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Episode 95 - The Internet of Digital Ministers (IoDM) Political turmoil, Surface Go and CaveX

Join host Scott Carey as the team dissects Tory meltdown and what it means for tech and the ministers we haven't heard of. What can they actually do to help the country? Charlotte Jee explains.


Then Henry Burrell chats on the new Microsoft Surface Go, an 'affordable' Surface tablet that actually still breaks the bank. Who is it for, and is Microsoft really chasing the iPad market?


David Price rounds up the pod with Musk Corner as everyone's favourite Twitter megalomaniac flies off to Thailand to help with a cave rescue - but should he stay out of it?

 

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Episode 96 - The Internet of Automation (IoA) IBM and the Third Reich, Facebook slump and MacBook Pro woes

Join host Henry Burrell in hot as hell London town to bring you 40 minutes of air conditioned tech chat.


Tamlin Magee talks us through the murky ways IBM helped the Third Reich in the Thirties and Forties with data collection and asks what responsibility tech companies have today to ensure their work does not contribute to evil.


Charlotte Jee then analyses Facebook's stock price slump, asking why it happened and does it really affect the company? The team muses on Facebook as a whole and the fascinating if polarising Zuckerberg.


Finally Macworld's David Price chats about the new MacBook Pros and how Apple has already fixed the major flaw in the high-end model - but why did they ship this way? Is Apple less concerned with quality control these days?

 

See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.




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Episode 107 - The Internet of Super Sleuthing (IoSS) Detective Pikachu and Facebook still sucks

We were all surprised this week with the weirdly excellent trailer for Detective Pikachu with Ryan Reynolds voicing the yellow pocket scamp. Dom Preston drops in to tell us how Nintendo is getting into film and we laugh about the Bob Hoskins Mario film. We also talk about the moving new Tetris game (yes, it's made people cry).


Scott Carey then lays out the latest Facebook expose and asks if Zuck and Sheryl Sandberg are ruling the company properly - should it be actively siding politically and morally against misuses of the platform? Or is it too big for them to even control?

 

See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.




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Accessibility of cholesterol at cell surfaces [Images in Lipid Research]




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The DNA sensor cGAS is decorated by acetylation and phosphorylation modifications in the context of immune signaling [Research]

The cyclic GMP-AMP synthase (cGAS) protein is a pattern-recognition receptor of the mammalian innate immune system that is recognized as a main cytosolic sensor of pathogenic or damaged DNA. cGAS DNA binding initiates catalytic production of the second messenger, cyclic GMP-AMP, which activates the STING-TBK1-IRF3 signaling axis to induce cytokine expression. Post-translational modification (PTM) has started to be recognized as a critical component of cGAS regulation, yet the extent of these modifications remains unclear. Here, we report the identification and functional analysis of cGAS phosphorylations and acetylations in several cell types under basal and immune-stimulated conditions. cGAS was enriched by immunoaffinity purification from human primary fibroblasts prior to and after infection with herpes simplex virus type 1 (HSV-1), as well as from immune-stimulated STING-HEK293T cells. Six phosphorylations and eight acetylations were detected, of which eight PTMs were not previously documented. PTMs were validated by parallel reaction monitoring (PRM) mass spectrometry in fibroblasts, HEK293T cells, and THP-1 macrophage-like cells. Primary sequence and structural analysis of cGAS highlighted a subset of PTM sites with elevated surface accessibility and high evolutionary sequence conservation. To assess the functional relevance of each PTM, we generated a series of single-point cGAS mutations. Stable cell lines were constructed to express cGAS with amino acid substitutions that prevented phosphorylation (Ser-to-Ala) and acetylation (Lys-to-Arg) or that mimicked the modification state (Ser-to-Asp and Lys-to-Gln). cGAS-dependent apoptotic and immune signaling activities were then assessed for each mutation. Our results show that acetyl-mimic mutations at Lys384 and Lys414 inhibit the ability of cGAS to induce apoptosis. In contrast, the Lys198 acetyl-mimic mutation increased cGAS-dependent interferon signaling when compared to the unmodified charge-mimic. Moreover, targeted PRM quantification showed that Lys198 acetylation is decreased upon infections with two herpesviruses—HSV-1 and human cytomegalovirus (HCMV), highlighting this residue as a regulatory point during virus infection.




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Perlecan knockdown significantly alters extracellular matrix composition and organization during cartilage development [Research]

Perlecan is a critical proteoglycan found in the extracellular matrix (ECM) of cartilage. In healthy cartilage, perlecan regulates cartilage biomechanics and we previously demonstrated perlecan deficiency leads to reduced cellular and ECM stiffness in vivo. This change in mechanics may lead to the early onset osteoarthritis seen in disorders resulting from perlecan knockdown such as Schwartz-Jampel syndrome (SJS). To identify how perlecan knockdown affects the material properties of developing cartilage, we used imaging and liquid chromatography–tandem mass spectrometry (LC-MS/MS) to study the ECM in a murine model of SJS, Hspg2C1532Y-Neo. Perlecan knockdown led to defective pericellular matrix formation, whereas the abundance of bulk ECM proteins, including many collagens, increased. Post-translational modifications and ultrastructure of collagens were not significantly different; however, LC-MS/MS analysis showed more protein was secreted by Hspg2C1532Y-Neo cartilage in vitro, suggesting that the incorporation of newly synthesized ECM was impaired. In addition, glycosaminoglycan deposition was atypical, which may explain the previously observed decrease in mechanics. Overall, these findings provide insight into the influence of perlecan on functional cartilage assembly and the progression of osteoarthritis in SJS.




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Power and diplomacy in the post-liberal cyberspace

7 May 2020 , Volume 96, Number 3

André Barrinha and Thomas Renard

It is becoming widely accepted that we have transitioned, or are now transitioning, from an international liberal order to a different reality. Whether that reality is different solely in terms of power dynamics, or also in terms of values and institutions, is up for discussion. The growing body of literature on ‘post-liberalism’ is used as an entry-point for this article, which aims to explore how the post-liberal transition applies to cyberspace. We explore how power dynamics are evolving in cyberspace, as well as how established norms, values and institutions are contested. The article then looks at the emergence of cyber diplomacy as a consequence and response to the post-liberal transition. As it will be argued, if cyberspace was a creation of the liberal order, cyber-diplomacy is a post-liberal world practice. What role it plays in shaping a new order or building bridges between different political visions, and what it means for the future of cyberspace, will constitute key points of discussion.




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Three Challenges for UK Peacebuilding Policy in the South Caucasus After Brexit

21 January 2020

Laurence Broers

Associate Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme
Building on the legacies of a long-term British investment in a peace strategy for the South Caucasus is a realistic and attainable goal.

2020-01-21-NK.jpg

A building in Nagorny Karabakh flies the flag of the self-proclaimed republic. 'Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorny Karabakh have evolved into examples of what scholars call "de facto states" that, to differing degrees, control territory, provide governance and exercise internal sovereignty,' writes Laurence Broers. Photo: Getty Images.

What does Britain’s departure from the EU mean for the country’s policy towards the South Caucasus, a small region on the periphery of Europe, fractured by conflict? Although Britain is not directly involved in any of the region’s peace processes (except in the case of the Geneva International Discussions on conflicts involving Georgia, as an EU member state), it has been a significant stakeholder in South Caucasian stability since the mid-1990s.

Most obviously, Britain has been the single largest foreign investor in Caspian oil and gas. Yet beyond pipelines, Britain also has been a significant investor in long-term civil society-led strategies to build peace in the South Caucasus.

Through what was then the Global Conflict Prevention Pool, in the early 2000s the Department for International Development (DfID) pioneered large-scale peacebuilding interventions, such as the Consortium Initiative, addressing Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict, in 2003-09. These built civic networks in the South Caucasus and partnerships with British-based NGOs.

This experience left a strong intellectual legacy. British expertise on the South Caucasus, including specific expertise on its conflicts, is highly regarded in the region and across the world.

There is also a strong tradition of British scholarship on the Caucasus, and several British universities offer Caucasus-related courses. Through schemes such as the John Smith Fellowship Trust, the Robert Bosch Stiftung Academy Fellowship at Chatham House and Chevening Scholarships, significant numbers of young leaders from the South Caucasus have spent time in British institutions and built effective relationships within them.

Three challenges

This niche as a champion of long-term, strategic peacebuilding and repository of area-specific knowledge should not be lost as Britain’s relationship with the EU and regional actors evolves. This can be ensured through awareness of three challenges confronting a post-Brexit Caucasus policy.

The first challenge for London is to avoid framing a regional policy in the South Caucasus as an extension of a wider ‘Russia policy’. Deteriorating Russian-British relations in recent years strengthen a tendency to view policies in the European neighbourhood through the traditional prisms of Cold War and Russian-Western rivalries.

Yet an overwhelming focus on Russia fails to capture other important aspects of political developments in South Caucasus conflicts. Although often referred to as ‘breakaway’ or ‘occupied’ territories, Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorny Karabakh are not ungoverned spaces. They have evolved into examples of what scholars call ‘de facto states’ that, to differing degrees, control territory, provide governance and exercise internal sovereignty.

Few disagree that these entities would not survive without external patronage. But neither does that patronage explain their sustainability on its own. Russia-centricity diminishes Britain’s latitude to engage on the full range of local drivers sustaining these entities, contributing instead to less effective policies predicated on competition and containment.

A second and related challenge is to maintain and develop Britain’s position on the issue of engaging populations in these entities. De facto states appear to stand outside of the international rules-based system. Yet in many cases, their civil societies are peopled by skilled and motivated activists who want their leaders to be held accountable according to international rules.

Strategies of isolation ignore these voices and contribute instead to fearful and demoralized communities less likely to engage in a transformation of adversarial relationships. Making this case with the wider international community, and facilitating the funding of local civil societies in contested territories, would be important steps in sustaining an effective British policy on the resolution of conflicts.    

The third challenge for Britain is to maintain a long-term approach to the conflicts of the South Caucasus alongside potential short-term imperatives in other policy fields, as relationships shift post-Brexit.

In this fluid international environment, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office has a role to play both as an internal champion of a long-term peacebuilding strategy and a coordinator of British efforts with those of multilateral actors engaged in the South Caucasus. These include the United Nations, the EU’s Special Representative for the South Caucasus and the Crisis in Georgia and OSCE’s Special Representative for the OSCE Chairperson-in-Office for the South Caucasus, all of which have built relationships with relevant actors on the ground.

Recommendations

Britain’s niche as a champion and advocate of a strategic approach to peaceful change can be secured post-Brexit in the following ways.  

First, in-house expertise is crucial to effective peacebuilding programming. The Foreign Office’s research analysts play a vital role in generating independent internal advice and liaising with academic and NGO communities. Their role could be supplemented by the reinstatement of a regional conflict adviser post, based in Tbilisi, tasked with strengthening Britain’s regional presence on conflict issues and coordinating policy at a regional level.

This post, with a remit to cover conflicts and build up area knowledge and relationships can contribute significantly to working closely with local civil societies, where so much expertise and knowledge resides, as well as other stakeholders.

Second, programming should build in conflict sensitivity by dissociating eligibility from contested political status. This can encourage local populations to take advantage of opportunities for funding, study, comparative learning and professional development irrespective of the status of the entity where they reside.

The Chevening Scholarships are an excellent example, whereby applicants can select ‘South Caucasus’ as their affiliated identity from a drop-down menu. This enables citizens from across the region to apply irrespective of the status of the territory in which they live.   

Finally, a holistic understanding of peace is crucial. Programming in unrecognized or partially-recognized entities should acknowledge that effective peacebuilding needs to embrace political dynamics and processes beyond cross-conflict contact and confidence building. Local actors in such entities may find peacebuilding funding streams defined exclusively in terms of cross-conflict contact more politically risky and ineffective in addressing domestic blockages to peace.

While cross-conflict dynamics remain critical, ‘single-community’ programming framed in terms of civic participation, inclusion, civil society capacity-building, minority and human rights in contested territories, and building the confidence from within to engage in constructive dialogue, are no less important.

The ’global Britain’ promised by Brexit remains a fanciful idea. Quiet, painstaking work to build on the legacies of a long-term British investment in a peace strategy for the South Caucasus, on the other hand, is a realistic and attainable goal.




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SSO and other putative inhibitors of FA transport across membranes by CD36 disrupt intracellular metabolism, but do not affect FA translocation [Research Articles]

Membrane-bound proteins have been proposed to mediate the transport of long-chain FA (LCFA) transport through the plasma membrane (PM). These proposals are based largely on reports that PM transport of LCFAs can be blocked by a number of enzymes and purported inhibitors of LCFA transport. Here, using the ratiometric pH indicator (2',7'-bis-(2-carboxyethyl)-5-(and-6-)-carboxyfluorescein and acrylodated intestinal FA-binding protein-based dual fluorescence assays, we investigated the effects of nine inhibitors of the putative FA transporter protein CD36 on the binding and transmembrane movement of LCFAs. We particularly focused on sulfosuccinimidyl oleate (SSO), reported to be a competitive inhibitor of CD36-mediated LCFA transport. Using these assays in adipocytes and inhibitor-treated protein-free lipid vesicles, we demonstrate that rapid LCFA transport across model and biological membranes remains unchanged in the presence of these purported inhibitors. We have previously shown in live cells that CD36 does not accelerate the transport of unesterified LCFAs across the PM. Our present experiments indicated disruption of LCFA metabolism inside the cell within minutes upon treatment with many of the "inhibitors" previously assumed to inhibit LCFA transport across the PM. Furthermore, using confocal microscopy and a specific anti-SSO antibody, we found that numerous intracellular and PM-bound proteins are SSO-modified in addition to CD36. Our results support the hypothesis that LCFAs diffuse rapidly across biological membranes and do not require an active protein transporter for their transmembrane movement.




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The ins and outs of lipid rafts: functions in intracellular cholesterol homeostasis, microparticles, and cell membranes [Thematic Reviews]

Cellular membranes are not homogenous mixtures of proteins; rather, they are segregated into microdomains on the basis of preferential association between specific lipids and proteins. These microdomains, called lipid rafts, are well known for their role in receptor signaling on the plasma membrane (PM) and are essential to such cellular functions as signal transduction and spatial organization of the PM. A number of disease states, including atherosclerosis and other cardiovascular disorders, may be caused by dysfunctional maintenance of lipid rafts. Lipid rafts do not occur only in the PM but also have been found in intracellular membranes and extracellular vesicles (EVs). Here, we focus on discussing newly discovered functions of lipid rafts and microdomains in intracellular membranes, including lipid and protein trafficking from the ER, Golgi bodies, and endosomes to the PM, and we examine lipid raft involvement in the production and composition of EVs. Because lipid rafts are small and transient, visualization remains challenging. Future work with advanced techniques will continue to expand our knowledge about the roles of lipid rafts in cellular functioning.




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Commentary on SSO and other putative inhibitors of FA transport across membranes by CD36 disrupt intracellular metabolism, but do not affect fatty acid translocation [Commentaries]




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Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 65939: "ERROR: Unable to transcode data to/from UCS-2 encoding" occurs when you run an SQL query using SAS/ACCESS Interface to ODBC on SAS 9.4M5 with UTF-8

When you run an SQL query using SAS/ACCESS Interface to ODBC under the following conditions, you might receive an error: You run SAS 9.4M5 (TS1M5) or SAS 9.4M6 (TS1M6)  i




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Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 65574: Decimal values are rounded after they are inserted into a new Databricks table via SAS/ACCESS Interface to JDBC

A DATA step and PROC SQL can round numeric values while creating and loading data into a new Databricks table via JDBC.




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Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 65898: A misleading SASTRACE message appears in the log when you insert a row into an Oracle table using SAS/ACCESS Interface to Oracle with DBIDIRECTEXEC

When you add one row to an Oracle table using DBIDIRECTEXEC, you see the following misleading trace message: "ORACLE: 4294967296 rows inserted/updated/deleted." You should see something similar to the following: "ORACLE: 1 rows inserte




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Delineating an extracellular redox-sensitive module in T-type Ca2+ channels [Membrane Biology]

T-type (Cav3) Ca2+ channels are important regulators of excitability and rhythmic activity of excitable cells. Among other voltage-gated Ca2+ channels, Cav3 channels are uniquely sensitive to oxidation and zinc. Using recombinant protein expression in HEK293 cells, patch clamp electrophysiology, site-directed mutagenesis, and homology modeling, we report here that modulation of Cav3.2 by redox agents and zinc is mediated by a unique extracellular module containing a high-affinity metal-binding site formed by the extracellular IS1–IS2 and IS3–IS4 loops of domain I and a cluster of extracellular cysteines in the IS1–IS2 loop. Patch clamp recording of recombinant Cav3.2 currents revealed that two cysteine-modifying agents, sodium (2-sulfonatoethyl) methanethiosulfonate (MTSES) and N-ethylmaleimide, as well as a reactive oxygen species–producing neuropeptide, substance P (SP), inhibit Cav3.2 current to similar degrees and that this inhibition is reversed by a reducing agent and a zinc chelator. Pre-application of MTSES prevented further SP-mediated current inhibition. Substitution of the zinc-binding residue His191 in Cav3.2 reduced the channel's sensitivity to MTSES, and introduction of the corresponding histidine into Cav3.1 sensitized it to MTSES. Removal of extracellular cysteines from the IS1–IS2 loop of Cav3.2 reduced its sensitivity to MTSES and SP. We hypothesize that oxidative modification of IS1–IS2 loop cysteines induces allosteric changes in the zinc-binding site of Cav3.2 so that it becomes sensitive to ambient zinc.




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ADAM10 and ADAM17 proteases mediate proinflammatory cytokine-induced and constitutive cleavage of endomucin from the endothelial surface [Membrane Biology]

Contact between inflammatory cells and endothelial cells (ECs) is a crucial step in vascular inflammation. Recently, we demonstrated that the cell-surface level of endomucin (EMCN), a heavily O-glycosylated single-transmembrane sialomucin, interferes with the interactions between inflammatory cells and ECs. We have also shown that, in response to an inflammatory stimulus, EMCN is cleared from the cell surface by an unknown mechanism. In this study, using adenovirus-mediated overexpression of a tagged EMCN in human umbilical vein ECs, we found that treatment with tumor necrosis factor α (TNF-α) or the strong oxidant pervanadate leads to loss of cell-surface EMCN and increases the levels of the C-terminal fragment of EMCN 3- to 4-fold. Furthermore, treatment with the broad-spectrum matrix metalloproteinase inhibitor batimastat (BB94) or inhibition of ADAM metallopeptidase domain 10 (ADAM10) and ADAM17 with two small-molecule inhibitors, GW280264X and GI254023X, or with siRNA significantly reduced basal and TNFα-induced cell-surface EMCN cleavage. Release of the C-terminal fragment of EMCN by TNF-α treatment was blocked by chemical inhibition of ADAM10 alone or in combination with ADAM17. These results indicate that cell-surface EMCN undergoes constitutive cleavage and that TNF-α treatment dramatically increases this cleavage, which is mediated predominantly by ADAM10 and ADAM17. As endothelial cell-surface EMCN attenuates leukocyte–EC interactions during inflammation, we propose that EMCN is a potential therapeutic target to manage vascular inflammation.




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Branched-Chain Amino Acids Exacerbate Obesity-Related Hepatic Glucose and Lipid Metabolic Disorders via Attenuating Akt2 Signaling

Branched chain amino acids (BCAAs) are associated with the progression of obesity-related metabolic disorders, including T2DM and non-alcoholic fatty liver disease. However, whether BCAAs disrupt the homeostasis of hepatic glucose and lipid metabolism remains unknown. In this study, we observed that BCAAs supplementation significantly reduced high-fat (HF) diet-induced hepatic lipid accumulation while increasing the plasma lipid levels and promoting muscular and renal lipid accumulation. Further studies demonstrated that BCAAs supplementation significantly increased hepatic gluconeogenesis and suppressed hepatic lipogenesis in HF diet-induced obese (DIO) mice. These phenotypes resulted from severe attenuation of Akt2 signaling via mTORC1- and mTORC2-dependent pathways. BCAAs/branched-chain α-keto acids (BCKAs) chronically suppressed Akt2 activation through mTORC1 and mTORC2 signaling and promoted Akt2 ubiquitin-proteasome-dependent degradation through the mTORC2 pathway. Moreover, the E3 ligase Mul1 played an essential role in BCAAs/BCKAs-mTORC2-induced Akt2 ubiquitin-dependent degradation. We also demonstrated that BCAAs inhibited hepatic lipogenesis by blocking Akt2/SREBP1/INSIG2a signaling and increased hepatic glycogenesis by regulating Akt2/Foxo1 signaling. Collectively, these data demonstrate that in DIO mice, BCAAs supplementation resulted in serious hepatic metabolic disorder and severe liver insulin resistance: insulin failed to not only suppress gluconeogenesis but also activate lipogenesis. Intervening BCAA metabolism is a potential therapeutic target for severe insulin-resistant disease.




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Cell-specific expression of the transcriptional regulator RHAMM provides a timing mechanism that controls appropriate wound re-epithelialization [Glycobiology and Extracellular Matrices]

Prevention of aberrant cutaneous wound repair and appropriate regeneration of an intact and functional integument require the coordinated timing of fibroblast and keratinocyte migration. Here, we identified a mechanism whereby opposing cell-specific motogenic functions of a multifunctional intracellular and extracellular protein, the receptor for hyaluronan-mediated motility (RHAMM), coordinates fibroblast and keratinocyte migration speed and ensures appropriate timing of excisional wound closure. We found that, unlike in WT mice, in Rhamm-null mice, keratinocyte migration initiates prematurely in the excisional wounds, resulting in wounds that have re-surfaced before the formation of normal granulation tissue, leading to a defective epidermal architecture. We also noted aberrant keratinocyte and fibroblast migration in the Rhamm-null mice, indicating that RHAMM suppresses keratinocyte motility but increases fibroblast motility. This cell context–dependent effect resulted from cell-specific regulation of extracellular signal-regulated kinase 1/2 (ERK1/2) activation and expression of a RHAMM target gene encoding matrix metalloprotease 9 (MMP-9). In fibroblasts, RHAMM promoted ERK1/2 activation and MMP-9 expression, whereas in keratinocytes, RHAMM suppressed these activities. In keratinocytes, loss of RHAMM function or expression promoted epidermal growth factor receptor–regulated MMP-9 expression via ERK1/2, which resulted in cleavage of the ectodomain of the RHAMM partner protein CD44 and thereby increased keratinocyte motility. These results identify RHAMM as a key factor that integrates the timing of wound repair by controlling cell migration.




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Catabolic degradation of endothelial VEGFA via autophagy [Glycobiology and Extracellular Matrices]

Extracellular matrix-evoked angiostasis and autophagy within the tumor microenvironment represent two critical, but unconnected, functions of the small leucine-rich proteoglycan, decorin. Acting as a partial agonist of vascular endothelial growth factor 2 (VEGFR2), soluble decorin signals via the energy sensing protein, AMP-activated protein kinase (AMPK), in the autophagic degradation of intracellular vascular endothelial growth factor A (VEGFA). Here, we discovered that soluble decorin evokes intracellular catabolism of endothelial VEGFA that is mechanistically independent of mTOR, but requires an autophagic regulator, paternally expressed gene 3 (PEG3). We found that administration of autophagic inhibitors such as chloroquine or bafilomycin A1, or depletion of autophagy-related 5 (ATG5), results in accumulation of intracellular VEGFA, indicating that VEGFA is a basal autophagic substrate. Mechanistically, decorin increased the VEGFA clearance rate by augmenting autophagic flux, a process that required RAB24 member RAS oncogene family (RAB24), a small GTPase that facilitates the disposal of autophagic compartments. We validated these findings by demonstrating the physiological relevance of this process in vivo. Mice starved for 48 h exhibited a sharp decrease in overall cardiac and aortic VEGFA that could be blocked by systemic chloroquine treatment. Thus, our findings reveal a unified mechanism for the metabolic control of endothelial VEGFA for autophagic clearance in response to decorin and canonical pro-autophagic stimuli. We posit that the VEGFR2/AMPK/PEG3 axis integrates the anti-angiogenic and pro-autophagic bioactivities of decorin as the molecular basis for tumorigenic suppression. These results support future therapeutic use of decorin as a next-generation protein therapy to combat cancer.




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The focal adhesion protein kindlin-2 controls mitotic spindle assembly by inhibiting histone deacetylase 6 and maintaining {alpha}-tubulin acetylation [Signal Transduction]

Kindlins are focal adhesion proteins that regulate integrin activation and outside-in signaling. The kindlin family consists of three members, kindlin-1, -2, and -3. Kindlin-2 is widely expressed in multiple cell types, except those from the hematopoietic lineage. A previous study has reported that the Drosophila Fit1 protein (an ortholog of kindlin-2) prevents abnormal spindle assembly; however, the mechanism remains unknown. Here, we show that kindlin-2 maintains spindle integrity in mitotic human cells. The human neuroblastoma SH-SY5Y cell line expresses only kindlin-2, and we found that when SH-SY5Y cells are depleted of kindlin-2, they exhibit pronounced spindle abnormalities and delayed mitosis. Of note, acetylation of α-tubulin, which maintains microtubule flexibility and stability, was diminished in the kindlin-2–depleted cells. Mechanistically, we found that kindlin-2 maintains α-tubulin acetylation by inhibiting the microtubule-associated deacetylase histone deacetylase 6 (HDAC6) via a signaling pathway involving AKT Ser/Thr kinase (AKT)/glycogen synthase kinase 3β (GSK3β) or paxillin. We also provide evidence that prolonged hypoxia down-regulates kindlin-2 expression, leading to spindle abnormalities not only in the SH-SY5Y cell line, but also cell lines derived from colon and breast tissues. The findings of our study highlight that kindlin-2 regulates mitotic spindle assembly and that this process is perturbed in cancer cells in a hypoxic environment.




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An arrestin-1 surface opposite of its interface with photoactivated rhodopsin engages with enolase-1 [Protein Structure and Folding]

Arrestin-1 is the arrestin family member responsible for inactivation of the G protein–coupled receptor rhodopsin in photoreceptors. Arrestin-1 is also well-known to interact with additional protein partners and to affect other signaling cascades beyond phototransduction. In this study, we investigated one of these alternative arrestin-1 binding partners, the glycolysis enzyme enolase-1, to map the molecular contact sites between these two proteins and investigate how the binding of arrestin-1 affects the catalytic activity of enolase-1. Using fluorescence quench protection of strategically placed fluorophores on the arrestin-1 surface, we observed that arrestin-1 primarily engages enolase-1 along a surface that is opposite of the side of arrestin-1 that binds photoactivated rhodopsin. Using this information, we developed a molecular model of the arrestin-1–enolase-1 complex, which was validated by targeted substitutions of charge-pair interactions. Finally, we identified the likely source of arrestin's modulation of enolase-1 catalysis, showing that selective substitution of two amino acids in arrestin-1 can completely remove its effect on enolase-1 activity while still remaining bound to enolase-1. These findings open up opportunities for examining the functional effects of arrestin-1 on enolase-1 activity in photoreceptors and their surrounding cells.




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Endorepellin evokes an angiostatic stress signaling cascade in endothelial cells [Glycobiology and Extracellular Matrices]

Endorepellin, the C-terminal fragment of the heparan sulfate proteoglycan perlecan, influences various signaling pathways in endothelial cells by binding to VEGFR2. In this study, we discovered that soluble endorepellin activates the canonical stress signaling pathway consisting of PERK, eIF2α, ATF4, and GADD45α. Specifically, endorepellin evoked transient activation of VEGFR2, which, in turn, phosphorylated PERK at Thr980. Subsequently, PERK phosphorylated eIF2α at Ser51, upregulating its downstream effector proteins ATF4 and GADD45α. RNAi-mediated knockdown of PERK or eIF2α abrogated the endorepellin-mediated up-regulation of GADD45α, the ultimate effector protein of this stress signaling cascade. To functionally validate these findings, we utilized an ex vivo model of angiogenesis. Exposure of the aortic rings embedded in 3D fibrillar collagen to recombinant endorepellin for 2–4 h activated PERK and induced GADD45α vis à vis vehicle-treated counterparts. Similar effects were obtained with the established cellular stress inducer tunicamycin. Notably, chronic exposure of aortic rings to endorepellin for 7–9 days markedly suppressed vessel sprouting, an angiostatic effect that was rescued by blocking PERK kinase activity. Our findings unravel a mechanism by which an extracellular matrix protein evokes stress signaling in endothelial cells, which leads to angiostasis.




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Structural basis of specific inhibition of extracellular activation of pro- or latent myostatin by the monoclonal antibody SRK-015 [Molecular Biophysics]

Myostatin (or growth/differentiation factor 8 (GDF8)) is a member of the transforming growth factor β superfamily of growth factors and negatively regulates skeletal muscle growth. Its dysregulation is implicated in muscle wasting diseases. SRK-015 is a clinical-stage mAb that prevents extracellular proteolytic activation of pro- and latent myostatin. Here we used integrated structural and biochemical approaches to elucidate the molecular mechanism of antibody-mediated neutralization of pro-myostatin activation. The crystal structure of pro-myostatin in complex with 29H4-16 Fab, a high-affinity variant of SRK-015, at 2.79 Å resolution revealed that the antibody binds to a conformational epitope in the arm region of the prodomain distant from the proteolytic cleavage sites. This epitope is highly sequence-divergent, having only limited similarity to other closely related members of the transforming growth factor β superfamily. Hydrogen/deuterium exchange MS experiments indicated that antibody binding induces conformational changes in pro- and latent myostatin that span the arm region, the loops contiguous to the protease cleavage sites, and the latency-associated structural elements. Moreover, negative-stain EM with full-length antibodies disclosed a stable, ring-like antigen–antibody structure in which the two Fab arms of a single antibody occupy the two arm regions of the prodomain in the pro- and latent myostatin homodimers, suggesting a 1:1 (antibody:myostatin homodimer) binding stoichiometry. These results suggest that SRK-015 binding stabilizes the latent conformation and limits the accessibility of protease cleavage sites within the prodomain. These findings shed light on approaches that specifically block the extracellular activation of growth factors by targeting their precursor forms.




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Structural basis of cell-surface signaling by a conserved sigma regulator in Gram-negative bacteria [Molecular Biophysics]

Cell-surface signaling (CSS) in Gram-negative bacteria involves highly conserved regulatory pathways that optimize gene expression by transducing extracellular environmental signals to the cytoplasm via inner-membrane sigma regulators. The molecular details of ferric siderophore-mediated activation of the iron import machinery through a sigma regulator are unclear. Here, we present the 1.56 Å resolution structure of the periplasmic complex of the C-terminal CSS domain (CCSSD) of PupR, the sigma regulator in the Pseudomonas capeferrum pseudobactin BN7/8 transport system, and the N-terminal signaling domain (NTSD) of PupB, an outer-membrane TonB-dependent transducer. The structure revealed that the CCSSD consists of two subdomains: a juxta-membrane subdomain, which has a novel all-β-fold, followed by a secretin/TonB, short N-terminal subdomain at the C terminus of the CCSSD, a previously unobserved topological arrangement of this domain. Using affinity pulldown assays, isothermal titration calorimetry, and thermal denaturation CD spectroscopy, we show that both subdomains are required for binding the NTSD with micromolar affinity and that NTSD binding improves CCSSD stability. Our findings prompt us to present a revised model of CSS wherein the CCSSD:NTSD complex forms prior to ferric-siderophore binding. Upon siderophore binding, conformational changes in the CCSSD enable regulated intramembrane proteolysis of the sigma regulator, ultimately resulting in transcriptional regulation.




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Glycation-mediated inter-protein cross-linking is promoted by chaperone-client complexes of {alpha}-crystallin: Implications for lens aging and presbyopia [Glycobiology and Extracellular Matrices]

Lens proteins become increasingly cross-linked through nondisulfide linkages during aging and cataract formation. One mechanism that has been implicated in this cross-linking is glycation through formation of advanced glycation end products (AGEs). Here, we found an age-associated increase in stiffness in human lenses that was directly correlated with levels of protein–cross-linking AGEs. α-Crystallin in the lens binds to other proteins and prevents their denaturation and aggregation through its chaperone-like activity. Using a FRET-based assay, we examined the stability of the αA-crystallin–γD-crystallin complex for up to 12 days and observed that this complex is stable in PBS and upon incubation with human lens–epithelial cell lysate or lens homogenate. Addition of 2 mm ATP to the lysate or homogenate did not decrease the stability of the complex. We also generated complexes of human αA-crystallin or αB-crystallin with alcohol dehydrogenase or citrate synthase by applying thermal stress. Upon glycation under physiological conditions, the chaperone–client complexes underwent greater extents of cross-linking than did uncomplexed protein mixtures. LC-MS/MS analyses revealed that the levels of cross-linking AGEs were significantly higher in the glycated chaperone–client complexes than in glycated but uncomplexed protein mixtures. Mouse lenses subjected to thermal stress followed by glycation lost resilience more extensively than lenses subjected to thermal stress or glycation alone, and this loss was accompanied by higher protein cross-linking and higher cross-linking AGE levels. These results uncover a protein cross-linking mechanism in the lens and suggest that AGE-mediated cross-linking of α-crystallin–client complexes could contribute to lens aging and presbyopia.




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An arrestin-1 surface opposite of its interface with photoactivated rhodopsin engages with enolase-1 [Protein Structure and Folding]

Arrestin-1 is the arrestin family member responsible for inactivation of the G protein–coupled receptor rhodopsin in photoreceptors. Arrestin-1 is also well-known to interact with additional protein partners and to affect other signaling cascades beyond phototransduction. In this study, we investigated one of these alternative arrestin-1 binding partners, the glycolysis enzyme enolase-1, to map the molecular contact sites between these two proteins and investigate how the binding of arrestin-1 affects the catalytic activity of enolase-1. Using fluorescence quench protection of strategically placed fluorophores on the arrestin-1 surface, we observed that arrestin-1 primarily engages enolase-1 along a surface that is opposite of the side of arrestin-1 that binds photoactivated rhodopsin. Using this information, we developed a molecular model of the arrestin-1–enolase-1 complex, which was validated by targeted substitutions of charge-pair interactions. Finally, we identified the likely source of arrestin's modulation of enolase-1 catalysis, showing that selective substitution of two amino acids in arrestin-1 can completely remove its effect on enolase-1 activity while still remaining bound to enolase-1. These findings open up opportunities for examining the functional effects of arrestin-1 on enolase-1 activity in photoreceptors and their surrounding cells.




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ACE2 and Diabetes: ACE of ACEs?

Daniel Batlle
Dec 1, 2010; 59:2994-2996
Commentaries




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Protecting the Heart in Obesity: Role of ACE2 and Its Partners

Rhian M. Touyz
Jan 1, 2016; 65:19-21
Commentaries




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Correction: Rational design, synthesis, and evaluation of uncharged, “smart” bis-oxime antidotes of organophosphate-inhibited human acetylcholinesterase. [Additions and Corrections]

VOLUME 295 (2020) PAGES 4079–4092There was an error in the abstract. “The pyridinium cation hampers uptake of OPs into the central nervous system (CNS)” should read as “The pyridinium cation hampers uptake into the central nervous system (CNS).”




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Benefits of face masks and social distancing in Tuberculosis - a lesson learnt the hard way during the COVID-19 pandemic.




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Doctors face manslaughter charge for failing to raise alarm over killer nurse




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Courageously critiquing sexual violence: responding to the 2018 Nobel Peace Prize

6 November 2019 , Volume 95, Number 6

Maria Stern

Marysia Zalewski's work has taught us, as a collective of feminist scholars, to be cautious of neat instruction manuals and coherently set out plans of action; of claims to sure knowledge about danger, violence, and its subjects and remedies; of the fanfare of grand arrivals; and of the quieter staking of ground that has been seemingly won. Zalewski has persistently reminded us in different ways that we/she does ‘not even know what gender is or does’. Far from a flippant response to the emptiness of gender mainstreaming policies, this seemingly simple statement instead serves as a glaring post-it note on the margins of our texts about International Relations theory, feminism, sex/gender and violence— both those that we read, as well as those that we write. However, this lesson is often forgotten in our rush to understand and establish gendered harms as valid and important, and to seek their redress. Gleaning insights from Zalewski's work, this article critically considers possible responses to the 2018 Nobel Peace Prize. Its aim is not to delve into a discussion of the politics or effects of the Peace Prize as such, but to instead use the 2018 Peace Prize as a marker—a moment to consider the possibility for critique in relation to sexual violence.




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Marking failure, making space: feminist intervention in Security Council policy

6 November 2019 , Volume 95, Number 6

Sam Cook

Feminist interventions in international politics are, more often than not, understood (and visible) as interventions in relation to policy documents. These policies—in this case the United Nations Security Council's resolutions on Women, Peace and Security—often feature as the end point of feminist advocacy efforts or as the starting point for feminist analysis and critique. In this article the author responds to the provocations throughout Marysia Zalewski's work to think (and tell) the spaces of international politics differently, in this case by working with the concept of feminist failure as it is produced in feminist policy critique. Inspired by Zalewski's Feminist International Relations: exquisite corpse, the article explores the material and imaginary spaces in which both policies and critique are produced. It picks up and reflects upon a narrative refrain recognizable in feminist critiques on Women, Peace and Security policy—that we must not make war safe for women—as a way to reflect on the inevitability of failure and the ostensible boundaries between theory and practice. The author takes permission from Zalewski's creative interventions and her recognition of the value of the ‘detritus of the everyday’—here a walk from New York's Grand Central Station to the UN Headquarters, musings on the flash of a particular shade of blue, and the contents of a footnoted acknowledgement, begin to trace an international political space that is produced through embodied and quotidian practice.




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Power Politics Could Impede Progress on Responsible Regulation of Cyberspace

3 December 2019

Harriet Moynihan

Senior Research Fellow, International Law Programme
A new Chatham House paper examines the prospects of countries reaching agreement on issues of sovereignty and non-intervention in cyberspace in the face of persistent, low-level, state-to-state cyber attacks.

2019-11-29-Intl-Law-Cyberattacks.jpg

A computer hacked by a virus known as Petya. The Petya ransomware cyberattack hit computers of Russian and Ukrainian companies on 27 June 2017. Photo: Getty Images.

In discussions to date about how international law applies in cyberspace, commentators have tended to focus their attention on how the rules on the use of force, or the law of armed conflict, apply to cyber activities conducted by states that give rise to physical damage, injury or death.

But in practice, the vast majority of state cyberattacks fall below this threshold. Far more common are persistent, low-level attacks that may leave no physical trace but that are capable of doing significant damage to a state’s ability to control its systems, often at serious economic cost.

Such cyber incursions might include network disruptions in the operation of another government’s websites; tampering with electoral infrastructure to change or undermine the result; or using cyber means to destabilize another state’s financial sector.

For these kinds of cyber operation, the principle of sovereignty, and the principle of non-intervention in another state’s internal affairs, are the starting point.

A UN Group of Government Experts (GGE) agreed in 2013 and 2015 that the principles in the UN Charter, including sovereignty and the prohibition on intervention in another state’s affairs, apply to states’ activities in cyberspace. The 2015 GGE also recommended eleven (non-binding) norms of responsible state behaviour in cyberspace.

However, states have not yet reached agreement on how to apply these principles. Until recently, there has also been very little knowledge of what states actually do in cyberspace, as they usually conduct cyber operations covertly and have been reluctant to put their views on record.

A new Chatham House research paper analyses the application of the principles of sovereignty and non-intervention to state cyberattacks that fall below the principle of use of force. As well as analysing the application of the law in this area, the paper also makes recommendations to governments on how they might best make progress in reaching agreement in this area.

Existing rules or new rules?

As the research paper makes clear, there is currently some debate, principally between countries in the West, about the extent to which sovereignty is a legally binding rule in the context of cyberspace and, if so, how it and the principle of non-intervention might apply in practice.

In the last few years, certain states have put on record how they consider international law to apply to states’ activities in cyberspace, namely the UK, Australia, France and the Netherlands. While there may be some differences in their approaches, which are discussed in the paper, there also remains important common ground: namely, that existing international law already provides a solid framework for regulating states’ cyber activities, as it regulates every other domain of state-to-state activity.

There is also an emerging trend for states to work together when attributing cyberattacks to hostile states, enabling them to call out malign cyber activity when it violates international law. (See, for example, the joint statements made in relation to the NotPetya cyber attack and malicious cyber activity attributed to the Russian government).

However, other countries have questioned whether existing international law as it stands is capable of regulating states’ cyber interactions and have called for ‘new legal instruments’ in this area.

This includes a proposal by the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (led by Russia and China) for an International Code of Conduct on Information Security, a draft of which was submitted to the UN in 2011 and 2015, without success. The UN has also formed a new Open-Ended Working Group (OEWG) under a resolution proposed by Russia to consider how international law applies to states’ activities in cyberspace.

The resolution establishing the OEWG, which began work earlier this year, includes the possibility of the group ‘introducing changes to the rules, norms and principles of responsible behaviour of States’ agreed in the 2013 and 2015 GGE reports. In the OEWG discussions at the UN in September, several countries claimed that a new legal instrument was needed to fill the ‘legal vacuum’ (Cuba) or ‘the gap of ungoverned areas’ (Indonesia).

It would be concerning if the hard-won consensus on the application of international law to cyberspace that has been reached at past GGEs started to unravel. In contrast to 2013 and 2015, the 2017 meeting failed to reach an agreement.

On 9 December, a renewed GGE will meet in New York, but the existence of the OEWG exploring the same issues in a separate process reflects the fact that cyber norms have become an area of geopolitical rivalry.

Aside from the application of international law, states are also adopting divergent approaches to the domestic regulation of cyberspace within their own territory. The emerging trend towards a ‘splinternet’ – i.e. between states that believe the internet should be global and open on the hand, and those that favour a ‘sovereignty and control’ model on the other  – is also likely to make discussions at the GGE more challenging.

Distinct from the international law concept of sovereignty is the notion of ‘cybersovereignty’, a term coined by China to describe the wide-ranging powers it assumes under domestic law to regulate its citizens’ access to the internet and personal data within its territory. This approach is catching on (as reflected in Russia’s recently enacted ‘Sovereign Internet Law’), with other authoritarian states likely to follow suit.

The importance of non-state actors

In parallel with regional and UN discussions on how international law applies, a number of initiatives by non-state actors have also sought to establish voluntary principles about responsible state behaviour in cyberspace.

The Global Commission on the Stability of Cyberspace, a multi-stakeholder body that has proposed principles, norms and recommendations to guide responsible behaviour by all parties in cyberspace, recently published its final report. The Cybersecurity Tech Accord  aims to promote collaboration between tech companies on stability and resilience in cyberspace. President Macron’s ‘Paris Call for Trust and Security in Cyberspace’ has to date received the backing of 67 states, 139 international and civil society organizations, and 358 private-sector organizations.

It remains to be seen in the long term whether the parallel processes at the UN will work constructively together or be competitive. But notwithstanding the challenging geopolitical backdrop, the UN GGE meeting next week at the least offers states the opportunity to consolidate and build on the results of past meetings; to increase knowledge and discussion about how international law might apply; and to encourage more states to put their own views of these issues on the record.




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POSTPONED: Supporting Civic Space: The Role and Impact of the Private Sector

Invitation Only Research Event

16 March 2020 - 11:00am to 5:00pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

A healthy civic space is vital for an enabling business environment. In recognition of this, a growing number of private sector actors are challenging, publicly or otherwise, the deteriorating environment for civic freedoms.

However, this corporate activism is often limited and largely ad hoc. It remains confined to a small cluster of multinationals leaving potential routes for effective coordination and collaboration with other actors underexplored.

This roundtable will bring together a diverse and international group of business actors, civil society actors and foreign policy experts to exchange perspectives and experiences on how the private sector can be involved in issues around civic space. The meeting will provide an opportunity to explore the drivers of – and barriers to – corporate activism, develop a better understanding of existing initiatives, identify good practice and discuss practical strategies for the business community.

This meeting will be the first of a series of roundtables at Chatham House in support of initiatives to build broad alliances for the protection of civic space. 

Attendance at this event is by invitation only. 

PLEASE NOTE THIS EVENT IS POSTPONED UNTIL FURTHER NOTICE. 

Jacqueline Rowe

Programme Assistant, International Law Programme
020 7389 3287




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The Security Council's peacekeeping trilemma

4 March 2020 , Volume 96, Number 2

Paul D. Williams

The United Nations (UN) Security Council is stuck in a peacekeeping trilemma. This is a situation where the Council's three strategic goals for peacekeeping operations—implementing broad mandates, minimizing peacekeeper casualties and maximizing cost-effectiveness—cannot be achieved simultaneously. This trilemma stems from longstanding competing pressures on how the Council designs UN peacekeeping operations as well as political divisions between peacekeeping's three key groups of stakeholders: the states that authorize peacekeeping mandates, those that provide most of the personnel and field capabilities, and those that pay the majority of the bill. Fortunately, the most negative consequences of the trilemma can be mitigated and perhaps even transcended altogether. Mitigation would require the Council to champion and implement four main reforms: improving peacekeeper performance, holding peacekeepers accountable for misdeeds, adopting prioritized and sequenced mandates, and strengthening the financial basis for UN peacekeeping. Transcending the trilemma would require a more fundamental reconfiguration of the key stakeholder groups in order to create much greater unity of effort behind a re-envisaged peacekeeping enterprise. This is highly unlikely in the current international political context.




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Virtual Roundtable: Tectonic Plates of 2020 – Developments in the US Presidential Race

Invitation Only Research Event

18 March 2020 - 1:00pm to 1:45pm

Event participants

John Zogby, Founder and Senior Partner, John Zogby Strategies
Chair: Dr Lindsay Newman, Senior Research Fellow, US and Americas Programme, Chatham House

This event is part of the Inaugural Virtual Roundtable Series on the US, Americas and the State of the World and will take place virtually only. Participants should not come to Chatham House for these events.

US and Americas Programme




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Covid-19: Doctors face shortages of vital drugs, gases, and therapeutics, survey finds




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Three Challenges for UK Peacebuilding Policy in the South Caucasus After Brexit

21 January 2020

Laurence Broers

Associate Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme
Building on the legacies of a long-term British investment in a peace strategy for the South Caucasus is a realistic and attainable goal.

2020-01-21-NK.jpg

A building in Nagorny Karabakh flies the flag of the self-proclaimed republic. 'Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorny Karabakh have evolved into examples of what scholars call "de facto states" that, to differing degrees, control territory, provide governance and exercise internal sovereignty,' writes Laurence Broers. Photo: Getty Images.

What does Britain’s departure from the EU mean for the country’s policy towards the South Caucasus, a small region on the periphery of Europe, fractured by conflict? Although Britain is not directly involved in any of the region’s peace processes (except in the case of the Geneva International Discussions on conflicts involving Georgia, as an EU member state), it has been a significant stakeholder in South Caucasian stability since the mid-1990s.

Most obviously, Britain has been the single largest foreign investor in Caspian oil and gas. Yet beyond pipelines, Britain also has been a significant investor in long-term civil society-led strategies to build peace in the South Caucasus.

Through what was then the Global Conflict Prevention Pool, in the early 2000s the Department for International Development (DfID) pioneered large-scale peacebuilding interventions, such as the Consortium Initiative, addressing Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict, in 2003-09. These built civic networks in the South Caucasus and partnerships with British-based NGOs.

This experience left a strong intellectual legacy. British expertise on the South Caucasus, including specific expertise on its conflicts, is highly regarded in the region and across the world.

There is also a strong tradition of British scholarship on the Caucasus, and several British universities offer Caucasus-related courses. Through schemes such as the John Smith Fellowship Trust, the Robert Bosch Stiftung Academy Fellowship at Chatham House and Chevening Scholarships, significant numbers of young leaders from the South Caucasus have spent time in British institutions and built effective relationships within them.

Three challenges

This niche as a champion of long-term, strategic peacebuilding and repository of area-specific knowledge should not be lost as Britain’s relationship with the EU and regional actors evolves. This can be ensured through awareness of three challenges confronting a post-Brexit Caucasus policy.

The first challenge for London is to avoid framing a regional policy in the South Caucasus as an extension of a wider ‘Russia policy’. Deteriorating Russian-British relations in recent years strengthen a tendency to view policies in the European neighbourhood through the traditional prisms of Cold War and Russian-Western rivalries.

Yet an overwhelming focus on Russia fails to capture other important aspects of political developments in South Caucasus conflicts. Although often referred to as ‘breakaway’ or ‘occupied’ territories, Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorny Karabakh are not ungoverned spaces. They have evolved into examples of what scholars call ‘de facto states’ that, to differing degrees, control territory, provide governance and exercise internal sovereignty.

Few disagree that these entities would not survive without external patronage. But neither does that patronage explain their sustainability on its own. Russia-centricity diminishes Britain’s latitude to engage on the full range of local drivers sustaining these entities, contributing instead to less effective policies predicated on competition and containment.

A second and related challenge is to maintain and develop Britain’s position on the issue of engaging populations in these entities. De facto states appear to stand outside of the international rules-based system. Yet in many cases, their civil societies are peopled by skilled and motivated activists who want their leaders to be held accountable according to international rules.

Strategies of isolation ignore these voices and contribute instead to fearful and demoralized communities less likely to engage in a transformation of adversarial relationships. Making this case with the wider international community, and facilitating the funding of local civil societies in contested territories, would be important steps in sustaining an effective British policy on the resolution of conflicts.    

The third challenge for Britain is to maintain a long-term approach to the conflicts of the South Caucasus alongside potential short-term imperatives in other policy fields, as relationships shift post-Brexit.

In this fluid international environment, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office has a role to play both as an internal champion of a long-term peacebuilding strategy and a coordinator of British efforts with those of multilateral actors engaged in the South Caucasus. These include the United Nations, the EU’s Special Representative for the South Caucasus and the Crisis in Georgia and OSCE’s Special Representative for the OSCE Chairperson-in-Office for the South Caucasus, all of which have built relationships with relevant actors on the ground.

Recommendations

Britain’s niche as a champion and advocate of a strategic approach to peaceful change can be secured post-Brexit in the following ways.  

First, in-house expertise is crucial to effective peacebuilding programming. The Foreign Office’s research analysts play a vital role in generating independent internal advice and liaising with academic and NGO communities. Their role could be supplemented by the reinstatement of a regional conflict adviser post, based in Tbilisi, tasked with strengthening Britain’s regional presence on conflict issues and coordinating policy at a regional level.

This post, with a remit to cover conflicts and build up area knowledge and relationships can contribute significantly to working closely with local civil societies, where so much expertise and knowledge resides, as well as other stakeholders.

Second, programming should build in conflict sensitivity by dissociating eligibility from contested political status. This can encourage local populations to take advantage of opportunities for funding, study, comparative learning and professional development irrespective of the status of the entity where they reside.

The Chevening Scholarships are an excellent example, whereby applicants can select ‘South Caucasus’ as their affiliated identity from a drop-down menu. This enables citizens from across the region to apply irrespective of the status of the territory in which they live.   

Finally, a holistic understanding of peace is crucial. Programming in unrecognized or partially-recognized entities should acknowledge that effective peacebuilding needs to embrace political dynamics and processes beyond cross-conflict contact and confidence building. Local actors in such entities may find peacebuilding funding streams defined exclusively in terms of cross-conflict contact more politically risky and ineffective in addressing domestic blockages to peace.

While cross-conflict dynamics remain critical, ‘single-community’ programming framed in terms of civic participation, inclusion, civil society capacity-building, minority and human rights in contested territories, and building the confidence from within to engage in constructive dialogue, are no less important.

The ’global Britain’ promised by Brexit remains a fanciful idea. Quiet, painstaking work to build on the legacies of a long-term British investment in a peace strategy for the South Caucasus, on the other hand, is a realistic and attainable goal.




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Dying is the first race

Never mind Lawyers, Children with no mouths, Never mind Inspiration, Write Now. Photo – ♦Personal♦ -short evocative poetry-




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Dicks in Space Suits

Dead beetles die in their skins, and Seychellois, Mauritanians, Maurtians, Martians, Fighting with sun-tans all, and Bad lip jobs, In Nairobi, Silent giraffes grope for love, God, Tends to antelopes, The world ends In a traffic jam or, Dicks in space-suits building railways​ through the heart of a city. ♦Photo♦ Friends of Nairobi National Park -short evocative […]




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Home – Race in India

The idea of home is so complicated to me; home isn’t here people look at me like I am from somewhere else. Where is home? Writing became an expression of my discomfort a language an arrangement of unbroken rage writing poetry to question why? Poetry to reclaim my identity and to be home again. My […]




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Earth Observation, Risk Assessment and Global Change: Implications for the Insurance and Aerospace Sectors

Research Event

16 July 2008 - 2:00pm to 5:15pm

Chatham House, London

This event is organized by Chatham House and the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS).

Keynote speaker:

  • Lindene Patton, Climate Product Officer, Zurich Financial Services
Other speaker highlights:
  • Alexis Livanos, Northrop Grumman
  • Sir David King, University of Oxford
  • Barend Van Bergen, KPMG
  • Mike Keebaugh,Raytheon
  • Peter Stott, UK Met Office
  • Trevor Maynard, Lloyd's
  • Shree Khare, Risk Management Solutions
  • Giovanni Rum, Group on Earth Observations
  • Greg Withee, US National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration
  • Man Cheung, Marsh Ltd




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Carbon Capture and Storage: Panacea or Procrastination?

Research Event

14 September 2009 - 12:00am to 11:00pm

Chatham House, London

Event participants

Dr Jon Gibbins, Senior Lecturer in the Department of Mechanical Engineering, Imperial College London
Jim Footner, Senior Climate Change Campaigner, Greenpeace

Carbon capture and storage (CCS) has risen up the political agenda both nationally and internationally as a part of the effort to reduce CO2 emissions in power generation yet the applications, potential and impacts of this technology remain contested.

Is CCS - employed to produce low-carbon electricity and hydrogen - the panacea we urgently need to limit cumulative CO2 emissions to a level at which we stand a chance of avoiding dangerous climate change (and possibly also a renaissance in global nuclear fission)? Or does it shift the emphasis away from switching to more a sustainable renewable energy infrastructure that could avoid the use of fossil fuels and nuclear altogether?

In this meeting two leading voices in the debate give their opinions, separating the known from the unknown and kick starting an informed discussion about the pros, cons and politics of CCS.

Please note that attendance is by invitation only and there is a maximum of 25 places. 

This meeting is part of the Chatham House Fossil Fuels Expert Roundtable.

Event attributes

All-day event




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Lacey-Ann Bartley: carving her name in business

From formalising her father’s business and taking it to higher and more profitable heights to sitting on the board of EXIM Bank and lecturing in the field of business development, Lacey-Ann Bartley has earned her stripes as the Distinguished Woman...




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JV, Cole, Rodgers face live hitters at camp

The first live bullpen sessions of the spring typically draw a crowd, and that certainly was the case when Justin Verlander, Gerrit Cole and Brady Rodgers faced hitters for the first time Sunday afternoon on the back fields at Ballpark of the Palm Beaches.




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Health apps for well people - problematic or panacea?

Some apps have the potential to encourage healthier habits and are accessible to most people, argues Iltifat Husain, but Des Spence notes the lack of any evidence of effectiveness and the potential for encouraging unnecessary anxiety. Read more about in our head to head "Can healthy people benefit from health apps?" -...




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Is place of death important to patients?

The current orthodoxy is that home is the best and preferred place of death for most people, but in this podcast, Kristian Pollock a sociologist from Nottingham University questions these assumptions and calls for greater attention to improving the experience of dying in hospital and elsewhere. Read the full...




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"The information we get can be harmfull"; Informed consent is not a panacea

Providing information to enable informed choices about healthcare sounds immediately appealing to most of us. But Minna Johansson, GP trainee and PhD student at the University of Gothenburg, argues that preventive medicine and expanding disease definitions have changed the ethical premises of informed choice and our good intentions may...




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15 seconds to improve your workplace

15s30m is a social movement to reduce frustration & increase joy - the idea is to spend 15 seconds of your time now, and save someone else 30 minutes down the line. To talk about their movement we're joined by the founders, Rachel Pilling, consultant ophthalmologist, and Dan Wadsworth, transformation manager - both from Bradford Teaching...