Some 18 officers of the Moldovan armed forces, as well as representatives of the Interior and Justice Ministries successfully completed a training course on the safe handling of ammunition stockpiles held at the Military Academy in Chisinau from 23 February to 11 March 2016.

The participants were familiarized with different types of ammunition, including small arms and light weapons and conventional ammunition, and were instructed on how to handle, pack and store ammunition.

“Knowing how to handle ammunition in a manner that does not pose a risk to yourself and to those around you is an essential skill for any member of the armed forces, regardless of their rank,” said Per Normark, Programme Manager of the Conflict Prevent and Resolution programme at the OSCE Mission to Moldova. “This training course has equipped participants with practical knowledge on how to handle a range of types of ammunition, thereby building the capacity of the Moldovan armed forces to ensure a secure and safe environment.”

The course, which was supported by the OSCE Mission to Moldova, was conducted by specialized trainers in the National Army with the guidance of a group of experts from Austria and Sweden.

The training course is part of a multi-year project to train Moldovan ammunition specialists. The aim of the project is to provide the specialists with the necessary skills for the safe and secure storage of small arms and light weapons in accordance with OSCE and international best practices.

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As part of a one-year project to support the engagement of national minority youth and civil society in public discussions and public service, a roundtable discussion was held at the OSCE Mission to Moldova on 24 June 2016.

The event brought together 23 representatives of the Moldovan Parliament, the authorities of Gagauz-Yeri, civil society and the international community to discuss institutional dialogue between central and Gagauz authorities.

Independent researchers from the Comrat-based NGO Piligrim-Demo presented a recent report detailing the joint commissions formed over the years to initiate dialogue on the implementation of Gagauzia’s status as an Autonomous Territorial Unit. They outlined their recommendations for improving the functioning of the current working group established between the Parliament of Moldova and the People’s Assembly of Gagauzia. 

“Such discussions on the process of dialogue between civil society, the expert community and members of the Parliament and People's Assembly are important as they provide critical input to the process and build common understanding of issues,” said Jale Sultanli, Country Manager Moldova of the Crisis Management Initiative (CMI). Participants from Comrat and Chisinau welcomed the opportunity to study past and present practices to strengthen co-operation between the central and regional authorities in Moldova.

Related Stories

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• OSCE Mission to Moldova strengthens professional skills and civic engagement among young people from both banks
• Psychologists and professionals working with domestic violence victims trained at OSCE-supported events in Moldova on both banks

As part of a one-year project to support the engagement of national minority youth and civil society in public discussions and public service, a roundtable discussion was held at the OSCE Mission to Moldova on 24 June 2016.

The event brought together 23 representatives of the Moldovan Parliament, the authorities of Gagauz-Yeri, civil society and the international community to discuss institutional dialogue between central and Gagauz authorities.

Independent researchers from the Comrat-based NGO Piligrim-Demo presented a recent report detailing the joint commissions formed over the years to initiate dialogue on the implementation of Gagauzia’s status as an Autonomous Territorial Unit. They outlined their recommendations for improving the functioning of the current working group established between the Parliament of Moldova and the People’s Assembly of Gagauzia. 

“Such discussions on the process of dialogue between civil society, the expert community and members of the Parliament and People's Assembly are important as they provide critical input to the process and build common understanding of issues,” said Jale Sultanli, Country Manager Moldova of the Crisis Management Initiative (CMI). Participants from Comrat and Chisinau welcomed the opportunity to study past and present practices to strengthen co-operation between the central and regional authorities in Moldova.

Related Stories

• OSCE Mission to Moldova trains lawyers from both banks of the Dniester/Nistru River on addressing discrimination
• OSCE Mission to Moldova strengthens professional skills and civic engagement among young people from both banks
• Psychologists and professionals working with domestic violence victims trained at OSCE-supported events in Moldova on both banks

The OSCE Mission to Moldova held the final in a series of three training sessions for 12 psychologists and professionals working with domestic violence victims. The session took place on 27 June 2016 in Rybnitsa, a town on the left bank of the Dniester/Nistru River.

The event aimed to equip participants with essential skills in family counselling and post-traumatic stress rehabilitation. Participants studied means to identify family violence, various coaching techniques to use when working with families, as well as methods for handling trauma and post-traumatic stress among domestic violence victims.

In the past week, similar training events have been held in Chisinau and Tiraspol with the total participation of 50 professionals from Bender, Causeni, Chisinau, Comrat, Drochia, Rybnitsa and Tiraspol.

Participants in the training sessions included psychologists, teachers, medical professionals, lawyers and social workers, all of whom encounter cases of domestic violence in their work through Moldova’s referral system.

The training events were held as part of the Mission’s project to strengthen the capacity of those who provide crisis services to women and families on both banks of the Dniester/Nistru River. The project was developed following a country-wide assessment conducted in 2014 and 2015. The assessment identified a number of challenges in this field in Moldova, most notably the difficulties in accessing domestic violence services – including shelters and crisis centres – for those living in rural areas, and a lack of state resources. 

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The OSCE Mission to Moldova held a training event on essential debate techniques for 37 high-school students and 7 teachers from both banks of the Dniester/Nistru River on 1 to 3 July 2016 in Vadul-lui-Vodă, a town by the river. The event, which gathered students from Balti, Bender, Cahul, Ceadir-Lunga, Comrat, Parcani, Tiraspol and Vulcanesti, aimed to enhance youth engagement in civic processes at the local and national levels.

“This event has equipped me with skills that will be vital for both my professional and private life,” said Daria Bogdanova, a student from Tiraspol. “Engaging in debates is an excellent way to help us convey our thoughts more convincingly, search for compromise and exercise objectivity.”

The training event introduced students to the Karl Popper debate format that teaches students how to conduct and participate in academic debates, demonstrate leadership, make public speeches, co-operate in teams and apply critical thinking. The aim of the event was to develop students’ analytical and debate skills in order to strengthen their professional opportunities and civic engagement.

The students attending the training will apply their newly acquired knowledge and skills in a series of two debate tournaments to be held in the autumn. The training sessions and tournaments are organized as part of a one-year project implemented jointly by the OSCE Mission to Moldova and the Comrat-based NGO Piligrim-Demo that aims to actively engage young people, including those representing national minorities, in civic process at the local and national levels by developing their debate skills.

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VIENNA, 13 July 2016 – OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media Dunja Mijatović today said that media laws under consideration by the Parliament in Moldova run counter to international standards on media freedom.

On 7 July the Parliament adopted, in the first reading, three amendments to the Audio-visual Code of the Republic of Moldova. All three amendments aim to limit broadcasts in foreign languages or those originating from abroad.

“It is counterproductive to try to limit speech through excessively restrictive legislation,” Mijatović wrote in a letter yesterday to the Chairperson of the Parliament of the Republic of Moldova, Andrian Candu. “In my view it seems excessive and may be ineffective.”

The reasoning given for introducing the restrictive provisions banning broadcasts or rebroadcasts of certain content is that it originates from states that are neither members of the European Union, nor are parties to the European Convention on Transfrontier Television. 

“I trust that the draft laws will be carefully reviewed by the members of Parliament before being adopted in the second reading, ensuring that the regulation does not pose undue limits on free expression and free flow of information,” Mijatović said.

The Representative also pointed to the recommendations of her Office’s non-paper “Propaganda and Freedom of the Media” published in 2015 (available at www.osce.org/fom/203926).

The OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media observes media developments in all 57 OSCE participating States. She provides early warning on violations of freedom of expression and media freedom and promotes full compliance with OSCE media freedom commitments. Learn more at www.osce.org/fom, Twitter: @OSCE_RFoM and on www.facebook.com/osce.rfom. 

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The OSCE Mission to Moldova organized a summer school on 15-17 July 2016 for 25 lawyers from both banks of the Dniester/Nistru River aimed at enhancing their ability to represent individuals who have been subject to discrimination. The summer school was held at Vadul-lui-Vodă, a town by the river.

Participants in the summer school studied various types and instances of discrimination, as well as the existing legal criteria for combating discriminatory actions and practices. In particular, the discussions focused on stereotypes and prejudices that can lead to the unequal treatment of people and looked at the latest trends in international case law addressing discrimination. Participants also had the opportunity to test their understanding of discrimination by taking part in mock scenarios involving gender, linguistic and ethnic bias and hate speech. 

“The problem of discrimination is very relevant in our current environment,” said Nicolae Radita of the Roma National Centre. “The summer school training has provided me with the tools to prevent and combat discrimination more effectively in my day-to-day work.”

Yan Feldman, Chairperson of Moldova’s Equality Council also participated in the summer school and updated participants on recent issues arising out of the Council’s work.

This event is part of a year-long OSCE project that aims to facilitate the exchange of experiences among lawyers from both banks of the Dniester/Nistru River.

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CHISINAU, 25 July 2016 – OSCE Chairperson-in-Office and German Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs Frank-Walter Steinmeier, is traveling to Moldova and will have talks in Chisinau and Tiraspol on 26 July 2016.

As the Spokesperson of the German Federal Foreign Office said in Berlin today, the visit to Moldova aims at strengthening the momentum that has recently been reinvigorated in the negotiation process on the settlement of the Transdniestrian conflict. On 2-3 June 2016 in Berlin the negotiators of the 5+2 Process met for the first time after a period of two years, and committed to undertaking concrete steps, including in the fields of ecology, education, transportation and telecommunications.

“We hope that there is a chance to bring this long-standing conflict step by step closer to a settlement,” said the Spokesperson.

In Chisinau, Steinmeier will meet with Speaker of Parliament Andrian Candu, Prime Minister Pavel Filip, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and European Integration Andrei Galbur, and Deputy Prime Minister for Reintegration and Moldovan Political Representative Gheorghe Balan.

In Tiraspol, the Chairperson-in-Office will meet a representative of the Transdniestrian leadership, Pavel Prokudin, Speaker of the Supreme Soviet, Vadim Krasnoslesky and the Transdniestrian Political Representative, Vitaly Ignatiev.

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CHISINAU / TIRASPOL, 26 July 2016 – OSCE Chairperson-in-Office, German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier, in Moldova today had talks with high-level Moldovan officials as well as with representatives from the Transdniestrian leadership. Steinmeier also visited the offices of the OSCE Mission in Moldova on both sides of the Dniester/Nistru River, in Chisinau and Tiraspol, and acknowledged their valuable work towards the Transdniestrian conflict settlement process. 

In Chisinau, Steinmeier met with Speaker of Parliament Andrian Candu, Prime Minister Pavel Filip, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and European Integration Andrei Galbur, and Deputy Prime Minister for Reintegration and Moldovan Political Representative Gheorghe Balan. During these talks Steinmeier was joined by his Special Representative for the Transdniestrian Settlement Process Ambassador Cord Meier-Klodt and the Acting Head of the OSCE Mission in Moldova Stephen Young.

Speaking to the media at a joint press conference with Prime Minister Filip, Steinmeier stressed the importance of the role of the OSCE and the unified approach of all international partners, while calling on the sides to remain fully committed to the settlement of this long-standing conflict. “The success in the settlement process fundamentally depends on the resolve of the sides to achieve progress to the benefit of the people. But it is also a result of the remarkable unity of international partners.” Besides the OSCE, the international partners are the Russian Federation, Ukraine, the European Union and the United States of America.

“With a view to the Transdniestrian conflict we have recently made considerable efforts to inject new momentum to the negotiation process between the sides which had come to a standstill for quite some time,” Steinmeier said. He continued that it was a priority now to ensure a sustainable effect of the 5+2 talks which resumed in Berlin on 2 and 3 June 2016.

“We must now, as a first step, tackle those problems that can be solved pragmatically in order to enhance the trust between the sides that is necessary for more far-reaching measures.” As examples of such confidence-building measures, Steinmeier referred to the re-connection of telecommunication networks, the apostilisation of Transdniestrian university diplomas and progress on the car license plate issue.

At his talks in Tiraspol with representatives of the Transdniestrian leadership, Pavel Prokudin and Vitaly Ignatiev as well as with the speaker of the Supreme Soviet Vadim Krasnoselsky, Steinmeier called on the sides to implement the Berlin Protocol from June 2016 in a swift and comprehensive manner. Steinmeier, during his visit, also re-affirmed the parameters of the settlement process, which is the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Moldova with a special status for Transdniestria. 

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VIENNA, 13 July 2016 – OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media Dunja Mijatović today said that media laws under consideration by the Parliament in Moldova run counter to international standards on media freedom.

On 7 July the Parliament adopted, in the first reading, three amendments to the Audio-visual Code of the Republic of Moldova. All three amendments aim to limit broadcasts in foreign languages or those originating from abroad.

“It is counterproductive to try to limit speech through excessively restrictive legislation,” Mijatović wrote in a letter yesterday to the Chairperson of the Parliament of the Republic of Moldova, Andrian Candu. “In my view it seems excessive and may be ineffective.”

The reasoning given for introducing the restrictive provisions banning broadcasts or rebroadcasts of certain content is that it originates from states that are neither members of the European Union, nor are parties to the European Convention on Transfrontier Television. 

“I trust that the draft laws will be carefully reviewed by the members of Parliament before being adopted in the second reading, ensuring that the regulation does not pose undue limits on free expression and free flow of information,” Mijatović said.

The Representative also pointed to the recommendations of her Office’s non-paper “Propaganda and Freedom of the Media” published in 2015 (available at www.osce.org/fom/203926).

The OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media observes media developments in all 57 OSCE participating States. She provides early warning on violations of freedom of expression and media freedom and promotes full compliance with OSCE media freedom commitments. Learn more at www.osce.org/fom, Twitter: @OSCE_RFoM and on www.facebook.com/osce.rfom. 

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U4SSC - City Snapshot - Molde, Norway

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Moldova and Georgia face crucial elections – and diverging paths Expert comment LToremark 16 October 2024

The two countries face unusually consequential elections where their populations must choose between moving unambiguously towards the West – or towards closer ties with Russia.

Moldova and Georgia both go to the polls at the end of October; Moldova for presidential elections on the 20^th and Georgia for parliamentary elections on the 26^th. The two countries share a number of similarities – beyond their justified reputation as world-class wine producers. They are both small, low- to middle-income countries that have struggled to consolidate their democracies and have experienced oligarchic political influence. Both are candidate countries for EU membership, with Moldova a step ahead having been invited to start negotiations. 

For both countries these elections represent a fork in the road: either move unambiguously into the Western world, or step back from it and become more closely tied to Russia again and its way of governance. However, the second option has caused yet-to-be-resolved territorial conflicts in both countries – Transnistria for Moldova, and Abkhazia and South Ossetia for Georgia.

Some would say it should not be such a ‘zero sum’ choice. Why must a nation choose between Russia and the West? While that may be a fair statement for countries like India or South Africa, it does not work for Russia’s former colonies, which Moscow wishes to control. 

Moldova and Georgia’s final similarity is that they face Russian interference and attempts to manipulate votes in their elections. In Moldova this has been especially brazen with the uncovering in September of a $15 million vote-buying scheme, including instructions on who to vote for distributed to over 130,000 citizens. Russian interference in Georgia’s election is less overt but at the same time more endemic considering its government has in effect been captured by pro-Russia forces.

Diverging paths

But this is where the similarities end and the contrasts become clear.

Moldova has a young, pro-Western and equality-conscious government, and 44 of the 100 MPs in its parliament are women. In this election, Maia Sandu is seeking her second and final term as president. The election is combined with a referendum asking the people if they wish to embed Moldova’s EU aspirations into the country’s constitution. The results of both the presidential election and the EU referendum will be close, reflecting a genuine split in attitudes (and debate) in the country. 

Georgia’s EU aspirations, meanwhile, are already embedded in its constitution – but that has not prevented Tbilisi from pivoting away from the West. Polls show   that around 80 per cent of Georgia’s population desires EU (and NATO) membership – rising to 90 per cent among the under 30s – but its government seems determined to deny them that future. 

Its new ‘foreign agents’ law is seemingly copy-pasted from Russia – and incompatible with EU membership. The election can be seen as a de facto referendum on the EU too. Georgia’s accession is suspended until its political crisis is resolved. 

Georgia faces other challenges to its democracy. Due to the country’s limited presidential powers, Georgia is in effect run by the unelected Bidzina Ivanishvili – founder of the ruling Georgian Dream (GD) party – whose relationship with Russia is murky at best. Judging by his recent speeches, Ivanishvili now blames the Western world not just for igniting the war in Ukraine, but also for the war in Georgia 16 years ago which resulted in the loss of 20 per cent of its territory at the hands of Russia. This extraordinary position is both factually incorrect and out of step with the Georgian people.

Both countries are now at a critical point. Whatever the outcome in Moldova, the election will pass off peacefully and competently. Its problems (Russia aside) are demographic and economic, and the country’s pro-Russian opposition is relatively weak.

Georgia’s election looks like it is going to be messy. Ivanishvili’s party will likely manipulate the election to a win. There is still a chance that Georgia’s pro-Western but also weak opposition will regain power and return the country to its European path. But if the manipulation by the incumbency is heavy, people will likely take to the streets in protest, as in April this year – and in the 2003 Rose Revolution.

Regime change via popular revolution shows political immaturity but the Georgian people may feel it is the only way they can have their views represented and their ambitions realised. 

Here we go again: Russia’s energy ‘diplomacy’ in Moldova Expert comment LJefferson 6 December 2021

The gas crisis shows that while the new Moldovan government may wish for geopolitics to go away, they are a weapon Russia will deploy at will.

In October, Moldova came under the spotlight when Russia, its primary provider of gas, slashed supplies by a third and refused to extend the existing contract.

The crisis was resolved at the end of October when Russia and Moldova signed a new contract, in which Moscow has used Moldova’s gas dependence to extract geopolitical concessions, weaken the new pro-western Chisinau government and drive a wedge between the EU and Moldova.

A chronic failure to reform

Moldova became a classic case of state capture when political elites – including nominally pro-European political elites – engaged in massive rent-extraction.

Up until 2020, when pro-reform forces came to power, Moldovan politics offered rapid route to riches for both the nominally pro-European parties and the pro-Russian Socialist Party; each was responsible for playing up ethnic and geopolitical cleavages in the country to mobilize votes and shore up legitimacy.

These predatory elites hollowed out Moldova economically and politically by a chronic failure to reform, in particular the energy sector which became a major source of rent.

However, this started to change when the pro-reform forces came to power as a result of the 2020 presidential and then 2021 parliament elections. The pro-reformist Maia Sandu defeated the incumbent president Igor Dodon (58 per cent to 42 per cent) in November of that year. And then her party got 58 per cent of the vote in the parliamentary elections which followed in July 2021.

Her Party of Action’s (PAS) winning formula was to focus on corruption and domestic reforms – rather than playing the ‘geopolitical’ card, a favourite strategy of their predecessors. As Sandu put it, the elections marked ‘the end of the reign of thieves in Moldova’.

A gas crisis is initiated  

Russia’s response to these results was to initiate a gas crisis. Up until the victory of the pro-reform forces, Russia had annually renewed a gas contract signed in 2007. However, in September 2021, Russia refused to renew the contract as it had done many times before and instead insisted on a new contract, which allowed Russia to create linkages between energy prices, debt settlement, a halt on energy market reforms and, it can be logically inferred, further integration with the EU.

Moldova’s national energy company, Moldovgaz, is 63.5 per cent de facto owned by Gazprom with the Moldovan government owning the remaining 35.5 per cent. (Moldova was forced to give Gazprom a controlling stake when faced with a cut in supplies in January 2006). It is therefore hardly surprising that no efforts were made to de-monopolise the sector and diversify energy supplies.

This lack of modernization can be explained by the somewhat surreal fact that in any negotiations and planning, Moldovagaz – majority owned by Gazprom – represents the Moldovan side in negotiations with Gazprom. So, when it came to signing of the new five-year contract in October 2021, Russia, through Gazprom, was able to institute a contract which made gas prices conditional on various geopolitical conditions.

It is noteworthy that Moldova’s original 2007 gas contract had been renewed annually despite the supposed accrual of debt. However, the very nature of this debt is suspect. While Moldova’s debt is said to be approximately $700 million, the debt of the much smaller breakaway Transnistria was around $7.3 billion.

The exact level and source of the debt remain murky. Russia appears to be making Moldova liable to repay at least some of Transnistria’s debt while only demanding the debt settlement with Moldova, but not with Transnistria.

High stakes for Moscow

Moreover, the contract is used to derail liberalisation of the energy market in line with EU’s energy market rules (through the so-called unbundling of supplies and distribution) which Moldova had committed itself to since the country joined the Energy Community in 2010.

Referring to ‘the non-application of forced reorganization and sanctions against Moldovagaz’, the new gas contract forces Moldova to postpone implementing the unbundling of supplies and distribution by making it conditional on resolving the energy debt.

Furthermore, Moldova ominously agreed to create an ‘intergovernmental commission on economic cooperation’ with Russia, which effectively blocks Moldova’s economic integration with the EU. (This demand is hardly new as Russia previously requested, and was granted, a seat at the negotiating table on a bilateral trade agreement between the EU and Ukraine. The trilateral EU-Ukraine-Russia negotiations have made it clear that Russia is seeking a veto over European integration of all neighbouring countries.)  

Targeting Moldova’s new reformist government reflects high personal stakes for Moscow. Moldova’s caretaker (kurator) in the Kremlin is Dimitrii Kozak, who in 2003 masterminded the so-called ‘Kozak Memorandum’. This sought to reintegrate breakaway Transnistria into a Moldova-Transnistria federation.

It was thwarted at the last minute but the Russian leadership has not given up on its plan. Now using his position as the deputy head of Presidential Administration, Kozak is masterminding Russia’s rehashed policy towards Moldova and has attempted to bring back his Memorandum as a political blueprint for a ‘settlement’.

Russia’s heavy-handed energy ‘diplomacy’

The new Moldovan government is caught in a crossfire of domestic expectations and Russian geopolitical demands. The gas crisis shows that while the new government may wish for geopolitics to go away, they are a weapon Russia will deploy at will.

The Moldovan government is brand new so it has relatively little experience of dealing with Russia’s heavy-handed ‘energy diplomacy’. But the EU has been on the receiving end of this before – this is a direct replica of Russia’s strategy toward Armenia and Ukraine – and neither ended well for the target countries or for the EU.

So, Russia’s plans for Moldova are likely to have similar consequences for the EU’s latest attempts to be a convincing foreign policy actor. 

President Maia Sandu on democracy and politics in Moldova Video jon.wallace 4 July 2022

The president covers Moldova’s challenges as it seeks closer integration with the European Union.

President Maia Sandu discusses challenges to Moldovan democracy and society during an interview at Chatham House’s 2022 London Conference.

She covers issues including corruption, the presence of Russian troops in the Transnistria region, neutrality in Moldova’s constitution, popular support for EU membership and refugees from Russian aggression in Ukraine.

500 children attended the children’s program and hundreds of visitors came to the Bus4Life in Moldova. The team was amazed at the response.

Moldova's wine industry has gained some international recognition but the country remains largely untroubled by tourists, a combination that is enticing some foreign investors.

Marina Umaschi Bers has long been at the forefront of technological innovation for kids. In the 2010s, while teaching at Tufts University, in Massachusetts, she codeveloped the ScratchJr programming language and KIBO robotics kits, both intended for young children in STEM programs. Now head of the DevTech research group at Boston College, she continues to design learning technologies that promote computational thinking and cultivate a culture of engineering in kids.

What was the inspiration behind creating ScratchJr and the KIBO robot kits?

Marina Umaschi Bers: We want little kids—as they learn how to read and write, which are traditional literacies—to learn new literacies, such as how to code. To make that happen, we need to create child-friendly interfaces that are developmentally appropriate for their age, so they learn how to express themselves through computer programming.

How has the process of invention changed since you developed these technologies?

Bers: Now, with the maker culture, it’s a lot cheaper and easier to prototype things. And there’s more understanding that kids can be our partners as researchers and user-testers. They are not passive entities but active in expressing their needs and helping develop inventions that fit their goals.

What should people creating new technologies for kids keep in mind?

Bers: Not all kids are the same. You really need to look at the age of the kids. Try to understand developmentally where these children are in terms of their cognitive, social, emotional development. So when you’re designing, you’re designing not just for a user, but you’re designing for a whole human being.

The other thing is that in order to learn, children need to have fun. But they have fun by really being pushed to explore and create and make new things that are personally meaningful. So you need open-ended environments that allow children to explore and express themselves.

The KIBO kits teach kids robotics coding in a playful and screen-free way. KinderLab Robotics

How can coding and learning about robots bring out the inner inventors in kids?

Bers: I use the words “coding playground.” In a playground, children are inventing games all the time. They are inventing situations, they’re doing pretend play, they’re making things. So if we’re thinking of that as a metaphor when children are coding, it’s a platform for them to create, to make characters, to create stories, to make anything they want. In this idea of the coding playground, creativity is welcome—not just “follow what the teacher says” but let children invent their own projects.

What do you hope for in terms of the next generation of technologies for kids?

Bers: I hope we would see a lot more technologies that are outside. Right now, one of our projects is called Smart Playground [a project that will incorporate motors, sensors, and other devices into playgrounds to bolster computational thinking through play]. Children are able to use their bodies and run around and interact with others. It’s kind of getting away from the one-on-one relationship with the screen. Instead, technology is really going to augment the possibilities of people to interact with other people, and use their whole bodies, much of their brains, and their hands. These technologies will allow children to explore a little bit more of what it means to be human and what’s unique about us.

This article appears in the November 2024 print issue as “The Kids’ Inventor.”

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Berlin ; Boston : De Gruyter, [2023]

1 Ugandan Shilling = 0.0047 Moldovan Leu

1 Salvadoran Colon = 2.0375 Moldovan Leu

1 Romanian Leu = 4.004 Moldovan Leu

1 Ukrainian Hryvnia = 0.6644 Moldovan Leu

1 Tanzanian Shilling = 0.0077 Moldovan Leu

1 Venezuelan Bolivar Fuerte = 1.7854 Moldovan Leu

1 Yemeni Rial = 0.0712 Moldovan Leu

1 Paraguayan Guarani = 0.0027 Moldovan Leu

1 Hong Kong Dollar = 2.2958 Moldovan Leu

1 Kuwaiti Dinar = 57.6407 Moldovan Leu

1 Saudi Riyal = 4.7471 Moldovan Leu

1 Tunisian Dinar = 6.1223 Moldovan Leu

1 South African Rand = 0.9717 Moldovan Leu

1 Norwegian Krone = 1.7452 Moldovan Leu

1 Argentine Peso = 0.2682 Moldovan Leu

1 Moroccan Dirham = 1.8149 Moldovan Leu

1 US Dollar = 17.8312 Moldovan Leu

1 Icelandic Krona = 0.1219 Moldovan Leu

1 Kazakhstan Tenge = 0.0423 Moldovan Leu

1 Namibian Dollar = 0.9623 Moldovan Leu

1 Israeli New Sheqel = 5.0849 Moldovan Leu

1 Costa Rican Colon = 0.0313 Moldovan Leu