, ADP, 2-OG, PII-sensed glutamine, and NAD+, representing a metabolic hub that may balance the levels of core nitrogen and carbon metabolites. Our findings support the notion that PII proteins act as a dissociable regulatory subunit of NadEGln, thereby enabling the control of NAD+ biosynthesis according to the nutritional status of the bacterial cell.




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Certain ortho-hydroxylated brominated ethers are promiscuous kinase inhibitors that impair neuronal signaling and neurodevelopmental processes [Cell Biology]

The developing nervous system is remarkably sensitive to environmental signals, including disruptive toxins, such as polybrominated diphenyl ethers (PBDEs). PBDEs are an environmentally pervasive class of brominated flame retardants whose neurodevelopmental toxicity mechanisms remain largely unclear. Using dissociated cortical neurons from embryonic Rattus norvegicus, we found here that chronic exposure to 6-OH–BDE-47, one of the most prevalent hydroxylated PBDE metabolites, suppresses both spontaneous and evoked neuronal electrical activity. On the basis of our previous work on mitogen-activated protein kinase (MAPK)/extracellular signal-related kinase (ERK) (MEK) biology and our observation that 6-OH–BDE-47 is structurally similar to kinase inhibitors, we hypothesized that certain hydroxylated PBDEs mediate neurotoxicity, at least in part, by impairing the MEK–ERK axis of MAPK signal transduction. We tested this hypothesis on three experimental platforms: 1) in silico, where modeling ligand–protein docking suggested that 6-OH–BDE-47 is a promiscuous ATP-competitive kinase inhibitor; 2) in vitro in dissociated neurons, where 6-OH–BDE-47 and another specific hydroxylated BDE metabolite similarly impaired phosphorylation of MEK/ERK1/2 and activity-induced transcription of a neuronal immediate early gene; and 3) in vivo in Drosophila melanogaster, where developmental exposures to 6-OH–BDE-47 and a MAPK inhibitor resulted in offspring displaying similarly increased frequency of mushroom-body β–lobe midline crossing, a metric of axonal guidance. Taken together, our results support that certain ortho-hydroxylated PBDE metabolites are promiscuous kinase inhibitors and can cause disruptions of critical neurodevelopmental processes, including neuronal electrical activity, pre-synaptic functions, MEK–ERK signaling, and axonal guidance.




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New round of applications under Quality Enhancement Support Scheme opens




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Appointments to Quality Education Fund Steering Committee




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Award Scheme for Learning Experiences under Qualifications Framework opens for application




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Quality Over Quantity: In A Financial Crisis, Innovation Is A Survival of the Fittest

Wednesday, May 6, 2020 - 11:45

NEW YORK – Innovation is at an all-time high, but the economic damage from the COVID-19 outbreak has the potential to stifle inventions and patents. But new research shows that financial crises are both destructive and creative forces for innovation.




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Recent Australian wildfires made worse by logging

(University of Queensland) Logging of native forests increases the risk and severity of fire and likely had a profound effect on the recent, catastrophic Australian bushfires, according to new research.In the wake of the country's worst forest fires in recorded history, University of Queensland researchers have been part of an international collaboration, investigating Australia's historical and contemporary land-use.




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Fly ash geopolymer concrete: Significantly enhanced resistance to extreme alkali attack

(University of Johannesburg) Fly ash generated by coal-fired power stations is a global environmental headache, creating groundwater and air pollution from vast landfills and ash dams. The waste product can be repurposed into geopolymer concrete, such as precast heat-cured structural elements for buildings. However, a critical durability problem has been low resistance to extreme alkali attack. UJ researchers found that high temperature heat-treatment at 200 degrees Celsius can halve this harmful mechanism in fly ash geopolymer concretes.




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The story of three African slaves during Spanish colonialism, as told by their bones

(Cell Press) In a study appearing April 30 in the journal Current Biology, scientists tell the story of three 16th century African slaves identified from a mass burial site in Mexico City. Using a combination of genetic, osteological, and isotope analyses, the scientists determined from where in Africa they were likely captured, the physical hardships they experienced as slaves, and what novel pathogens they may have carried with them across the Atlantic.




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Cannibalism helps invading invertebrates survive severe conditions

(University of Southern Denmark) Investing in the future: Researchers show how cannibalism among the invasive comb jelly enables adults to survive severe conditions at the edge of their ecological range with implications for the use and evolutionary origins of cannibalism.




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'No one should feel completely safe': what experts think of California's reopening plan

As businesses slowly reopen, experts warn that social distancing may need to be dialed back up: ‘It’s not an on-off switch’ * Coronavirus – latest US updates * Coronavirus – latest global updatesSome California businesses on Friday began opening their doors for business – at least partially.As states and counties across the nation contend with pressure to lift the stay-at-home measures that have destroyed local economies, California is taking an especially cautious approach, walking a fine line between political and economic pressure to reopen and the public health imperative to stop the spread of disease.Public health experts told the Guardian that while no US state was equipped with enough coronavirus testing and surveillance to feel fully confident reopening, California’s slow, piecemeal recovery plan – though far from perfect – seemed like the least risky option. The planSeven weeks after the governor, Gavin Newsom, ordered his 40 million constituents to shelter in place and all non-essential businesses to close, California on Friday entered phase two of its grand reopening plan.Some retail stores, including bookshops, florists, music stores, clothing and sporting goods retailers, can reopen if they organize curbside pickup. Some manufacturing and logistics in the retail supply chain can restart as well, as long as they follow safety and hygiene protocols. And local authorities are allowed to ease regulations further than the state guidelines if they meet certain testing and sanitation requirements.Phase three of the plan – potentially months away – could see salons, gyms, movie theaters and in-person church services resume. Phase four would end all restrictions. The timingFriday’s reopenings come as California has avoided the surge of infections states like New York have seen. And although California has seen more than 61,000 cases and 2,500 deaths, its hospitals have not been overwhelmed.Last week, state officials reported the first week-over-week decline in Covid-19 deaths.The new guidelines also follow small but sustained protests across the state to demand a relaxation of regulations to revive the state’s crippled economy, and some rural counties have partially reopened in defiance of the lockdown measures. The caveatsHowever, California still hasn’t seen the two weeks of declining cases that the White House suggested as a criterion for easing restrictions and that several European countries have used as a benchmark.The state also lacks the robust testing and tracking systems that countries such as Germany and South Korea have used.The state has ramped up its ability to administer and process tests, although for now, its rate of 29,414 tests a day is below the figure required by some analyses.Authorities are working to put a robust contact tracing effort in place to make sure those who test positive get the care they need and are able to isolate themselves until they recover. Although some counties and communities have spearheaded community-wide testing and tracing programs, overall, the state isn’t at the point where its system is as widespread or efficient as a country like Germany’s.Experts say California should also have a system in place to make sure vulnerable, unhoused populations have access to shelter and medical care – to prevent infection flare-ups in homeless shelters and encampments. Progress on those measures heavily varies county by county.And ideally, there would be a treatment or a vaccine before reopening, said Dr Richard Jackson, a professor emeritus at the UCLA Fielding School of Public Health and the former head of the California department of public health. While we await a cure, Jackson cautioned, “no one should feel completely safe as we remove restrictions.” The trade-offsCalifornia’s reopening strategy stands in sharp contrast to the approach of states like Georgia, which suddenly allowed gyms, barber shops, hair salons, tattoo parlors and bowling alleys to welcome customers last week.“What certain places have done, where they’ve just thrown open the doors and said, ‘OK, we don’t have to keep our distance any more,’ is a colossal mistake,” Jackson said. Reopening businesses that put lots of people into close contact and speed the spread of disease will reverse the success of shelter-in-place rules, he noted, and overwhelm hospitals as cases surge. “Doing it very cautiously and carefully does make sense at this point in time,” he said.“I get that governors have to balance the public health goals with the economic goals,” said Dr Robert Tsai, surgeon and health policy researcher at Brigham and Women’s hospital in Boston and the Harvard TH Chan School of Public Health. “But this stage of the pandemic is really all about trade-offs,” he noted. The weeks aheadIn the coming weeks, state and local leaders will have to watch closely and prepare to dial the distancing back up if the number of cases surges, said Tsai.“Social distancing isn’t an on-off switch. What it needs to be is a dial, which can be turned up or down depending on what the data show on the ground in terms of how the Covid-19 epidemic is progressing.“Reopening is going to be a very complicated process, and it should be complicated,” he added. “Because this is about making sure that people don’t end up in the hospital or dying.”That California’s plan allows for counties to maintain stricter distancing guidelines or ease up measures could be both a strength and a liability.The flexibility has allowed hotspots like the Bay Area and Los Angeles to take a more cautious approach, but it has also already caused confusion. In San Diego, where curbside shopping has already begun, business owners were unsure what, if anything, would change on Friday. In Bakersfield, restaurants allowed patrons to dine in on Monday and Tuesday, in defiance of the state’s guidelines.A hodgepodge reopening could cause surges in cases; Californians who travel between more lax and more strict counties could spread infections. Moreover, a rush to reopen fast in some areas could be counterproductive to economic recovery, said Alessandro Rebucci, an economist at the Johns Hopkins Carey School of Business.“If you reopen when the pandemic is still out there, people and businesses will not just go back to normal,” Rebucci noted. Based on research from China, it seems clear that fear of contracting the illness will keep businesses owners and patrons home until they feel it’s safe enough, he said.





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FDA approves first at-home saliva collection test for coronavirus

(Rutgers University) Rutgers' RUCDR Infinite Biologics received an amended emergency use authorization from the FDA late Thursday for the first SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus test that will allow people to collect their own saliva at home and send to a lab for results. The decision follows the FDA's recent emergency approval to RUCDR Infinite Biologics for the first saliva-based test, which involves health care workers collecting saliva from individuals at testing sites.




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Could hotel service robots help the hospitality industry after COVID-19?

(University of Surrey) A new research study, investigating how service robots in hotels could help redefine leadership and boost the hospitality industry, has taken on new significance in the light of the seismic impact of the Covid-19 outbreak on tourism and business travel. The study by academics at The University of Surrey and MODUL University Vienna focuses on how HR experts perceive service robots and their impact on leadership and HR management in the hotel industry.




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How do police view legalized cannabis? In Washington state, officers raise concerns

(Crime and Justice Research Alliance) A new study evaluated the effects of legalizing cannabis on police officers' law enforcement efforts in Washington. The study found that officers in that state, although not supportive of recriminalization, had a variety of concerns, from worries about the effect on youth to increases in impaired driving. The study can inform other states' efforts to address legalization.




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Going Mobile With Diabetes Support: A Randomized Study of a Text Message-Based Personalized Behavioral Intervention for Type 2 Diabetes Self-Care

Korey Capozza
May 1, 2015; 28:83-91
Feature Articles




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Pharmacotherapy for Hyperglycemia in Noncritically Ill Hospitalized Patients

Carlos E. Mendez
Aug 1, 2014; 27:180-188
From Research to Practice




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Psychosocial Barriers to Diabetes Self-Management and Quality of Life

Russell E. Glasgow
Jan 1, 2001; 14:
Articles




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Proportionality in the Conduct of Hostilities: The Incidental Harm Side of the Assessment

10 December 2018

Clarification of international humanitarian law is important in ensuring compliance with the rule of proportionality, but a culture of compliance within armed forces and groups is also crucial.

Emanuela-Chiara Gillard

Associate Fellow, International Law Programme

2018-12-10-ilp-proportionality-paper.jpg

Members of civil right defence conduct a search and rescue operation on destroyed buildings after an airstrike was carried out over the city of Jisr al-Shughur in Idlib province in Syria, on 6 May 2018. Photo: Hadi Harrat/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images.

Summary

  • Military operations are taking place with increasing frequency in densely populated areas. Such operations result in loss of life and harm to civilians, as well as damage to civilian objects, (including infrastructure providing essential services). In order to protect civilians, it is imperative that armed forces and groups comply with the rules of international humanitarian law on the conduct of hostilities, including the rule of proportionality.
  • The rule of proportionality prohibits attacks which may be expected to cause incidental loss of civilian life, injury to civilians, damage to civilian objects or a combination thereof, which would be excessive in relation to the concrete and direct military advantage anticipated. This research paper analyses the key steps that belligerents must take to give effect to the rule, with a particular focus on one side of proportionality assessments – the expected incidental harm.
  • Those undertaking proportionality assessments before or during an attack must consider whether the expected harm will be caused by the attack, and whether that harm could be expected (that is, was it reasonably foreseeable).
  • For the purpose of proportionality assessments, injury to civilians includes disease, and there is no reason in principle to exclude mental harm, even though it is currently challenging to identify and quantify it. Damage to civilian objects includes damage to elements of the natural environment.
  • Once the incidental harm to be considered has been identified, a value or weight must be assigned to it. This is then balanced against the value or weight of the military advantage anticipated from the attack to determine whether the harm would be excessive.
  • In the determination of whether the expected incidental harm would be excessive compared to the anticipated military advantage, ‘excessive’ is a wide but not indeterminate standard.
  • Belligerents should develop methodologies so that those planning and deciding attacks are provided with all necessary information on expected incidental harm, and to assist them in assigning weight to the incidental harm to be considered.
  • If it becomes apparent that the rule of proportionality will be contravened, the attack in question must be cancelled or suspended.
  • Clarification of the law is important in ensuring compliance with the rule of proportionality, but a culture of compliance within armed forces and groups, inculcated by their leaders, is also crucial.




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How Human Rights Law Is Evolving to Address Inequality

10 December 2018

Chanu Peiris

Programme Manager, International Law Programme
On the 70th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Chanu Peiris examines how its principles apply to one of today’s burning political issues.

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Copies of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in a variety of languages. Photo: Getty Images.

There is growing attention to human rights in debates on economic inequality. In the UK, concerns about the disproportionate impact of economic policy on vulnerable groups have been raised recently by the UN special rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights – who issued a statement criticizing the Conservative government’s austerity policies – as well as in a report from the UK government’s independent Equality and Human Rights Commission. These reports echo global concerns about fiscal policies, poverty and extreme economic inequality.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights – which celebrates its 70th anniversary today – and the human rights treaties it inspired do not expressly address income and wealth gaps. But international human rights law is playing an increasing role in addressing economic polarization. Those concerned about inequality should consider how, especially over the past 25 years, the principles of socioeconomic rights have been clarified by courts and other human rights mechanisms. 

While the focus in the Global North has historically been on civil and political rights, such as the prohibition on torture or the right to fair trial, international human rights law does set out economic and social rights. For example, Article 23(4) of the Declaration – which is replicated in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and other treaties – calls for the right to collective bargaining in employment. Weakening protection in this area has been raised as a partial cause of the current escalation in income inequality. 

Human rights law also guarantees rights, including to education, healthcare and social security, that have redistributive potential and so have the potential to mitigate inequality.

Human rights law recognizes that fulfilment of economic and social rights, unlike civil and political rights, can be limited by the resources available to different states, and this conditionality – along with a lack of guidelines to assist with implementation and monitoring – has historically shielded fiscal policies from human rights scrutiny. However, attitudes have shifted.

For example, international human rights law has come to embody a commitment to tackling substantive inequalities which impair human dignity.  This requires the state regulate markets, and redistribute resources, in order to prevent discrimination against disadvantaged groups such as the poor. 

The UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and other human rights bodies assert that states have an immediate obligation, even during times of resource constraint, to ensure the fulfilment, without discrimination, of the minimum essential levels of socioeconomic rights, for example essential subsistence and basic shelter. Thus, austerity measures that scale back the enjoyment of rights may breach human rights standards. In order to justify such measures, governments need to first demonstrate they have considered ‘less restrictive’ avenues, including taxation options.

Although the application of human rights standards to economic policy is an emerging area, human rights campaigners have been successfully leveraging these protections to address the causes and consequences of the inequality crisis. 

For example, in case No. 66/2011 the European Committee of Social Rights overturned austerity measures that would have brought wages under the poverty level, citing breaches of labour rights and protections against discrimination. In Brazil, a coalition of civil society actors successfully used human rights standards to legitimize their critiques of a 2008 tax reform bill that would have given additional tax breaks to the wealthy while withdrawing resources for social services.

Beyond legal enforcement, framing concerns within the architecture of human rights can shift power to rights-bearers and move debates on tackling extreme inequality from the policy sphere into one where the state has a duty for which it is accountable. While the state bears primary responsibility for realizing human rights, non-state actors such as businesses have responsibilities to respect human rights. Thus, human rights can also help communities to recast the scope of the crisis to one of shared responsibility.

While human rights have seen many normative developments and advocacy successes since the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the last 70 years also offer several lessons and strategies to adopt going forward. 

As highlighted at a recent Chatham House event, the continued emphasis on civil and political rights in the discussion about human rights is at odds with the lived experience of individuals and communities worldwide, who may not feel their economic and material concerns are reflected in campaigns for human rights.

There will need to be a greater emphasis on adapting messaging to be more inclusive and to build alliances between disparate groups. Human rights analysis will also need to move beyond documenting the impact of systemic issues towards tackling root causes and creating a positive vision for economic inclusion and governance.




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Engage China to Uphold Multilateralism – But Not at Any Cost

12 June 2019

Harriet Moynihan

Senior Research Fellow, International Law Programme
Where China’s interests align with those of the international community, there are opportunities for the country’s influence and economic power to strengthen the rules-based international order. Where they do not, states that traditionally support that order should join together to push back.

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Students holding Chinese national flags watch the live broadcast of the 40th anniversary celebration of China's reform and opening-up at Huaibei Normal University on 18 December. Photo: Getty Images.

China’s adherence to the rules-based international system is selective, prioritizing certain rules in favour of others. States supportive of that ‘system’ – or, as some argue, systems[1] – should identify areas of mutual strategic interest so that they can draw China further into the global rules-based order and leverage China as a constructive player that potentially also contributes to improvements in such areas. This is particularly apposite at a time when the US is in retreat from multilateralism and Russia seems bent on disrupting the rules-based international order.

Supportive player

There are many reasons for actively engaging with China on mutual areas of interest. China is a committed multilateralist in many areas, recognizing that often international cooperation and frameworks hold the key to its domestic problems, for example in the fields of environmental sustainability and financial regulation.

China’s economic power is valuable in upholding international institutions: China is the UN’s third-largest donor (after the US and Japan) at a time when the UN is facing budgetary shortfalls. China is also the second-highest contributor to the UN peacekeeping budget, and the largest contributor of peacekeeping forces among the five permanent members of the UN Security Council.

China also has a valuable role to play in the settlement of international disputes over trade and investment. China is a big supporter of the World Trade Organization (WTO)’s dispute settlement mechanism, and one of its most active participants;[2] China is currently playing an active role in negotiations to save the WTO’s appellate mechanism from folding in the wake of the US’s refusal to nominate new judges.

The last 15 years have also seen a major shift in Chinese attitudes to investment arbitration, from a general suspicion and limitation of arbitration rights to broad acceptance and incorporation of such rights in China’s trade and investment treaties. China is actively engaged in multilateral negotiations through the UN Commission on International Trade Law (UNCITRAL) on reforms to investor–state dispute settlement.

China has shown leadership on global climate change diplomacy, urging nations to remain committed to the Paris Agreement in the wake of the US decision to pull out, and has been an important interlocutor with the UK and the EU on these issues. As a strong supporter of the Paris Agreement, but also as the world’s top emitter of carbon dioxide, China has a crucial role to play in pushing forward implementation of the Paris targets. Despite its high emissions, China remains one of the few major economies on track to meet its targets,[3] giving it greater leverage to peer review other parties’ efforts.

A recent report by the UK parliament’s Foreign Affairs Committee (FAC), on China and the rules-based international order, noted that where a body of trust and goodwill is developed with China, there is the possibility of discovering interests that coincide and the ability to work together on issues mutually regarded as of global importance. The report refers to a number of success stories from UK partnership with China in multilateral forums, including in counterproliferation and global health.[4]

Developing areas of global governance

As well as working with the current system, China is increasingly involved in the shaping of newer areas of international law – whether it be submissions to the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) on procedural rules for the emerging deep-sea mining regime or pitching for a greater role in Arctic governance.[5]

This enthusiasm should be harnessed to promote the international rule of law, but at the same time there needs to be recognition of the strategic goals that drive China’s engagement. China’s interest in the Arctic, while including the desire to protect its ecology and environment, is also about access to marine resources, as well as about the Arctic’s strategic potential for China’s military.

China’s submissions to ITLOS on the rules of procedure for deep-sea mining are constructive, but also reflect an ambition to secure first-mover advantage when commercial mining eventually takes place. Like other major powers working in this policy area, China’s actions are guided by self-interest, but that doesn’t mean its goals can’t be pursued through multilateral rules.

China is also interested in creating new international structures and instruments that further its strategic aims. For example, with Russia (through the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation) it has proposed an International Code of Conduct for Information Security in the UN.[6]

China is also pondering an array of options for dispute-resolution mechanisms for its Belt and Road projects, including the possibility of an Asian version of the international Convention on the Settlement of Investment Disputes, which might sit under the auspices of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB).[7]

The creation of new instruments and institutions need not be a threat to the rules-based international order in itself. We have already seen a combination of the creation of parallel complementary regimes alongside the reform of existing institutions, for example in development financing through the AIIB or the New Development Bank (often referred to as the ‘BRICS Bank’); these two banks are relatively conventionally structured along the lines of Western-dominated institutions, albeit with greater Chinese control. Based on these examples, selective adaptation seems more likely than a hostile ‘Eastphalian’ takeover.[8]

Risks

There is, however, a real risk that in certain areas China may promote a rival authoritarian model of governance, assisted by an opportunistic convergence with Russia on issues such as human rights, development and internet governance. In areas where China’s core interests clash with those of the rules-based international order, China has shown itself to be unbending, as in its refusal to abide by the July 2016 decision of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in its dispute with the Philippines over the South China Sea.[9]

China is becoming more assertive at the UN, but while it seeks to project itself there as a responsible emerging global leader, it is promoting a vision that weakens international norms of human rights, transparency and accountability,[10] while also carrying out practices domestically that raise serious human rights concerns (not least the detention of hundreds of thousands of Uighurs in re-education camps in Xinjiang).[11]

China’s increased dominance geographically and geopolitically through its Belt and Road infrastructure projects carries with it a number of social and economic risks, including smaller states becoming trapped in unsustainable financial debts to China.

But at a recent Chatham House conference on Asia and international law, participants highlighted the limitations on how far China can shape an alternative governance model.[12] China currently lacks soft power, cultural power and language power, all of which are needed in order to embed an alternative model abroad. China also currently lacks capacity and confidence to build coalitions with other states in the UN.

Where it has tried to get buy-in from the international community for its new institutions, such as the China International Commercial Court (CICC) announced in July 2018, there has been scepticism about the standards to be applied.[13] Unless the court can demonstrate sufficient due process, international parties are likely to prefer other centres with a strong reputation for upholding the rule of law, such as those in London, Dubai and Singapore.

Where China does promote its own governance model at the expense of the rules-based international order, states are starting to push back, often in concert. EU member states so far have adopted a joined-up approach to the Belt and Road Initiative. With the exception of Italy, they have refused to sign a Memorandum of Understanding on participation unless China provides much greater transparency on its compliance with international standards.

The EU also recently presented a coordinated response to China on the situation in Xinjiang.[14] Similarly, members of the so-called ‘Five Eyes’ intelligence-sharing alliance (comprising Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the UK and the US) have acted together in relation to certain incidents of cyber interference attributed to China.[15]

There are also signs of pushback from smaller states closer to home in relation to challenges to national sovereignty, debt diplomacy and financial viability arising from Belt and Road projects. The Sri Lankan government recently reversed the award of a $300 million housing deal to China, instead opting for a joint venture with an Indian company.

China has been downscaling its investments as a way to counter some of the backlash it has received: the most recent Belt and Road summit put forward a more modest set of aspirations. This suggests that there is some scope for states to stand up to China and use leverage to secure better deals.

Many international institutions have been Western-dominated for years;[16] China, together with many emerging and middle powers, has felt for some time that the international architecture does not reflect the world we live in. Given that context, states that champion the rules-based international order should acknowledge China’s desire to update the international order to reflect greater multipolarity, globalization and technological change, while being clear-eyed about their engagement with China. This involves investing in a proper understanding of China and how it works.[17]

Where possible, cooperation with China should lead to outcomes that are backed up by international standards and transparency. The above-mentioned FAC report cites evidence that the UK’s support, and that of other developed countries, had a positive impact in shaping the governance and standards of the AIIB.[18] China has brought in international experts to advise on disputes before the CIIC, which may reassure would-be litigants.

China’s relationship with the rules-based international order needs to be assessed pragmatically and dynamically. China can be a valuable partner in many areas where its objectives are closely aligned with those of the international community – from trade to climate change to peacekeeping.

But where the country’s core interests are at odds with those of the wider international community, an increasingly confident China will strongly resist pressure, including on the South China Sea and human rights. In these areas, states supportive of international law can most powerfully push back through alliances and by ensuring that their own core values are not compromised in the interests of economic benefits.

What needs to happen

  • China’s rising power and selective commitment to multilateralism make it a potentially influential ally in modernizing international governance.
  • China is increasingly involved in shaping newer areas of international law. This enthusiasm could be harnessed in the service of institutional development and reform.
  • Other states should identify areas of mutual strategic interest where China may offer a constructive role, including dispute settlement, health and climate change.
  • However, engagement must not ignore the strategic calculations that drive China’s agenda, or its poor record on civil and political rights, transparency and accountability.
  • Cooperation with China should lead to outcomes that are backed up by international standards and transparency.
  • Where China’s actions undermine the rules-based international order, coordinated action by states supportive of that order is likely to be more effective than acting individually.

Notes

[1] Chalmers, M. (2019), Which Rules? Why There is No Single ‘Rules-Based International System’, RUSI Occasional Paper, April 2019, London: Royal United Services Institute, https://rusi.org/occasional-papers/Which-Rules-Why-There-Is-No-Single-Rules-Based-International-System.

[2] See, for example, Moynihan, H. (2017), China’s Evolving Approach to International Dispute Settlement, Briefing, London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, https://www.chathamhouse.org/publication/chinas-evolving-approach-international-dispute-settlement.

[3] UN Environment (2018), Emissions Gap Report 2018, p. XVII, https://www.unenvironment.org/resources/emissions-gap-report-2018.

[4] House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee (2019), China and the Rules-Based International System: Sixteenth Report of Session 2017–19, p. 32, https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201719/cmselect/cmfaff/612/612.pdf.

[5] Moynihan, H. (2018), ‘China Expands Its Global Governance Ambitions in the Arctic’, Expert Comment, 15 October 2018, https://www.chathamhouse.org/expert/comment/china-expands-its-global-governance-ambitions-arctic.

[6] Updated version proposed 9 January 2015.

[7] Moynihan, H. (2018), ‘Exploring Public International Law Issues with Chinese Scholars – Part Four’, Meeting Summary, 3 June 2018, https://www.chathamhouse.org/publication/exploring-public-international-law-issues-chinese-scholars-part-four.

[8] Chatham House (2019, forthcoming, ‘Security and Prosperity in the Asia-Pacific: The Role of International Law’, conference summary, https://www.chathamhouse.org/event/security-and-prosperity-asia-pacific-role-international-law.

[9] Permanent Court of Arbitration Case No. 2013-19 (Philippines v China), Award of 12 July 2016, https://pca-cpa.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/6/2016/07/PH-CN-20160712-Award.pdf.

[10] Piccone, T. (2018), China’s Long Game on Human Rights at the United Nations, Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/FP_20181009_china_human_rights.pdf.

[11] Wye, R. (2018), ‘‘The entire Uyghur population is seemingly being treated as suspect’: China’s persecution of its Muslim minority’, LSE Religion and Global Society blog, 18 September 2018, https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/religionglobalsociety/2018/09/the-entire-uyghur-population-is-seemingly-being-treated-as-suspect-chinas-persecution-of-its-muslim-minority/.

[12] Chatham House (2019, forthcoming, ‘Security and Prosperity in the Asia-Pacific: The Role of International Law’.

[13] Walters, M. (2018), ‘Jury is out over China’s new commercial court, say lawyers’, Law Society Gazette, 1 November 2018, https://www.lawgazette.co.uk/law/jury-is-out-over-chinas-new-commercial-court-say-lawyers/5068125.article.

[14] The Economist (2019), ‘Hope remains for Western solidarity. Look at embassies in Beijing’, 17 April 2019, https://www.economist.com/china/2019/04/20/hope-remains-for-western-solidarity-look-at-embassies-in-beijing.

[15] In December 2018, the Five Eyes attributed the activities of a Chinese cyber espionage group targeting intellectual property and sensitive commercial property to China’s Ministry of State Security.

[16] Roberts, A. (2017), Is International Law International?, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

[17] Parton, C. (2019), China–UK Relations: Where to Draw the Border Between Influence and Interference?, RUSI Occasional Paper, February 2019, London: Royal United Services Institute, p. 30, https://rusi.org/publication/occasional-papers/china-uk-relations-where-draw-border-between-influence-and.

[18] House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee (2019), China and the Rules-Based International System, p. 15.

This essay was produced for the 2019 edition of Chatham House Expert Perspectives – our annual survey of risks and opportunities in global affairs – in which our researchers identify areas where the current sets of rules, institutions and mechanisms for peaceful international cooperation are falling short, and present ideas for reform and modernization.




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Human Rights Priorities: An Agenda for Equality and Social Justice

Members Event

19 November 2019 - 6:00pm to 7:00pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Michelle Bachelet, United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights

Chair: Ruma Mandal, Head, International Law Programme, Chatham House

Following just over one year in office, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, outlines her ongoing priorities at a tumultuous time for fundamental rights protections worldwide.

She discusses the rights implications of climate change, gender inequality including the advancement of sexual and reproductive rights, the protection of vulnerable groups and the need to work closely with states, civil society and business to protect and advance human rights.

Department/project

Members Events Team




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The Use of Sanctions to Protect Journalists

Members Event

13 February 2020 - 12:30pm to 1:45pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Professor Sarah Cleveland, Louis Henkin Professor of Human and Constitutional Rights; Faculty Co-Director, Human Rights Institute, Columbia Law School

Amal Clooney, Barrister, Doughty Street Chambers

The Honourable Irwin Cotler, Chair, Raoul Wallenberg Centre for Human Rights; Minister of Justice and Attorney-General of Canada (2003-06)

Baroness Helena Kennedy QC, Director, International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute

Lord Neuberger, President, Supreme Court of the United Kingdom (2012-17)

Maria Ressa, CEO, Rappler Online News Network

Chair: Elizabeth Wilmshurst CMG, Distinguished Fellow, International Law Programme, Chatham House

Attacks against journalists and challenges to media freedom are urgent and global. The sharp decline globally of democratic values which are underpinned in international values highlights the need for a free press and the necessity for states to take concerted action to protect media freedom.

The High-Level Panel of Legal Experts on Media Freedom is an independent body convened at the request of the UK and Canadian governments in July 2019.

The remit of the panel is to provide recommendations to governments on how to better protect journalists and address abuses of media freedom in line with international human rights law.

Drawing on the panel’s new report, the speakers will discuss the use of targeted sanctions to protect journalists and a free press. Can the threat of targeted sanctions help curb the trend of increasing abuses against journalists?

And what legal frameworks and mechanisms will be necessary to ensure targeted sanctions achieve their goal of identifying, preventing and punishing abuses against journalists?
 
This event is organized in collaboration with the International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute which acts as the secretariat to the High-Level Panel of Legal Experts on Media Freedom.

 

Members Events Team




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Certain ortho-hydroxylated brominated ethers are promiscuous kinase inhibitors that impair neuronal signaling and neurodevelopmental processes [Cell Biology]

The developing nervous system is remarkably sensitive to environmental signals, including disruptive toxins, such as polybrominated diphenyl ethers (PBDEs). PBDEs are an environmentally pervasive class of brominated flame retardants whose neurodevelopmental toxicity mechanisms remain largely unclear. Using dissociated cortical neurons from embryonic Rattus norvegicus, we found here that chronic exposure to 6-OH–BDE-47, one of the most prevalent hydroxylated PBDE metabolites, suppresses both spontaneous and evoked neuronal electrical activity. On the basis of our previous work on mitogen-activated protein kinase (MAPK)/extracellular signal-related kinase (ERK) (MEK) biology and our observation that 6-OH–BDE-47 is structurally similar to kinase inhibitors, we hypothesized that certain hydroxylated PBDEs mediate neurotoxicity, at least in part, by impairing the MEK–ERK axis of MAPK signal transduction. We tested this hypothesis on three experimental platforms: 1) in silico, where modeling ligand–protein docking suggested that 6-OH–BDE-47 is a promiscuous ATP-competitive kinase inhibitor; 2) in vitro in dissociated neurons, where 6-OH–BDE-47 and another specific hydroxylated BDE metabolite similarly impaired phosphorylation of MEK/ERK1/2 and activity-induced transcription of a neuronal immediate early gene; and 3) in vivo in Drosophila melanogaster, where developmental exposures to 6-OH–BDE-47 and a MAPK inhibitor resulted in offspring displaying similarly increased frequency of mushroom-body β–lobe midline crossing, a metric of axonal guidance. Taken together, our results support that certain ortho-hydroxylated PBDE metabolites are promiscuous kinase inhibitors and can cause disruptions of critical neurodevelopmental processes, including neuronal electrical activity, pre-synaptic functions, MEK–ERK signaling, and axonal guidance.




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The DNA sensor cGAS is decorated by acetylation and phosphorylation modifications in the context of immune signaling

Bokai Song
Apr 28, 2020; 0:RA120.001981v1-mcp.RA120.001981
Research




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Cell Cycle Profiling Reveals Protein Oscillation, Phosphorylation, and Localization Dynamics

Patrick Herr
Apr 1, 2020; 19:608-623
Research




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Proteaphagy in mammalian cells can function independent of ATG5/ATG7

Tatjana Goebel
Apr 16, 2020; 0:RA120.001983v1-mcp.RA120.001983
Research




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Characterization of signaling pathways associated with pancreatic {beta}-cell adaptive flexibility in compensation of obesity-linked diabetes in db/db mice

Taewook Kang
Apr 7, 2020; 0:RA119.001882v1-mcp.RA119.001882
Research




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Proteome and phosphoproteome analysis of brown adipocytes reveals that RICTOR loss dampens global insulin/AKT signaling

Samuel W Entwisle
Apr 6, 2020; 0:RA120.001946v2-mcp.RA120.001946
Research




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Profiling Cell Signaling Networks at Single-cell Resolution

Xiao-Kang Lun
May 1, 2020; 19:744-756
Review




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AI-driven Personalization in Digital Media: Political and Societal Implications

2 December 2019

The fallout from disinformation and online manipulation strategies have alerted Western democracies to the novel, nuanced vulnerabilities of our information society. This paper outlines the implications of the adoption of AI by the the legacy media, as well as by the new media, focusing on personalization.

Sophia Ignatidou

Academy Associate, International Security Programme

2019-12-02-AI-Driven-Personalization-small.jpg

The Reuters and other news apps seen on an iPhone, 29 January 2019. Photo: Getty Images.

Summary

  • Machine learning (ML)-driven personalization is fast expanding from social media to the wider information space, encompassing legacy media, multinational conglomerates and digital-native publishers: however, this is happening within a regulatory and oversight vacuum that needs to be addressed as a matter of urgency.
  • Mass-scale adoption of personalization in communication has serious implications for human rights, societal resilience and political security. Data protection, privacy and wrongful discrimination, as well as freedom of opinion and of expression, are some of the areas impacted by this technological transformation.
  • Artificial intelligence (AI) and its ML subset are novel technologies that demand novel ways of approaching oversight, monitoring and analysis. Policymakers, regulators, media professionals and engineers need to be able to conceptualize issues in an interdisciplinary way that is appropriate for sociotechnical systems.
  • Funding needs to be allocated to research into human–computer interaction in information environments, data infrastructure, technology market trends, and the broader impact of ML systems within the communication sector.
  • Although global, high-level ethical frameworks for AI are welcome, they are no substitute for domain- and context-specific codes of ethics. Legacy media and digital-native publishers need to overhaul their editorial codes to make them fit for purpose in a digital ecosystem transformed by ML. Journalistic principles need to be reformulated and refined in the current informational context in order to efficiently inform the ML models built for personalized communication.
  • Codes of ethics will not by themselves be enough, so current regulatory and legislative frameworks as they relate to media need to be reassessed. Media regulators need to develop their in-house capacity for thorough research and monitoring into ML systems, and – when appropriate –proportionate sanctions for actors found to be employing such systems towards malign ends. Collaboration with data protection authorities, competition authorities and national electoral commissions is paramount for preserving the integrity of elections and of a political discourse grounded on democratic principles.
  • Upskilling senior managers and editorial teams is fundamental if media professionals are to be able to engage meaningfully and effectively with data scientists and AI engineers.




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Unpacking the role of religion in political transnationalism: the case of the Shi'a Iraqi diaspora since 2003

4 March 2020 , Volume 96, Number 2

Oula Kadhum

This article explores the role of religion in political transnationalism using the case of the Shi'a Iraqi diaspora since 2003. The article focuses on three areas that capture important trends in Shi'a transnationalism and their implications for transnational Shi'a identity politics. These include Shi'a diasporic politics, transnational Shi'a civic activism, and the cultural production of Iraqi Shi'a identity through pilgrimages, rituals and new practices. It is argued that understanding Shi'a Islam and identity formation requires adopting a transnational lens. The evolution of Shi'a Islam is not only a result of the dictates of the Shi'a clerical centres, and how they influence Shi'a populations abroad, but also the transnational interrelationships and links to holy shrine cities, Shi'i national and international politics, humanitarianism and commemorations and rituals. The article demonstrates that Shi'a political transnationalism is unexceptional in that it echoes much of the literature on diasporic politics and development where diaspora involve themselves from afar in the politics and societies of their countries of origin. At the same time, it shows the exceptionalism of Shi'a diasporic movements, in that their motivations and mobilizations are contributing to the reification of sectarian geographical and social borders, creating a transnationalism that is defined by largely Shi'a networks, spaces, actors and causes. The case of Shi'a political transnationalism towards Iraq shows that this is increasing the distance between Shi'is and Iraq's other communities, simultaneously fragmenting Iraq's national unity while deepening Shi'a identity and politics both nationally and supra-nationally.




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Webinar: How is the MENA Region Dealing with the COVID-19 Outbreak?

Research Event

2 April 2020 - 12:30pm to 1:30pm

Event participants

Omar Dewachi, Associate Professor of Medical Anthropology, Department of Anthropology, Rutgers University
Tin Hinane El Kadi, Associate Fellow, MENA Programme, Chatham House
Moderator: Sanam Vakil, Deputy Head & Senior Research Fellow, MENA Programme, Chatham House

At this webinar, part of the Chatham House MENA Programme Online Event Series, experts will explore how the coronavirus pandemic is impacting the economy, state-society relations and healthcare throughout the Middle East and North Africa. How are governments handling this crisis and what measures have they put in place to stop the spread of the virus? Why are some governments withholding information about the number of cases? What has the response from the public been so far? How is this affecting the region and how does it compare to the global picture?

The event will be held on the record.

Reni Zhelyazkova

Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme
+44 (0)20 7314 3624




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Webinar: Federalism in a Fragmented State: Rethinking Decentralization in Yemen

Research Event

15 April 2020 - 1:00pm to 2:00pm

Event participants

Osamah Al Rawhani, Deputy Director, Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies
Moderator: Nadim Houry, Executive Director, Arab Reform Initiative

Yemen suffered from the excessive control of the central government prior to the current conflict. Federalism has been put forward by many Yemeni political parties since the National Dialogue Conference (NDC) as the supposed magic cure for this significant problem. Today, Yemen is more fragmented than ever, its state central institutions have been scattered and lack leadership and the state has lost most of its sovereignty. The prevailing narrative that decentralization through federalism is Yemen’s inevitable path post-conflict often fails to acknowledge that there are prerequisites for effective local governance, beyond political will.  

In a recent article, Osamah Al Rawhani addressed how the weakness of central state institutions is the key challenge to proceeding with federalism in Yemen and highlighted prerequisites and contextual factors that need to be addressed before reforming the structure of the state. He argued that the viability of decentralization relies on the presence of a functioning, representative central government that is capable of devolving power but also able to keep the state from further fragmentation. 

In this webinar, part of the Chatham House project on The Future of the State in the Middle East and North Africa, the article’s author will discuss recent developments in Yemen, where shifting frontlines and regional divisions are fragmenting the country in new ways. The speaker will explore alternative approaches to pursue the path of federalism that recognize the current realities and the critical need for strong central institutions. He will also survey the internal and external factors that must be considered to rebuild a stable state in Yemen.

You can express your interest in attending by following this link. You will receive a Zoom confirmation email should your registration be successful. Alternatively, you can watch the event live on the MENA Programme Facebook page.

Reni Zhelyazkova

Programme Coordinator, Middle East and North Africa Programme
+44 (0)20 7314 3624




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Label-free Visualization of Early Cancer Hepatic Micrometastasis and Intraoperative Image-guided Surgery by Photoacoustic Imaging

Objectives: The detection of cancer micrometastasis for early diagnosis and treatment poses a great challenge for conventional imaging techniques. The aim of study is to evaluate the performance of photoacoustic imaging (PAI) in detecting hepatic micrometastases from melanoma in a very early stage and perform tumor resection by intraoperative photoacoustic image-guidance. Methods: In vivo studies were performed by following protocols approved by the Ethical Committee for Animal Research at Xiamen University. First, a B16 melanoma hepatic metastasis mouse model (n = 10) was established to study the development of micrometastases in vivo. Next, the hepatic metastasis mice models were imaged by scalable PAI instrument, ultrasound, 9.4 T high-resolution magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), positron emission tomography/computed tomography (PET/CT), and bioluminescence imaging. Photoacoustic images acquired with optical wavelengths spanning from 680 to 850 nm were spectrally unmixed by using a linear least-squares method to differentiate various components. Differences in the signal-to-background ratios among different modalities were determined with the two-tailed paired t test. The diagnosis results were assessed with histologic examinations. Excised liver samples from patients diagnosed with hepatic cancer were also examined to identify tumor boundary. In vivo metastatic melanoma removal in surgery was precisely guided by the portable PAI system. Results: PAI achieved as small as ~400 µm hepatic melanoma detection at a depth up to 7 mm in vivo, which could early detect small melanoma compared with ultrasound and MRI in mouse models. The signal ratio of tumor-to-liver acquired with PAI in micrometastases at 8 days (4.2 ± 0.2, n = 6) and 14 days (9.2 ± 0.4, n = 5) were significantly higher than those obtained with PET/CT (1.8 ± 0.1, n = 5 and 4.5 ± 0.2, n = 5, P <0.001 for both). Functional PAI provided dynamic oxygen saturation changes during tumor growth. The limit of detection was measured to be approximately 219 cells per microliter in vitro. We successfully performed intraoperative photoacoustic image-guided surgery in vivo using the rapid portable PAI system. Conclusion: Our findings offer a rapid and effective tool to noninvasively detect micrometastases and guide intraoperative resection as a complementary clinical imaging application.




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Positron lymphography via intracervical 18F-FDG injection for pre-surgical lymphatic mapping in cervical and endometrial malignancies

Rationale: The presence of metastasis in local lymph nodes (LNs) is a key factor influencing choice of therapy and prognosis in cervical and endometrial cancers; therefore, the exploration of sentinel LNs (SLNs) is highly important. Currently, however, SLN mapping requires LN biopsy for pathologic evaluation, since there are no clinical imaging approaches that can identify tumor-positive LNs in early stages. Staging lymphadenectomy poses risks, such as leg lymphedema or lymphocyst formation. Furthermore, in 80% to 90% of patients, the explored LNs are ultimately tumor free, meaning the vast majority of patients are unnecessarily subjected to lymphadenectomy. Methods: Current lymphoscintigraphy methods only identify the anatomic location of the SLNs but do not provide information on their tumor status. There are no non-invasive methods to reliably identify metastases in LNs before surgery. We have developed positron lymphography (PLG), a method to detect tumor-positive LNs, where 18F-fluoro-2-deoxy-D-glucose (18F-FDG) is injected interstitially into the uterine cervix the day of surgery, and its rapid transport through the lymphatic vessels to the SLN is then visualized with dynamic positron emission tomography/computed tomography (PET/CT). We previously showed that PLG was able to identify metastatic LNs in animal models. Here, we present the first results from our pilot clinical trial (clinical trials identifier NCT02285192) in 23 patients with uterine or cervical cancer. On the morning of surgery, 18F-FDG was injected into the cervix, followed by an immediate dynamic PET/CT scan of the pelvis and a delayed 1-h whole body scan. Results: There were 3 (15%) node-positive cases on final pathologic analysis, and all LNs (including one with a focus of only 80 tumor cells) were identified by PLG except one node with an 11-mm micrometastasis. There were 2 (10%) false-positive cases with PLG, in which final pathology of the corresponding SLNs was negative for tumor. Methods: Current lymphoscintigraphy methods only identify the anatomic location of the SLNs but do not provide information on their tumor status. There are no non-invasive methods to reliably identify metastases in LNs before surgery. We have developed positron lymphography (PLG), a method to detect tumor-positive LNs, where 18F-fluoro-2-deoxy-D-glucose (18F-FDG) is injected interstitially into the uterine cervix the day of surgery, and its rapid transport through the lymphatic vessels to the SLN is then visualized with dynamic positron emission tomography/computed tomography (PET/CT). We previously showed that PLG was able to identify metastatic LNs in animal models. Here, we present the first results from our pilot clinical trial (clinical trials identifier NCT02285192) in 23 patients with uterine or cervical cancer. On the morning of surgery, 18F-FDG was injected into the cervix, followed by an immediate dynamic PET/CT scan of the pelvis and a delayed 1-h whole body scan. Results: There were 3 (15%) node-positive cases on final pathologic analysis, and all LNs (including one with a focus of only 80 tumor cells) were identified by PLG, except for one node with an 11-mm micrometastasis. There were 2 (10%) false-positive cases with PLG, in which final pathology of the corresponding SLNs was negative for tumor. Conclusion: This first-in-human study of PLG in women with uterine and cervical cancer demonstrates its feasibility and its ability to identify patients with nodal metastases, and warrants further evaluation in additional studies.




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Immune checkpoint imaging in oncology - a game changer towards personalized immunotherapy?

Immune checkpoint blockade represents a promising approach in oncology, showing anti-tumor activities in various cancers. However, although being generally far more well-tolerated than classical cytotoxic chemotherapy, this treatment, too, may be accompanied by considerable side effects and not all patients benefit equally. Therefore, careful patient selection and monitoring of the treatment response is mandatory. At present, checkpoint-specific molecular imaging is increasingly investigated as a tool for patient selection and response evaluation. Here, an overview of the current developments in immune checkpoint imaging is provided.




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Improved Alignment of PET and CT Images in Whole-Body PET/CT in Cases of Respiratory Motion During CT

Respiratory motion during the CT and PET parts of a PET/CT scan leads to imperfect alignment of anatomical features seen by the two modalities. In this work, we concentrate on the effects of motion during CT. We propose a novel approach for improving the alignment. Methods: Respiratory waveform data were gathered during the CT and PET parts of 28 PET/CT scans of cancer patients with 40 lesions up to 3 cm size in the lung or upper abdomen. PET list-mode data were reconstructed by three reconstruction methods: PET/static, PET/EX or end of expiration (OncoFreeze), and a novel PET/matched method that used both waveforms. The three methods were compared. The distance between tumor positions in PET and CT were characterized in visual interpretation by physicians as well as quantitatively. Tumor standardized uptake values (SUVmax and SUVpeak) were determined relative to SUV based on the static method. Image noise was evaluated in the liver and compared to PET/static. Results: In visual interpretation, the rate of good alignment was 13/21, 13/23 and 18/21 for PET/static, PET/EX and PET/matched methods, respectively, and the mean PET-CT distances were 3.5, 5.1 and 2.8 mm. In visual comparison with PET/EX, the rate of good alignment was increased in 1/10 and 7/10 cases for PET/static and PET/matched. SUVmax was on average 21% higher than PET/static when either PET/EX or PET/matched was used. SUVpeak was 12% higher. Image noise in the liver was 15% higher than static for the PET/EX method, and 40% higher for PET/matched; that is, noise was much lower than in gated PET. Conclusion: Acquiring respiratory waveforms both in PET (as in the current state of the art) and in CT (an unusual key step in this approach) has the potential to improve the alignment of PET and CT images. A proposed method for using this information was tested. Improved alignment was demonstrated.




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The role of FAPI-PET/CT for patients with malignancies of the lower gastrointestinal tract - first clinical experience

For oncological management or radiotherapy planning, reliable staging tools are essential. Recent development of quinoline-based ligands targeting cancer-associated fibroblasts demonstrated promising preclinical and clinical results. The current study aimed to evaluate the role of fibroblast activation protein inhibitors (FAPI)-positron-emission tomography (PET)/computed tomography (CT) for primary malignancies located within the lower gastrointestinal tract (LGT) as a very first clinical analysis. Methods: 68Ga-FAPI-PET/CT was performed in a cohort of 22 patients with LGT including 15 patients with metastatic disease, 1 patient with suspected local relapse and 6 treatment-naïve patients. 68Ga-FAPI-04 and 68Ga-FAPI-46 uptake was quantified by standardized uptake values (SUV)max and (SUV)mean. After comparison with standard imaging, changes in tumor stage/ localization and (radio)oncological management were recorded. Results: The highest uptake of FAPI tracer was observed in liver metastases and anal cancer with a SUVmax of 9.1 and 13.9, respectively. Due to a low background activity in normal tissue, there was a high tumor-to-background ratio of more than 3 in most lesions. In treatment-naïve patients, TNM was changed in 50% while for patients with metastases new findings occurred in 47%. In total, FAPI-imaging caused a high, medium and low change of (radio)oncological management in 19%, 33% and 29%, respectively. For almost every patient undergoing irradiation, target volume delineation was improved by 68Ga-FAPI-PET/CT. Conclusion: The present study demonstrated that both primary and metastatic LGT were reliably detected by 68Ga-FAPI-PET/CT leading to relevant changes in TNM status and (radio)oncological management. 68Ga-FAPI-PET/CT seems to be a highly promising imaging agent for the diagnosis and management of LGT, potentially opening new applications for tumor (re-)staging.




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Digital Solid-State SPECT/CT Quantitation of Absolute 177Lu-Radiotracer Concentration: In Vivo/In Vitro Validation

The accuracy of lutetium-177 (177Lu) radiotracer concentration measurements using quantitative clinical software was determined by comparing in vivo results for a digital solid-state cadmium-zinc-telluride SPECT/CT (single photon emission computed tomography / x-ray computed tomography) system to in vitro sampling. First, image acquisition parameters were assessed for an International Electrotechnical Commission (IEC) body phantom emulating clinical count rates loaded with a "lung" insert and 6 hot spheres with a 12:1 target-to-background ratio of 177Lu solution. Then, the data of 28 whole-body SPECT/CT scans of 7 patients who underwent 177Lu prostate membrane antigen (177Lu-PSMA) radioligand therapy was retrospectively analyzed. Three users analyzed SPECT/CT images for in vivo urinary bladder radiotracer uptake using quantitative software (Q.Metrix, GE Healthcare). In vitro radiopharmaceutical concentrations were calculated using urine sampling obtained immediately after each scan, scaled to standardized uptake values (SUVs). Any in vivo/in vitro identity relations were determined by linear regression (ideally slope=1, intercept=0), within a 95 % confidence interval (CI). Phantom results demonstrated lower quantitative error for acquisitions using the 113 keV 177Lu energy peak rather than including the 208 keV peak, given that only low-energy collimation was available in this camera configuration. In the clinical study, 24 in vivo/in vitro pairs were eligible for further analysis, having rejected 4 as outliers (via Cook’s distance calculations). All linear regressions (R2 ≥ 0.92, P<0.0001) provided identity in vivo/in vitro relations (95 % CI), with SUV averages from all users giving a slope of 1.03±0.09, an intercept of –0.25±0.64 g/mL, and an average residual difference of 20.4 %. Acquiring with the lower energy 177Lu energy peak, solid-state SPECT/CT imaging provides an accuracy to within ~20 % for in vivo urinary bladder radiotracer concentrations. This non-invasive in vivo quantitation method can potentially improve diagnosis, improve patient management and treatment response assessment, and provide data essential to 177Lu dosimetry.




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Biokinetics of Radiolabeled Monoclonal Antibody BC8: Differences in Biodistribution and Dosimetry among Hematologic Malignancies.

We reviewed 111In-DOTA-anti-CD45 antibody (BC8) imaging and bone marrow biopsy measurements to ascertain biodistribution and biokinetics of the radiolabeled antibody and to investigate differences based on type of hematologic malignancy. Methods: Serial whole-body scintigraphic images (4 time-points) were obtained after infusion of the 111In-DOTA-BC8 (176-406 MBq) in 52 adult patients with hematologic malignancies (lymphoma, multiple myeloma, acute myeloid leukemia and myelodysplastic syndrome). Counts were obtained for the regions of interest for spleen, liver, kidneys, testicles (in males), and two marrow sites (acetabulum and sacrum) and correction for attenuation and background was made. Bone marrow biopsies were obtained 14-24 hours post-infusion and percent of administered activity was determined. Radiation absorbed doses were calculated. Results: Initial uptake in liver averaged 32% ± 8.4% (S.D.) of administered activity (52 patients), which cleared monoexponentially with biological half-time of 293 ± 157 hours (33 patients) or did not clear (19 patients). Initial uptake in spleen averaged 22% ± 12% and cleared with a biological half-time 271 ± 185 hours (36 patients) or longer (6 patients). Initial uptake in kidney averaged 2.4% ± 2.0% and cleared with a biological half-time of 243 ± 144 hours (27 patients) or longer (9 patients). Initial uptake in red marrow averaged 23% ± 11% and cleared with half-times of 215 ± 107 hours (43 patients) or longer (5 patients). Whole-body retention half-times averaged 198 ± 75 hours. Splenic uptake was higher in the AML/MDS group when compared to the lymphoma group (p ≤ 0.05) and to the multiple myeloma group (p ≤ 0.10). Liver represented the dose-limiting organ. For liver uptake, no significant differences were observed between the three malignancy groups. Average calculated radiation absorbed doses per unit administered activity for a therapy infusions of 90Y-DOTA-BC8 were for red marrow: 470 ± 260 cGy/MBq, liver 1100 ± 330 cGy/MBq, spleen 4120 ± 1950 cGy/MBq, total body 7520 ± 20 cGy/MBq, osteogenic cells 290 ± 200 cGy/MBq, and kidneys 240 ± 200 cGy/MBqR. Conclusion: 111In-DOTA-BC8 had long retention time in liver, spleen, kidneys, and red marrow, and the highest absorbed doses were calculated for spleen and liver. Few differences were observed by malignancy type. The exception was greater splenic uptake among leukemia/MDS group when compared to lymphoma and multiple myeloma groups.




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FDG-PET assessment of malignant pleural mesothelioma: Total Lesion volume and Total Lesion Glycolysis; the central role of volume.

Cancer Survival is related to tumor volume. FDG PET measurement of tumor volume holds promise but is not yet a clinical tool. Measurements come in two forms: the total lesion volume (TLV) based on the number of voxels in the tumor and secondly the total lesion glycolysis (TLG) which is the TLV multiplied by the average SUL per voxel of the tumor (SUL is the standardize uptake value normalized for lean mass). In this study we measured tumor volume in patients with malignant pleural mesothelioma (MPM). METHODS: A threshold-based program in IDL was developed to measure tumor volume in FDG PET images. 19 patients with malignant pleural mesothelioma (MPM) were studied before and after two cycles (6 weeks) of chemo-immunotherapy. Measurements included the total lesion volume (TLV), Total Lesion Glycolysis (TLG), the sum of the SULs in the tumor (SUL- total), a measure of total FDG uptake, and the average SUL per voxel. RESULTS: Baseline MPM volumes (TLV) ranged from 11 to 2610 cc. TLG values ranged from 32 to 8552 SUL-cc and were strongly correlated with TLV. While tumor volumes ranged over 3 orders of magnitude, the average SUL per voxel, SUL-average, stayed within a narrow range of 2.4 to 5.3 units. Thus, TLV was the major component of TLG while SUL-average was a minor component and was essentially constant. Further evaluation of SUL-average showed that in this cohort it’s two components SUL-total and tumor volume changed in parallel and were strongly correlated, r= 0.99, p<.01. Thus, whether the tumors were large or small, the FDG uptake as measured by SUL-total was proportional to the total tumor volume. Conclusion: TLG equals TLV multiplied by the average SUL per voxel, essentially TLV multiplied by a constant. Thus TLG, commonly considered a measure of "metabolic activity" in tumors, is also in this cohort a measure of tumor volume. The constancy of SUL per voxel is due to FDG uptake being proportional to tumor volume. Thus, in this study, the FDG uptake was also a measure of volume.




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Somalia's Electoral Road-Map and Federal Relations

Research Event

15 November 2019 - 10:30am to 11:30am

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Abdirahman Abdishakur Warsame, Leader, Wadajir Party, Federal Republic of Somalia
Chair: Ahmed Soliman, Research Fellow, Africa Programme, Chatham House

As Somalia heads into an electoral cycle, its political landscape and federal picture appear unstable. The federal government is seeking to implement a feasible electoral model that will further the country’s democratic transition ahead of elections set for late 2020 and early 2021. An expanded and more inclusive process will require an agreement on election modalities and approved electoral law, the completion of the constitutional review and improved security provision.
 
Reconciliation and dialogue between the federal government and federal member states will be critical to making further progress on political, security and economic reforms. Recent contestations in the regions of Jubaland, Galmudug and Puntland do not bode well. Somalia’s political leaders are readying themselves for a tough contest with several opposition parties recently merging to form the Forum for National Parties (FNP), led by former President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed.
 
At this event, the Abdirahman Warsame, leader of the Wadajir Party, will analyse the political and federal transition in Somalia and give his perspective on how to improve the often-fractious relationship between the centre and the regions.
 
THIS EVENT IS NOW FULL AND REGISTRATION HAS CLOSED.

Sahar Eljack

Programme Administrator, Africa Programme
+ 44 (0) 20 7314 3660




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Decentralization and Cross-border Integration in the Horn of Africa

Research Event

4 February 2020 - 5:00pm to 6:15pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Mohamed Guleid, Chief Executive Officer, Frontier Counties Development Council
Nuradin Dirie, Chair, Puntland Presidential Advisory Council
Aden Abdi, Horn of Africa Programme Director, Conciliation Resources
Chair: Dr Zahbia Yousuf, Senior Research Advisor, Saferworld 

The interdependence of communities across the Horn of Africa results from social, familial, linguistic and cultural ties that cross territorial borders. Such linkages are reinforced by established patterns of movement and trade, often leading to stronger political and social connections between communities on either side of borders, than with their respective national capitals. States in the region are increasingly being challenged by demands for decentralization and more effective local governance. Improved understanding of the complexity of sub-national and cross-border political and economic contexts will be required to meet these demands and support enhanced governance so that challenges such as marginalization, intercommunal conflict and more equitable sharing of resources can be effectively addressed.

At this event, speakers will examine some of the key subnational and cross-border relations in the Horn of Africa. They will also discuss initiatives and stakeholders needed to support common solutions to building peace, furthering development and bolstering inclusive growth and integration. 

THIS EVENT IS NOW FULL AND REGISTRATION HAS CLOSED.

Sahar Eljack

Programme Administrator, Africa Programme
+ 44 (0) 20 7314 3660




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Realizing South Sudan's Peace Deal

Invitation Only Research Event

24 February 2020 - 5:00pm to 6:15pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Miklos Gosztonyi, Conflict Analyst, South Sudan, Norwegian Refugee Council
Matthew F. Pritchard, Research and Policy Specialist, McGill University
Joshua Craze, Writer and Researcher
Teohna Williams, CEO, Business Plan for Peace

South Sudan’s new power sharing government must be formed by 22 February 2020, as specified in the Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan (R-ARCSS). There have been two extensions to this process already, reflecting the continued distrust among leaders and the complexity of the conflict.

The lack of progress in several contentious areas has delayed the formation of the Revitalized Transitional Government of National Unity (R-TGoNU) for nine months, but the recent decision taken by President Salva Kiir Mayardit to re-establish 10 states has been welcomed by opposition groups, regional mediators and international partners.

It is seen as the breakthrough needed for an agreement to be reached, despite some outstanding concerns. Further meaningful compromises and difficult decisions will be needed to implement a lasting peace agreement.

At this event, a panel of speakers will examine the status of the peace deal following the February deadline and the steps needed to progress the key issues underlying implementation.

Event attributes

Chatham House Rule

Sahar Eljack

Programme Administrator, Africa Programme
+ 44 (0) 20 7314 3660




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Meeting the Promise of the 2010 Constitution: Devolution, Gender and Equality in Kenya

Research Event

12 May 2020 - 1:00pm to 2:00pm
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Natasha Kimani, Academy Associate, Chatham House; Head of Partnerships and Programmes, Shujaaz Inc.
Chair: Tighisti Amare, Assistant Director, Africa Programme, Chatham House
While gender equality was enshrined in Kenyan law under the 2010 constitution, gender-based marginalization remains a significant issue across all levels of society. The advent of devolution in 2013 raised hopes of enhanced gender awareness in policymaking and budgeting, with the 47 newly instituted county governments expected to tackle the dynamics of inequality close to home, but implementation has so far failed to match this initial promise. As Kenya approaches the tenth anniversary of the constitution, and with the COVID-19 pandemic throwing the challenges of gender inequality into sharper relief, it is critical to ensure that constitutional pathways are followed with the requisite level of urgency, commitment and investment to address entrenched gender issues.
 
This event, which will launch the report, Meeting the Promise of the 2010 Constitution: Devolution, Gender and Equality in Kenya, will assess the current status of efforts to devolve and adopt gender-responsive budgeting and decision-making in Kenya, and the priorities and potential future avenues to tackle the implementation gap.
 
This event will be held on the record.

To express your interest in attending, please follow this link. You will receive a Zoom confirmation email should your registration be successful.

Hanna Desta

Programme Assistant, Africa Programme




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COVID-19 in South Africa: Leadership, Resilience and Inequality

7 May 2020

Christopher Vandome

Research Fellow, Africa Programme
In a world looking for leadership, South Africa’s president Cyril Ramaphosa has been remarkable. One year after he carried the time-worn ANC through a national election, South Africans are crying out for more.

2020-05-07-Ramaphosa-COVID-South-Africa

Cyril Ramaphosa at NASREC Expo Centre in Johannesburg where facilities are in place to treat coronavirus patients. Photo by JEROME DELAY/POOL/AFP via Getty Images.

In the COVID-19 crisis so far, Cyril Ramaphosa has been widely praised for displaying the decisive leadership so many hoped for when they cast their ballot for him in May 2019. Buttressed by others such as health minister Dr Zweli Mkhize, and on a simple objective to prevent transmission, South Africa has been a lesson to the world. Act fast. Act hard.

Former president Thabo Mbeki’s disastrous response to the HIV crisis cast a long shadow over his legacy, and Ramaphosa has taken note. South Africa has had one of the tightest lockdowns in the world. No exercise. No cigarettes. No alcohol.

The lockdown was imposed when the country had only around 1,000 recorded cases and just two deaths. As a result, transmission from returning travellers has not yet led to an exponential infection rate within the community. The government’s swift reaction has bought much needed time with the peak now seemingly delayed to September or October.

Continental and national leadership

Ramaphosa has also emerged as a key focal point for Africa-wide responses. As current chair of the African Union (AU) he leads the continental engagement with the World Health Organization (WHO), and the various international finance institutions, while South African officials are working with the AU and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) on a push for African debt restructuring.

He has also been active in trouble shooting to unlock external assistance to the continent, including from China and Russia. Appointing special envoys is typical of his boardroom-honed leadership style.

International and regional partnerships are vital for resilience and the arrival of 217 Cuban doctors to South Africa is strongly reminiscent of the liberationist solidarity of the Cold War era. And regional economies remain dependent on South Africa to protect their own vulnerable citizens. Following the 2008 financial crisis, it was South Africa’s regional trading relationships that remained robust, while trade with its main global partners in China and the US dropped.

Despite the plaudits, Ramaphosa remains vulnerable to challenge at home, notably around his failure to stimulate South Africa’s moribund economy. On the eve of lockdown, Moody’s joined its peers Standard and Poor’s and Fitch in giving South Africa a below investment grade credit rating. The move was a long time coming. Long mooted economic reforms were slow to materialise, and South Africa had fallen into recession.

Ramaphosa depends on a small core of close advisors and allies, initially united in apparent opposition to the kleptocratic rule of President Jacob Zuma and the deep patronage networks he created within both the party and the state. But this allegiance is being tested by economic reality. Support within the party was already drifting prior to the crisis.

Disagreements are not just technocratic – there are big ideological questions in play around the role of the state in the economy, the level of intervention, and its affordability, with key government figures sceptical of rapid market reforms. Energy minister and former union stalwart Gwede Mantashe is wary of job losses, and minister of public enterprises Pravin Gordhan protective of state-owned enterprises (SOEs). Before coronavirus hit, Ramaphosa seemed content to allow these policy disputes to play themselves out with little decisive intervention.

Slow progress on reform, against worsening economic performance, left Ramaphosa and his allies exposed. In January the president missed the UK’s African Investment Summit in order to assert control over a party meeting at which it was expected his detractors would seek to remove Gordhan.

COVID-19 has sharpened thinking

As the independently assertive - and eminently quotable - pro-market reformist finance minister Tito Mboweni stated, ‘you can’t eat ideology’. Accelerated reform and restructuring is required if the government turns to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for assistance.

For the first time, Gordhan has been forced to deny a bailout to beleaguered state airline South African Airways (SAA), and the government’s lockdown bailout of R300 billion has been applauded by business. Much like the fiscal stimulus and recovery plan of 2018, it relies on smart spending, targeting sectors with high multiplier effects. It also includes significant reserve bank loans.

But it has been criticised for not doing enough to help the most vulnerable. There is considerable fear of what could happen when the virus takes hold in South Africa’s townships and informal settlements where social distancing is almost impossible, basic toilet facilities are shared, and HIV and TB rates high.

There are mounting concerns of the humanitarian cost of a prolonged lockdown, and the government has been faster than others in implementing a tiered lockdown system, trying to get people back to work and keep the economy afloat.

South Africa has been criticized by the UN for the use of lethal force by security forces in enforcing lockdown and, in a society plagued by corruption, there are fears legislation to stop the spread of false information could be used to restrict legitimate reporting on the virus response or other issues.

COVID-19 shines a spotlight on societies’ fault-lines worldwide. South Africa is often touted as having one of the highest levels of inequality in the world but, in a globalized economy, these divisions are international as much as they are local.

Resilience comes from within, but also depends on regional and global trading and financial systems. South Africans and international partners have long recognised Ramaphosa’s leadership qualities as an impressive voice for the global south.

But he must also be an advocate for South Africa’s poor. This crisis could accelerate implementation of his landmark pro-poor National Health Insurance and Universal Health Care programmes. Or the hit of COVID-19 on top of South Africa’s existing economic woes could see them derailed entirely. Ramaphosa must push through economic reforms at the same time as managing COVID-19 and rebuilding trust in his government.




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Phosphoproteomic characterization of the signaling network resulting from activation of the chemokine receptor CCR2 [Genomics and Proteomics]

Leukocyte recruitment is a universal feature of tissue inflammation and regulated by the interactions of chemokines with their G protein–coupled receptors. Activation of CC chemokine receptor 2 (CCR2) by its cognate chemokine ligands, including CC chemokine ligand 2 (CCL2), plays a central role in recruitment of monocytes in several inflammatory diseases. In this study, we used phosphoproteomics to conduct an unbiased characterization of the signaling network resulting from CCL2 activation of CCR2. Using data-independent acquisition MS analysis, we quantified both the proteome and phosphoproteome in FlpIn-HEK293T cells stably expressing CCR2 at six time points after activation with CCL2. Differential expression analysis identified 699 significantly regulated phosphorylation sites on 441 proteins. As expected, many of these proteins are known to participate in canonical signal transduction pathways and in the regulation of actin cytoskeleton dynamics, including numerous guanine nucleotide exchange factors and GTPase-activating proteins. Moreover, we identified regulated phosphorylation sites in numerous proteins that function in the nucleus, including several constituents of the nuclear pore complex. The results of this study provide an unprecedented level of detail of CCR2 signaling and identify potential targets for regulation of CCR2 function.