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Warren Buffett Told Young Investors To Buy Homes Instead Of Stocks, Calling 30-Year Mortgages 'A Terrific Deal'




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Michael Grimm, former House member convicted of tax fraud, is paralyzed in fall from horse




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John Bolton Sums Up What Trump Really Wants In 1 Damning Word




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Apple to announce AI wall tablet as soon as March, Bloomberg News reports




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Here are 5 signs you’re financially healthy in America even if you don't feel like it — how many do you show?




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Thousands rally in Georgia to question the vote and demand a new election




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‘My Ting Different’ - Tosh Alexander blends R&B and dancehall on new single

Dynamic singer Tosh Alexander has been lighting up the music scene with her latest track, ' My Ting Different', a thrilling collaboration with American rapper and songwriter Lady London. The song fuses R...




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Recall was electric

Mas Camp on Arthur Wint Drive in St Andrew was transformed into a retro paradise last weekend as Recall, a retro party, took fans on a journey back to the golden days of dancehall. The 'Print Pink' theme was in full effect, and the ladies were...




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Police make arrest relating to bags of cash that allegedly fell from Beryllium vehicle

The police have arrested an individual in the probe surrounding two bags of cash that allegedly fell from a Beryllium security vehicle en route to the Norman Manley International Airport in Kingston last week. 




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Landscaper charged for allegedly stealing oranges

The Clarendon police have arrested and charged 25-year-old landscaper Anthony Marshall, of Lamparth district, Trout Hall in the parish for allegedly stealing oranges from a property in his community on Sunday.




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Father imprisoned for sexually molesting daughter

A father who pleaded guilty to sexually molesting his 13-year-old daughter was sentenced to several years of imprisonment in the St Catherine Circuit Court on Tuesday.




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Heme oxygenase-2 is post-translationally regulated by heme occupancy in the catalytic site [Protein Structure and Folding]

Heme oxygenase-2 (HO2) and -1 (HO1) catalyze heme degradation to biliverdin, CO, and iron, forming an essential link in the heme metabolism network. Tight regulation of the cellular levels and catalytic activities of HO1 and HO2 is important for maintaining heme homeostasis. HO1 expression is transcriptionally regulated; however, HO2 expression is constitutive. How the cellular levels and activity of HO2 are regulated remains unclear. Here, we elucidate the mechanism of post-translational regulation of cellular HO2 levels by heme. We find that, under heme-deficient conditions, HO2 is destabilized and targeted for degradation, suggesting that heme plays a direct role in HO2 regulation. HO2 has three heme binding sites: one at its catalytic site and the others at its two heme regulatory motifs (HRMs). We report that, in contrast to other HRM-containing proteins, the cellular protein level and degradation rate of HO2 are independent of heme binding to the HRMs. Rather, under heme deficiency, loss of heme binding to the catalytic site destabilizes HO2. Consistently, an HO2 catalytic site variant that is unable to bind heme exhibits a constant low protein level and an enhanced protein degradation rate compared with the WT HO2. Finally, HO2 is degraded by the lysosome through chaperone-mediated autophagy, distinct from other HRM-containing proteins and HO1, which are degraded by the proteasome. These results reveal a novel aspect of HO2 regulation and deepen our understanding of HO2's role in maintaining heme homeostasis, paving the way for future investigation into HO2's pathophysiological role in heme deficiency response.




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Identification and biochemical characterization of Asp t 36, a new fungal allergen from Aspergillus terreus [Protein Structure and Folding]

Aspergillus terreus is an allergenic fungus, in addition to causing infections in both humans and plants. However, the allergens in this fungus are still unknown, limiting the development of diagnostic and therapeutic strategies. We used a proteomic approach to search for allergens, identifying 16 allergens based on two-dimensional immunoblotting with A. terreus susceptible patient sera. We further characterized triose-phosphate isomerase (Asp t 36), one of the dominant IgE (IgE)-reactive proteins. The gene was cloned and expressed in Escherichia coli. Phylogenetic analysis showed Asp t 36 to be highly conserved with close similarity to the triose-phosphate isomerase protein sequence from Dermatophagoides farinae, an allergenic dust mite. We identified four immunodominant epitopes using synthetic peptides, and mapped them on a homology-based model of the tertiary structure of Asp t 36. Among these, two were found to create a continuous surface patch on the 3D structure, rendering it an IgE-binding hotspot. Biophysical analysis indicated that Asp t 36 shows similar secondary structure content and temperature sensitivity with other reported triose-phosphate isomerase allergens. In vivo studies using a murine model displayed that the recombinant Asp t 36 was able to stimulate airway inflammation, as demonstrated by an influx of eosinophils, goblet cell hyperplasia, elevated serum Igs, and induction of Th2 cytokines. Collectively, our results reveal the immunogenic property of Asp t 36, a major allergen from A. terreus, and define a new fungal allergen more broadly. This allergen could serve as a potent candidate for investigating component resolved diagnosis and immunotherapy.




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Mapping the transition state for a binding reaction between ancient intrinsically disordered proteins [Molecular Biophysics]

Intrinsically disordered protein domains often have multiple binding partners. It is plausible that the strength of pairing with specific partners evolves from an initial low affinity to a higher affinity. However, little is known about the molecular changes in the binding mechanism that would facilitate such a transition. We previously showed that the interaction between two intrinsically disordered domains, NCBD and CID, likely emerged in an ancestral deuterostome organism as a low-affinity interaction that subsequently evolved into a higher-affinity interaction before the radiation of modern vertebrate groups. Here we map native contacts in the transition states of the low-affinity ancestral and high-affinity human NCBD/CID interactions. We show that the coupled binding and folding mechanism is overall similar but with a higher degree of native hydrophobic contact formation in the transition state of the ancestral complex and more heterogeneous transient interactions, including electrostatic pairings, and an increased disorder for the human complex. Adaptation to new binding partners may be facilitated by this ability to exploit multiple alternative transient interactions while retaining the overall binding and folding pathway.




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Evolving the naturally compromised chorismate mutase from Mycobacterium tuberculosis to top performance [Protein Structure and Folding]

Chorismate mutase (CM), an essential enzyme at the branch-point of the shikimate pathway, is required for the biosynthesis of phenylalanine and tyrosine in bacteria, archaea, plants, and fungi. MtCM, the CM from Mycobacterium tuberculosis, has less than 1% of the catalytic efficiency of a typical natural CM and requires complex formation with 3-deoxy-d-arabino-heptulosonate 7-phosphate synthase for high activity. To explore the full potential of MtCM for catalyzing its native reaction, we applied diverse iterative cycles of mutagenesis and selection, thereby raising kcat/Km 270-fold to 5 × 105 m−1s−1, which is even higher than for the complex. Moreover, the evolutionarily optimized autonomous MtCM, which had 11 of its 90 amino acids exchanged, was stabilized compared with its progenitor, as indicated by a 9 °C increase in melting temperature. The 1.5 Å crystal structure of the top-evolved MtCM variant reveals the molecular underpinnings of this activity boost. Some acquired residues (e.g. Pro52 and Asp55) are conserved in naturally efficient CMs, but most of them lie beyond the active site. Our evolutionary trajectories reached a plateau at the level of the best natural enzymes, suggesting that we have exhausted the potential of MtCM. Taken together, these findings show that the scaffold of MtCM, which naturally evolved for mediocrity to enable inter-enzyme allosteric regulation of the shikimate pathway, is inherently capable of high activity.




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Hydrogen/deuterium exchange memory NMR reveals structural epitopes involved in IgE cross-reactivity of allergenic lipid transfer proteins [Protein Structure and Folding]

Identification of antibody-binding epitopes is crucial to understand immunological mechanisms. It is of particular interest for allergenic proteins with high cross-reactivity as observed in the lipid transfer protein (LTP) syndrome, which is characterized by severe allergic reactions. Art v 3, a pollen LTP from mugwort, is frequently involved in this cross-reactivity, but no antibody-binding epitopes have been determined so far. To reveal human IgE-binding regions of Art v 3, we produced three murine high-affinity mAbs, which showed 70–90% coverage of the allergenic epitopes from mugwort pollen–allergic patients. As reliable methods to determine structural epitopes with tightly interacting intact antibodies under native conditions are lacking, we developed a straightforward NMR approach termed hydrogen/deuterium exchange memory (HDXMEM). It relies on the slow exchange between the invisible antigen-mAb complex and the free 15N-labeled antigen whose 1H-15N correlations are detected. Due to a memory effect, changes of NH protection during antibody binding are measured. Differences in H/D exchange rates and analyses of mAb reactivity to homologous LTPs revealed three structural epitopes: two partially cross-reactive regions around α-helices 2 and 4 as well as a novel Art v 3–specific epitope at the C terminus. Protein variants with exchanged epitope residues confirmed the antibody-binding sites and revealed strongly reduced IgE reactivity. Using the novel HDXMEM for NMR epitope mapping allowed identification of the first structural epitopes of an allergenic pollen LTP. This knowledge enables improved cross-reactivity prediction for patients suffering from LTP allergy and facilitates design of therapeutics.




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Europe’s Clean Energy Future: Shared Challenges for Norway and the UK

3 July 2020

Antony Froggatt

Senior Research Fellow and Deputy Director, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme

Professor Paul Stevens

Distinguished Fellow, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme

Siân Bradley

Senior Research Fellow, Energy, Environment and Resources Programme
European oil and gas producers, such as Norway and the UK, face serious challenges in terms of the direction their energy sectors should take. There is an opportunity for both countries to place an accelerated energy transition at the heart of their post-pandemic economic recovery.

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Students gather to protest inaction on climate change in front of the parliament building in Oslo, Norway on 22 March 2019. Photo: Getty Images.

Even before the COVID-19 pandemic, it was clear that the world is undergoing a transition away from fossil fuels and carbon-intensive sectors, towards renewable energy and clean growth. The collapse of oil demand and prices have simply compounded the challenges that oil and gas producers already faced.

What happens next will have significant implications for Norway, as one of the world’s largest exporters of both energy and capital, and for the UK, as it plans its recovery and looks ahead to its hosting of the next major climate change summit in 2021 - COP26.

While the speed and scale of the transition has always been uncertain and contested, an accelerated transition with deep implications for future oil and gas demand looks plausible.

There has long been a debate over when global demand will peak, but what happens after demand has peaked is perhaps the more critical question. Now there is the additional uncertainty of how this post-peak demand might be affected by an oncoming global recession and potentially by the greening of recovery measures implemented in response to it. Will there be an extended plateau, a gentle decline or a sudden collapse?

The post-peak trend will impact oil producers and exporters to varying degrees, in terms of their vulnerability to reduced volumes and lower prices, and their ability to compete in a shrinking market. There is also growing scepticism over whether natural gas can act as a bridge between coal-fired power and renewables, as increasingly, renewables directly replace coal.  There is also significant uncertainty over extent to which hydrogen, either produced from fossil fuels or renewable energy, will play a significant role in a decarbonizing energy sector.

Even before the pandemic, there was growing public and political pressure in most EU member states for more ambitious action on climate change. More challenging climate targets now look certain as a growing number of governments and companies commit to becoming carbon-neutral by ever-earlier dates.

While market developments, such as the rate of change and the costs of technologies such as renewable energy and electric vehicles will heavily influence their deployment rates, policy interventions and large-scale investment in core infrastructure are still crucial to their scaling up. We are now seeing the EU refocus its Green Deal in support of post-COVID recovery, and scale its support for transition in coal-dependent and carbon-intensive regions with its €100bn Just Transition Mechanism.  

These developments have significant implications for fossil fuel producers and energy consumers both inside and outside the EU. It will particularly affect Norway, not only as a significant supplier of energy to the EU, but as a member of the European Economic Area, with likely pressure to adopt similarly binding domestic carbon reduction legislation. Similarly, as the UK forges new post-Brexit trading and regulatory relationships, it will need to align with European policies for efficiency.

As the host of the critical COP26 UN Climate Change Summit in Glasgow next year, the UK will also need to at least match the EU in terms of its ambition on national emissions reductions, and in placing decarbonization and sustainability at the heart of COVID-19 recovery measures. However, unfortunately, the early indications are that 'Project Speed' will focus on traditional infrastructure projects are less than promising.    

The UK and Norway face similar challenges, as oil and gas producers that recognize the importance of climate change, and will rightly face scrutiny where they reinvest in their oil and gas sectors. They are both outside, yet highly dependent on developments within the EU. However, they are also both, somewhat surprisingly, world leaders in different aspects of decarbonization, such as off-shore wind or electric vehicle deployment, in part due their offshore capabilities and advanced manufacturing capabilities. This presents an opportunity for both countries and their industries to place an accelerated energy transition at the heart of their economic recovery and their relationship with the EU.

There will of course be different opinions on how to do this. A new Chatham House paper – Expert Perspectives on Norway’s Energy Future – explores these issues in the Norwegian context, and draws upon the views of 15 international experts on energy transition and climate change, each interviewed in depth. While unsurprisingly there is little consensus, these views provide valuable background from which to consider the future of future of energy for Norway, and for its partners including the UK and the EU.




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Belarus Policy: Time to Play Hardball

12 August 2020

James Nixey

Director, Russia-Eurasia and Europe Programmes
Predictably, Aliaksandr Lukashenka’s regime has betrayed its people and the West’s trust yet again. A new, tougher approach is now the only option, and sanctions are only one of several actions that should be taken.

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Women take part in an event in support of detained and injured participants in mass protests against the results of the 2020 Belarusian presidential election. Photo by Natalia FedosenkoTASS via Getty Images.

Aliaksandr Lukashenka’s 26-year rule — one of the world’s longest — is itself testament to his regime’s unwillingness to change. Most of Belarus’s immediate neighbours — particularly Lithuania, Latvia, and Poland — are far more prosperous. Now, with the farce of last week’s vote and the subsequent renewed violence that Minsk is willing to use on its citizens, Belarus finds itself at the very bottom of the post-Soviet legitimacy league table. But others share a portion of blame for this saga. The West — and the EU in particular — have failed the people of Belarus.

Russia — as ever in its relationships with the Soviet Union’s other successor states — has much to answer for. Like a drug pusher, it made a loss-leading investment in getting Belarus hooked on subsidised energy with meaningless security guarantees thrown in. Lukashenka may not have been the most compliant of post-Soviet leaders — especially recently — but he is still preferred by the Kremlin over any other potential contender, especially the reforming ones currently at the fore. ‘A son-of-a-bitch, but our son-of-a-bitch’ is Russia’s take.

But if Russia is the pusher, Western countries have been the enablers. Lukashenka has played them — and played them off against Russia — by frequently rejecting the offers of one and getting closer to the other, then switching and doing the same. The inability or unwillingness to recognize — and act on — evidence of the regime’s insincerity and its propensity to inflict harm on its own citizens has encouraged Minsk’s worst excesses. At the time of writing, more than 3,000 are reported to have been arrested and many tortured.

The EU bears special responsibility for this enabling. Ever since Belarus’s independence almost 30 years ago, it has offered plenty of carrots but few meaningful sticks. President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen said that ‘harassment & violent repression of peaceful protesters has no place in Europe’, but statements alone are inadequate. The Belarusian people are risking their freedoms and their lives on the streets of Minsk while the EU simply ‘calls on’ the Belarusian authorities to respect the democratic process.

Never too late

There is plenty that can be done. Sanctions are a much-touted first step and they have been proven to change the calculus, if not the character, of a regime. The EU, the UK and the US should act decisively and in unison to impose them immediately. Included in this would be the immediate halting of direct EU support to state entities.

But — as with Russia — it is lazy to limit responses to sanctions alone. Expulsion from international groups and values-based organizations should also be expedited. The EU’s Eastern Partnership (EaP) project with Belarus and five other countries is a prime example of supposedly conditional offers of financial assistance having been accepted, claimed and then defaulted on, time and again. It is time to make an example of Belarus and expel it from the EaP since it is abundantly clear it has no intention of adopting the values demanded of it.

The OSCE (Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe) was invited by the Belarusian authorities too late to observe last Sunday’s vote-rigging, so why, in the face of such obvious obstruction, is Belarus even a member? The OSCE often claims its strength is its inclusivity, but this has rarely stood up to scrutiny. Inclusivity may have advantages, but one should also acknowledge its propensity to dilute effectiveness. Belarus should be expelled from here too.

The same goes for the IMF, the World Bank group, and its WTO observer status. It is time to make an example of this regime.

There should be less diplomatic nicety. It is natural that foreign service officials are hard-wired to want to make things better through their undoubted skills of sensitivity and tact, and sometimes this is the right answer. But not always. It would be better in some instances, such as this one, to give a tougher message — making it clear this regime is no longer seen as legitimate and that, where possible, western countries will seek relationships with more representative figures. This is neither easy nor especially pleasant, but it is not the same as breaking off diplomatic relations entirely, which is not wise as sometimes the organs of power must be dealt with.

And in terms of immediate practical help, the EU has an obligation to open its borders to Belarusian refugees who will surely come its way as conditions deteriorate. Lithuania is already showing the way in this regard.

Belarus is not one of the more difficult countries. It has no influence, no natural resources and therefore no leverage. It could resort to even more brutal repression of its citizens, but it should be made clear that such a desperate move by the authorities would entail even greater sanction. A common argument against a tougher approach is that it will drive Belarus into the arms of Russia. But this is to fall into the same trap — blackmail in reality — that we have seen for 20 years. In fact, it would be a good litmus test for a similar policy towards other ‘abuser countries’, such as Hungary.

Russia is certainly watching closely right now, and the last thing it wants is another colour revolution. The probability is that it will get this wish for now, as the demonstrations will surely cool off and key opposition figures not already in jail have been forced to flee. But western quiescence, as it always does, encourages Russia to act with further impunity. No invasion needed this time though if it already has most of what it wants — Union State notwithstanding — and the West stands aside.

A Chinese proverb maintains that ‘the best time to plant a tree was 20 years ago. The second-best time is now’. This holds true for dealing with Belarus. It is not too late to act decisively and play hardball. In doing so, the EU would help repair its reputation for hand-wringing and the people of Belarus might look at the EU with a respect they have lost.




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Market Rally Contains Hopeful Message for the Economy

21 August 2020

Dame DeAnne Julius DCMG CBE

Senior Adviser, Chatham House; Distinguished Fellow, Global Economy and Finance Programme
There are good reasons for soaring stocks, despite a seeming disconnect from the recession.

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Fearless Girl statue outside the New York Stock Exchange. Photo by Noam Galai/Getty Images.

Among the many unusual features of the pandemic-induced downturn is the disconnect between depressed real economies and buoyant financial markets. This is particularly evident in the US, where output fell 9.5% in the second quarter while the S&P 500 index rose by one-fifth.

This may suggest a huge financial bubble is in the making, or at least a highly optimistic view of a COVID-19 vaccine and treatments. Another possibility is that markets have a better grasp of the economic dynamics of a post-pandemic world than most nervous consumers and governments.

Certainly, markets have been helped by central bank largesse. In March, major central banks reacted forcefully to the possibility of a serious credit crunch with lending guarantees and bond purchases. Such liquidity interventions soothe troubled markets, but they also raise asset prices — potentially into bubble territory. This partly explains the markets’ strength. But it may not be the whole story.

A closer look at market performance suggests they may be on to something more interesting. Compare the US’s broad-based S&P 500 equity index with the tech-focused Nasdaq 100. Since the start of the year, the Nasdaq has risen 24% while the S&P is up just 5%. In the S&P itself, it has been the dramatic rise of the so-called Faang companies — Facebook, Amazon, Apple, Netflix and Google/Alphabet — that offset lesser performances by the other 495 companies. This sharp difference reflects two forces.

First, the COVID-19 crisis has had vastly different effects on different sectors. Lockdown brought a sudden increase in demand for the technology services that enable home learning (with school closures), homeworking (especially by office workers), home entertainment (instead of cinemas and theatres), home shopping (instead of physical shops), and home deliveries of almost everything else, including food. The Faang companies benefited disproportionally from this surge in demand as their production is scalable. Much of it could also be delivered by employees who themselves worked from home. The rise in their share prices reflects this.

Meanwhile, other sectors suffered massively. In the UK, the overall drop in gross domestic product of 20% in the second quarter was led by a fall of 87% in the accommodation and food services sector, which was severely affected by government restrictions. About one-quarter of the UK workforce, according to official figures, was also furloughed or temporarily off work without pay during lockdown. The fall in the share prices of hotels, restaurant franchises and airlines reflects such factors. 

The second driver of rising markets is that they are forward-looking while economic statistics reflect the past. For example, that UK GDP shrank during the second quarter is less interesting to a financial investor than the fact that during two months (May and June) GDP expanded by 2.4% and 8.7% respectively. In other words, output troughed in April but recovery began in May and accelerated in June as lockdown restrictions were eased. 

It is likely that rapid adaptations by companies and consumers to the pandemic-supercharged trends are already under way. In Britain, the share of retail sales (excluding fuel) made by ecommerce rose from around 7% in 2010 to 20% at the beginning of 2020 — it has since jumped to more than 30%. 

One-third of those officially working from home meanwhile say that they would like to do that permanently, according to the Centre for Economics and Business Research, and many large companies have offered their staff this choice.

Even in labour-intensive sectors such as healthcare and government services there has been a replacement of face-to-face delivery with digital booking and screen-based consultations.

Still, while this may help some companies in certain sectors, it does not imply a smooth recovery for the whole economy. Rather, it augurs a period of disruption as new companies, new business models and new job openings emerge. If the pandemic has ignited a Schumpeterian process of creative destruction, that is likely to continue whether or not effective vaccines and treatments ever come. 

Governments should ease the pain of this disruption with supportive fiscal and monetary policies, but they should not try to slow it down. The hopeful market message is that one lasting consequence of COVID-19 may be the rejuvenation of productivity growth that eventually spreads far beyond tech. 

This article was originally published in the Financial Times.




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E3 Cooperation Beyond Brexit: Challenging but Necessary

2 September 2020

Alice Billon-Galland

Research Associate, Europe Programme

Professor Richard G Whitman

Associate Fellow, Europe Programme
In the current uncertain strategic context for Europe, the E3 is establishing itself as a go-to format for diplomatic cooperation for Europe’s ‘big three’.

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British Prime Minister Boris Johnson (R), French President Emmanuel Macron (C) and German Chancellor Angela Merkel (L) speak upon their arrival for a round table meeting as part of an EU summit in Brussels on 17 October 2019. Photo by Olivier Matthys/Pool/AFP via Getty Images.

As the UK’s post-Brexit foreign policy takes shape, it is increasingly clear that joint cooperation with France and Germany will be of key importance. The current dispute with the US over imposing further sanctions on Iran shows that the UK values continuing strong cooperation with its European partners on key international issues, even at the cost of a major transatlantic dispute. Moreover, the recent first meeting of the German, French and British defence ministers in an E3 (European/EU 3) format signalled political commitment by all three partners to double down on joint diplomatic cooperation despite troubled UK-EU Brexit negotiations.

The UK working with France and Germany as part of the E3 has evolved in recent years from a shared approach to diplomacy on Iran’s nuclear programme to include a broader range of international security issues, such as the conflict in Syria and freedom of navigation in the South China Sea. E3 cooperation has so far been largely low-key, marked by close relationships and daily contacts between officials rather than high-profile summits between the leaders of the three countries. In the absence of any EU-UK negotiations on a future foreign, security and defence policy relationship, the E3 represents a key arrangement for aligning and mobilizing Europe’s ‘big three’ states. In a recent Chatham House research paper, we argue that Germany, France and the UK could and should maintain the E3 as a platform for flexible diplomatic coordination and crisis response, and expand its focus to address a new set of thematic, regional or multilateral topics. These could range from further cooperation on arms control to a reform agenda for multilateral institutions or a joint approach to the broader European neighbourhood.

The E3 countries have complementary reasons for wanting to make the format work. France and Germany recognize that the high degree of shared foreign and security policy interests with the UK require a pragmatic format for close cooperation, to provide insurance against an underdeveloped EU-UK relationship, help efficiently combine European forces and bring added value to the EU and NATO – but also to see the UK aligned with Europe on major international issues. Close foreign and security policy relationships with France and Germany will remain of interest to the UK as well, in order for it to keep playing an effective role in European security and to work with like-minded partners on key international issues.

Brexit presents both a major challenge for the E3 relationship and a major rationale for developing the format further. Neither France nor Germany see E3 cooperation as a substitute for a deal on a future EU-UK relationship or for the development of the EU’s own foreign, security and defence policy. Failure to reach a Brexit deal and a collapse of the EU-UK relationship into hostility and antagonism could make E3 cooperation politically difficult in the short term. In the longer term, were the UK and the EU to adopt very different foreign and security policies, E3 cooperation would also make less sense.

Even if an agreement is reached on the future EU-UK relationship by the end of this year, for France and Germany the challenge will be to reconcile their work with the UK through the E3 with their commitment to the EU. France and Germany have different rationales for favouring E3 cooperation. While France is more relaxed about its intergovernmental approach and prioritizes deliverables, Germany is worried about the perceived competition between the E3 and the EU. However, they both share the view that E3 cooperation should complement rather than undermine EU foreign, security and defence policy cooperation, while acting to bridge or smooth cooperation between the EU and the UK. If E3 cooperation were to conflict with broader EU policy by generating hostility from excluded member states (such as Poland or Italy) and therefore distract from building consensus for broader EU initiatives, such as post-COVID economic recovery, E3 cooperation may falter.

Another key factor for the E3 will be the evolution of transatlantic relations, and whether the next US administration presents Europe with the dilemma of choosing between broad alignment with the US or open confrontation, as in the case of the Iran nuclear deal’s ‘snapback’ mechanism. As a non-EU state, the UK may have more autonomy to set its own policies but it will not be able to escape a choice between either a broad alliance with European states or a more ambivalent and ad-hoc relationship with the continent, while also creating new formats for cooperation with other democracies such as the Five Eyes states. This type of diplomatic ‘venue shopping’ could create tensions with European partners, especially Germany and France who hope to anchor London into a broad European approach. The UK’s ongoing Integrated Security, Defence and Foreign Policy Review should provide clarity as to the UK’s future European ambitions and what that means for the E3.

Given the growing instability surrounding Europe, reinforced by an eventful summer 2020– with the Iran nuclear deal in limbo, renewed tensions between Turkey and Greece in the Mediterranean, protests in Belarus, increasing US-China rivalry and further instability in the Sahel – the E3 has recently been developing a more visible profile. By convening the first meeting of E3 defence ministers in August, Germany showed leadership and a commitment to the format despite its fears of hostility from other EU member states towards increased E3 cooperation. Officially widening E3 cooperation to include defence, while mostly symbolic for now, satisfies Berlin by marking a step towards institutionalization, appeases Paris by putting on the joint agenda issues such as the recent coup in Mali and the crisis in the Eastern Mediterranean, and shows some political commitment by London at a time of tense UK-EU Brexit negotiations.

France, the UK and Germany all agree that the E3 is a necessary cooperation format that needs to be developed further. Recent events seem to show willingness on the part of the three countries to make it work, both in spite of and because of upcoming Brexit tensions. Longer-term challenges – relating to intra-EU tensions over the role of the E3, the future EU-UK relationship and transatlantic divergences – are still to be addressed and managed for the format to reach its full potential. Nevertheless, in today’s uncertain strategic context for Europe, the E3 is establishing itself as a go-to format for cooperation for Europe’s ‘big three’.




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Formal Representation for Young People Enhances Politics for All

10 September 2020

Ben Horton

Communications Manager, Communications and Publishing

Michel Alimasi

Member, Common Futures Conversations, Italy

Gift Jedida

Member, Common Futures Conversations, Kenya

Sanne Thijssen

Member, Common Futures Conversations, Netherlands

Mondher Tounsi

Member, Common Futures Conversations, Tunisia
Despite grassroots associations, community organizing and online groups offering pathways for political engagement, the room for youth representation in international politics remains narrow, with many young people still left feeling they are passive participants in policymaking.

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Youth protests at Parliament square against a new exam rating system which has been introduced in British education system - London, England on August 16, 2020. Photo by Dominika Zarzycka/NurPhoto via Getty Images.

According to UN Youth, people aged 15-24 make up one-sixth of the world’s population but, in roughly one-third of countries, the eligibility for parliamentarians begins at 25 years old and only 1.6% of parliamentarians are in their twenties. Young people are largely being excluded and overlooked, both as political candidates and even as participants in political processes, giving them limited political control over their own futures. 

If politics continues to be regarded as a space for older, more politically experienced individuals from particular backgrounds, young people will continue to be left systematically marginalized, and overall disengagement with politics within societies will continue to grow. Global leaders may increasingly point out the importance of youth representation in national and international fora, but the reality is their real policymaking impact still comes mainly from self-organized and informal activities.

And yet, despite this continued exclusion, huge numbers of young people are interested in political and civic engagement, and they have been driven to create new spaces. Youth networks, movements, and constituencies have emerged which provide the opportunity for younger voices to express political stances, and thus enhance the diversity and inclusivity of political debate. 

From the global Extinction Rebellion protests, to the student-led Rhodes Must Fall movement in South Africa and the UK, there are numerous examples of the power of informal youth networks and movements pushing for change. In certain cases, such as Sudan’s political revolution in 2019, we can see how direct action by young people creates major impact, but unfortunately these successes are few as most informal initiatives remain overlooked and undervalued. 

Putting youth representation into government

Creating diverse representation requires the linking of vital informal networks to formal political processes. In response to a recent Common Futures Conversations challenge, one mechanism with the potential to achieve this aim that emerged is creating dedicated youth representatives within government departments, so that qualified young people with relevant expertise are formally appointed to act as the link between government and informal youth movements. 

These individuals should be hired as employees rather than volunteers and take up the responsibilities of a government employee, supported by a large network of youth-led movements and initiatives as well as a smaller, voluntary advisory board of young people. 

This network then acts as a sounding board for the representative, gathering the opinions in their local communities and bringing forward crucial concerns so the youth representatives can confidently feed into policymaking processes with a clear sense of the substance of youth opinion. Alongside the network, a voluntary board of young people could provide additional support to the representatives when required to consult a broader range of youth organizations.

Both in the youth network and the board, a key priority is to involve different movements and initiatives reflecting diversities such as geographic spread, people who are marginalized due to ethnicity, gender or sexuality, educational and professional backgrounds, and other factors. 

Implementing such a structure would ensure more diversity in youth representation, something which is missing in many existing youth participation and formal political structures. Representation needs to move away from only highly-educated youth living in cities to ensure more influence for those young people usually left on the sidelines. 

Youth involvement in politics leads to better civic engagement overall. It improves the influence and access of young people, and supports governments becoming more inclusive and responsive to the plurality of voices they are representing. It also has the potential of encouraging millions more people to become properly engaged with politics. 

In order to gain support from parliamentarians and policymakers, it is crucial to highlight these benefits and demonstrate how the support of young people helps shift the political landscape for the better. All the necessary parties already exist in most countries, so all that is required is to drive a collective initiative and for both governments and the youth to take responsibility for making it work.

As the former president of Ireland Mary Robinson said during a recent Chatham House Centenary event: ‘We need to make space for young people so we can hear their voices, their imagination, their commitment to question and speak truth to power. We need young people to feel that they are part of the solution.’ 

Building formal structures is a necessary step to achieving this vision, as it provides practical solutions to realize a more diverse, inclusive and meaningful participation of the youth in politics, and also creates more representative and responsive governments.




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Inhibition of mitochondrial oxidative metabolism attenuates EMCV replication and protects {beta}-cells from virally mediated lysis [Immunology]

Viral infection is one environmental factor that may contribute to the initiation of pancreatic β-cell destruction during the development of autoimmune diabetes. Picornaviruses, such as encephalomyocarditis virus (EMCV), induce a pro-inflammatory response in islets leading to local production of cytokines, such as IL-1, by resident islet leukocytes. Furthermore, IL-1 is known to stimulate β-cell expression of iNOS and production of the free radical nitric oxide. The purpose of this study was to determine whether nitric oxide contributes to the β-cell response to viral infection. We show that nitric oxide protects β-cells against virally mediated lysis by limiting EMCV replication. This protection requires low micromolar, or iNOS-derived, levels of nitric oxide. At these concentrations nitric oxide inhibits the Krebs enzyme aconitase and complex IV of the electron transport chain. Like nitric oxide, pharmacological inhibition of mitochondrial oxidative metabolism attenuates EMCV-mediated β-cell lysis by inhibiting viral replication. These findings provide novel evidence that cytokine signaling in β-cells functions to limit viral replication and subsequent β-cell lysis by attenuating mitochondrial oxidative metabolism in a nitric oxide–dependent manner.




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In crystallo screening for proline analog inhibitors of the proline cycle enzyme PYCR1 [Metabolism]

Pyrroline-5-carboxylate reductase 1 (PYCR1) catalyzes the biosynthetic half-reaction of the proline cycle by reducing Δ1-pyrroline-5-carboxylate (P5C) to proline through the oxidation of NAD(P)H. Many cancers alter their proline metabolism by up-regulating the proline cycle and proline biosynthesis, and knockdowns of PYCR1 lead to decreased cell proliferation. Thus, evidence is growing for PYCR1 as a potential cancer therapy target. Inhibitors of cancer targets are useful as chemical probes for studying cancer mechanisms and starting compounds for drug discovery; however, there is a notable lack of validated inhibitors for PYCR1. To fill this gap, we performed a small-scale focused screen of proline analogs using X-ray crystallography. Five inhibitors of human PYCR1 were discovered: l-tetrahydro-2-furoic acid, cyclopentanecarboxylate, l-thiazolidine-4-carboxylate, l-thiazolidine-2-carboxylate, and N-formyl l-proline (NFLP). The most potent inhibitor was NFLP, which had a competitive (with P5C) inhibition constant of 100 μm. The structure of PYCR1 complexed with NFLP shows that inhibitor binding is accompanied by conformational changes in the active site, including the translation of an α-helix by 1 Å. These changes are unique to NFLP and enable additional hydrogen bonds with the enzyme. NFLP was also shown to phenocopy the PYCR1 knockdown in MCF10A H-RASV12 breast cancer cells by inhibiting de novo proline biosynthesis and impairing spheroidal growth. In summary, we generated the first validated chemical probe of PYCR1 and demonstrated proof-of-concept for screening proline analogs to discover inhibitors of the proline cycle.




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What challenges does the new president of Somalia face?

What challenges does the new president of Somalia face? Explainer Video aboudiaf.drupal 28 June 2022

Ahmed Soliman examines the challenges the new president Hassan Sheikh Mohamud faces in his first 100 days as president.

Key issues for the new administration are a deteriorating situation with regards to drought as close to half the population are facing food insecurity due to a fourth failed rainy season.

Combined with an inflation rate above ten per cent, many Somalis are at risk of famine and starvation. Many areas of the country are affected from the pastoralist regions to those which house IDP camps around the capital city and other towns, all being exacerbated by the war in Ukraine as Somalia was importing much of its wheat imports from Ukraine and Russia.




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Will Africans’ calls for better democracy be met?

Will Africans’ calls for better democracy be met? The World Today mhiggins.drupal 29 July 2022

Voters want the continent’s ageing leaders to step aside to usher in a new age of political engagement and robust democracy, say the experts of Afrobarometer.

Across Africa, recent years have been marked by both encouraging democratic highs and troubling anti-democratic lows. Notable advances from last year include the Gambia’s successful presidential election, a ruling-party transition in Zambia and the first democratic transfer of power in Niger. In the lead up to this, add Malawi’s retake of its flawed presidential election in 2020 and an earlier succession of oustings of long-serving autocrats in Sudan, Zimbabwe and the Gambia. 

Contrast these gains, though, with setbacks elsewhere, including increasing restrictions on opposition parties in Benin, Senegal and Tanzania; the use of violence and intimidation during elections in Côte d’Ivoire and Uganda; and military coups, with the latest in Burkina Faso this year and last year in Chad, Mali, Sudan and Guinea.


These contradictory developments join dire warnings from experts that democracy is losing ground on the continent. But what can we learn about the state of democracy on the continent from Africans themselves?

Afrobarometer, a pan-African, non-partisan research network, has been surveying people about their views on democracy, governance and quality of life for more than 20 years. After interviewing nearly 50,000 citizens across 34 countries during Afrobarometer Round 8, which spans 2019-2021, we find that despite the efforts of some leaders to undermine democratic norms, Africans remain committed to democracy and democratic institutions.

They believe that the military should stay out of politics, that political parties should freely compete for power, that elections are an imperfect but essential tool for choosing their leaders, and that it is time for the old men who cling to power to step aside.

But their political reality falls short of these expectations. The perception of widespread and worsening corruption is particularly corrosive, leaving people increasingly dissatisfied with political systems that are yet to deliver on their aspirations to live in societies that are democratically and accountably governed. And although citizens find myriad ways to voice their concerns, they feel that their governments are not listening.

Simply put, Africans want more democratic and accountable governance than they think they are getting.

Africans’ democratic aspirations

Over the past decade, democracy watchers have been alarmed by declining trends in Africa. Concerns have been exacerbated in the past two years as some governments have taken advantage of the Covid pandemic to limit freedoms, restrict fair campaigning or postpone elections. Activists fear that supposedly temporary rollbacks in hard-won governance reforms could become permanent.

But for the most part, African citizens remain committed to democracy and democratic institutions. Across 30 countries that Afrobarometer has surveyed consistently since Round 5 (2011–2013), most indicators are strong and quite steady.


For example, seven in 10 Africans say that ‘democracy is preferable to any other kind of government’. While this is down modestly from 73 per cent a decade ago, more specific indicators seem to affirm popular commitment to democracy. Large and steady majorities consistently reject authoritarian alternatives, including one-person or ‘strongman’ rule (82 per cent), one-party rule (77 per cent) and military rule (75 per cent), which is clearly rejected even in many of the countries rocked by recent military coups.

Africans also express strong support for a limit to presidential terms, a feature of democratic governance that researchers and activists argue nurtures political participation, demonstrates that change via the ballot box is possible, and reduces the risk of personality cults, authoritarianism, corruption and coups. Across 34 countries, an average of 76 per cent favour limiting their presidents to two terms, including a majority (54 per cent) who ‘strongly’ support this rule. Term limits enjoy majority support in every surveyed country. 

The public’s democratic commitment is undergirded by strong and in some cases growing support for core democratic institutions. Support for multiparty competition and parliamentary oversight of leaders remains steady, while expectations that governments should be accountable to the courts have increased significantly over the past decade.

In addition, growing numbers of people say it is more important to have a government that is accountable to the people rather than one that just ‘gets things done’, an especially strong indicator of deepening commitment to democratic norms among citizens. 

Trouble at the polling booth

Elections remain a central, though controversial, institution of democracy for Africans. They have served as the foundation for real change, as in Zambia last year. But in other cases, such as Uganda’s January 2021 poll, they have been marred by violence and human rights abuses, as well as the weaponization of Covid to justify restrictions on campaigning.

The public is also sceptical about the capacity of elections to bring about real change: fully 50 per cent say they do not think elections are effective in enabling voters ‘to remove from office leaders who do not do what the people want’.

At the same time, large majorities report positively on their country’s election environment. Asked about their most recent election, at least eight in 10 say they did not observe intimidation (87 per cent) or interference (81 per cent) by security forces and did not fear violence (80 per cent).

We must keep in mind that these encouraging averages can obscure deep problems in some countries. For example, while only 3 per cent of Namibians say votes are ‘often’ not counted fairly, between a quarter and one-third cite inaccurate counts as a frequent problem in Zimbabwe, Sudan and Gabon. 


In addition, confidence in the fairness of the media environment is drastically lower, on average just 36 per cent.

But perhaps most importantly, almost nine in 10 Africans (87 per cent) say they are free to vote as they choose, including sizeable majorities in every surveyed country. And a solid majority of 63 per cent rate their most recent election as completely or mostly free and fair. 

All of this may help to explain still-strong support for competitive elections as the best system for selecting leaders. A robust three-quarters confirm their commitment to elections, though this has fallen slightly over the past decade, probably reflecting disillusionment with electoral processes that are too often torn by violence and produce contested results. 

A growing number of people may also be recognizing that elections, especially poor-quality ones, are not enough to guarantee democracy and better governance, and that a healthy democracy must include such other features as government accountability, respect for the rule of law, responsiveness and citizen participation.

The ‘democratic disappointment’ gap

To what extent does political reality align with Africans’ democratic aspirations? Our findings suggest that it is falling well short of expectations.

While a slim majority has steadily reported that their country is a ‘full democracy’ or one ‘with minor problems’ over the past decade, satisfaction, however, has dropped to 43 per cent in that time. 

What explains this growing dissatisfaction? Other indicators of democratic supply offer some clues. While ratings of election quality have held steady, favourable public assessments of presidential accountability to parliament and to the courts have both declined.

The rising scourge of corruption

But one of the most significant driving factors may be burgeoning corruption, a trend that appears to parallel declining democratic satisfaction. On average across 34 countries, around six in 10 say both that corruption in their country increased over the past year, and that their government is doing a poor job of controlling it.

These perceptions matter. Over time, when perceptions of corruption rise or fall, levels of dissatisfaction with democracy tend to follow suit. 

In South Africa, dissatisfaction with democracy grew steadily alongside scandals involving President Jacob Zuma, and has continued to rise under his successor, Cyril Ramaphosa, whose office has been tainted by ‘Farmgate’ and a major Covid-relief scandal. The ‘Fishrot’ scandal in Namibia has had similar consequences.

Are governments listening?

African citizens are raising their voices, calling on their governments to fulfil their democratic aspirations. Since April 2017, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace has recorded more than 70 episodes in 35 African countries of protests focused on issues ranging from demands for democracy in eSwatini to resisting police brutality, presidential third-term attempts and Covid restrictions. 

Citizen participation and government responsiveness are cornerstones of democracy. But are governments listening?

Voting is the most obvious and popular way for citizens to express themselves, and Africans take advantage of this opportunity. Two-thirds said they voted in their most recent national election. But elections occur only occasionally, and they force individuals to compress a wide array of views into very few choices. How do Africans find their voice during the long intervals between elections?

Many invest in personal efforts to act as agents of change. In fact, nearly half say they joined with others to raise an issue at least once in the past year, and a third contacted a political leader. A quarter report they acted with others to request government action. Less common but still important modes of engagement include asking for help from or lodging a complaint with government, contacting the media, and joining a demonstration.


These robust levels of citizen engagement suggest that people feel they can make a difference. Unfortunately, decision-makers aren’t always receptive or responsive to citizen voices. Less than a quarter of people think local government officials listen to them – and even fewer think their members of parliament do. 

What is more troubling is that fully two-thirds say they are at risk of retaliation or some form of negative consequences if they take action by reporting incidents of corruption. 

Lack of government responsiveness and respect for popular voices may have direct implications for both citizen engagement and citizen satisfaction. For example, we find that people are more likely to contact leaders or take other actions to solve problems if they believe that government officials respect and listen to them; that they will get a response if they raise an issue; and if they do not need to fear retaliation. 

Similarly, when we compare country averages for government responsiveness to the percentage of citizens who are satisfied with democracy, we again find positive associations. 

When governments are responsive, citizens are more likely to engage in addressing community needs and to be satisfied with their political system and optimistic about the future. Respectful and responsive governance has the potential to spur citizen action to solve critical development challenges – and may be the cure for what ails democracy.




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Challenges with 177Lu-PSMA-617 Radiopharmaceutical Therapy in Clinical Practice




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[18F]F-AraG Uptake in Vertebral Bone Marrow May Predict Survival in Patients with Non-Small Cell Lung Cancer Treated with Anti-PD-(L)1 Immunotherapy

Visual Abstract




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Sophos Firewall hardening best practices

Make the most of your Sophos Firewall.




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Digital Detritus: The engine of Pacific Rim and a call to the industry for action

Decades of obsolete and unpatched hardware and software endanger us all




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A Novel Mechanism for NF-{kappa}B-activation via I{kappa}B-aggregation: Implications for Hepatic Mallory-Denk-Body Induced Inflammation

Yi Liu
Dec 1, 2020; 19:1968-1985
Research




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Proteomic analyses identify differentially expressed proteins and pathways between low-risk and high-risk subtypes of early-stage lung adenocarcinoma and their prognostic impacts

Juntuo Zhou
Nov 30, 2020; 0:RA120.002384v1-mcp.RA120.002384
Research




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Spatially Resolved Activity-based Proteomic Profiles of the Murine Small Intestinal Lipases

Matthias Schittmayer
Dec 1, 2020; 19:2104-2114
Research




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Plasma proteomic data can contain personally identifiable, sensitive information and incidental findings

Philipp Emanuel Geyer
Dec 17, 2020; 0:RA120.002359v1-mcp.RA120.002359
Research




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AggreCount: an unbiased image analysis tool for identifying and quantifying cellular aggregates in a spatially defined manner [Methods and Resources]

Protein quality control is maintained by a number of integrated cellular pathways that monitor the folding and functionality of the cellular proteome. Defects in these pathways lead to the accumulation of misfolded or faulty proteins that may become insoluble and aggregate over time. Protein aggregates significantly contribute to the development of a number of human diseases such as amyotrophic lateral sclerosis, Huntington's disease, and Alzheimer's disease. In vitro, imaging-based, cellular studies have defined key biomolecular components that recognize and clear aggregates; however, no unifying method is available to quantify cellular aggregates, limiting our ability to reproducibly and accurately quantify these structures. Here we describe an ImageJ macro called AggreCount to identify and measure protein aggregates in cells. AggreCount is designed to be intuitive, easy to use, and customizable for different types of aggregates observed in cells. Minimal experience in coding is required to utilize the script. Based on a user-defined image, AggreCount will report a number of metrics: (i) total number of cellular aggregates, (ii) percentage of cells with aggregates, (iii) aggregates per cell, (iv) area of aggregates, and (v) localization of aggregates (cytosol, perinuclear, or nuclear). A data table of aggregate information on a per cell basis, as well as a summary table, is provided for further data analysis. We demonstrate the versatility of AggreCount by analyzing a number of different cellular aggregates including aggresomes, stress granules, and inclusion bodies caused by huntingtin polyglutamine expansion.




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AMPK{beta}1 and AMPK{beta}2 define an isoform-specific gene signature in human pluripotent stem cells, differentially mediating cardiac lineage specification [Cell Biology]

AMP-activated protein kinase (AMPK) is a key regulator of energy metabolism that phosphorylates a wide range of proteins to maintain cellular homeostasis. AMPK consists of three subunits: α, β, and γ. AMPKα and β are encoded by two genes, the γ subunit by three genes, all of which are expressed in a tissue-specific manner. It is not fully understood, whether individual isoforms have different functions. Using RNA-Seq technology, we provide evidence that the loss of AMPKβ1 and AMPKβ2 lead to different gene expression profiles in human induced pluripotent stem cells (hiPSCs), indicating isoform-specific function. The knockout of AMPKβ2 was associated with a higher number of differentially regulated genes than the deletion of AMPKβ1, suggesting that AMPKβ2 has a more comprehensive impact on the transcriptome. Bioinformatics analysis identified cell differentiation as one biological function being specifically associated with AMPKβ2. Correspondingly, the two isoforms differentially affected lineage decision toward a cardiac cell fate. Although the lack of PRKAB1 impacted differentiation into cardiomyocytes only at late stages of cardiac maturation, the availability of PRKAB2 was indispensable for mesoderm specification as shown by gene expression analysis and histochemical staining for cardiac lineage markers such as cTnT, GATA4, and NKX2.5. Ultimately, the lack of AMPKβ1 impairs, whereas deficiency of AMPKβ2 abrogates differentiation into cardiomyocytes. Finally, we demonstrate that AMPK affects cellular physiology by engaging in the regulation of hiPSC transcription in an isoform-specific manner, providing the basis for further investigations elucidating the role of dedicated AMPK subunits in the modulation of gene expression.




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Nuclear translocation ability of Lipin differentially affects gene expression and survival in fed and fasting Drosophila

Stephanie E. Hood
Dec 1, 2020; 61:1720-1732
Research Articles




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Mutation in the distal NPxY motif of LRP1 alleviates dietary cholesterol-induced dyslipidemia and tissue inflammation

Anja Jaeschke
Dec 9, 2020; 0:jlr.RA120001141v1-jlr.RA120001141
Research Articles




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Structure dynamics of ApoA-I amyloidogenic variants in small HDL increase their ability to mediate cholesterol efflux

Oktawia Nilsson
Nov 17, 2020; 0:jlr.RA120000920v1-jlr.RA120000920
Research Articles




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Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 66535: You might intermittently see the error "RangeError: Maximum call stack exceeded..." when viewing a SAS Visual Analytics report

When viewing a SAS Visual Analytics report, you might intermittently see an error that includes content similar to the following:

Error Message:




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Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 66507: The “RegisterFontTask" install task fails during out-of-the-box, add-on, or upgrade-in-place deployments if Hot Fix D7G004 is applied

The SAS 9.4M4 (TS1M4) Hot Fix D7G004 for ODS Templates installs national language support (NLS) content regardless of whether the languages were installed during the initial deployment. Having sparse




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Structure dynamics of ApoA-I amyloidogenic variants in small HDL increase their ability to mediate cholesterol efflux [Research Articles]

Apolipoprotein A-I (ApoA-I) of high-density lipoprotein (HDL) is essential for the transportation of cholesterol between peripheral tissues and the liver. However, specific mutations in Apolipoprotein A-I (ApoA-I) of high-density lipoprotein (HDL) are responsible for a late-onset systemic amyloidosis, the pathological accumulation of protein fibrils in tissues and organs. Carriers of these mutations do not exhibit increased cardiovascular disease risk despite displaying reduced levels of ApoA-I/ HDL-cholesterol. To explain this paradox, we show that the HDL particle profile of patients carrying either L75P or L174S ApoA-I amyloidogenic variants a higher relative abundance of the 8.4 nm vs 9.6 nm particles, and that serum from patients, as well as reconstituted 8.4 and 9.6 nm HDL particles (rHDL), possess increased capacity to catalyze cholesterol efflux from macrophages. Synchrotron radiation circular dichroism and hydrogen-deuterium exchange revealed that the variants in 8.4 nm rHDL have altered secondary structure composition and display a more flexible binding to lipids compared to their native counterpart. The reduced HDL-cholesterol levels of patients carrying ApoA-I amyloidogenic variants are thus balanced by higher proportion of small, dense HDL particles and better cholesterol efflux due to altered, region-specific protein structure dynamics.




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Mutation in the distal NPxY motif of LRP1 alleviates dietary cholesterol-induced dyslipidemia and tissue inflammation [Research Articles]

The LDL receptor-related protein-1 (LRP1) is highly expressed in numerous cell types, and its impairment is associated with obesity, diabetes, and fatty liver disease. However, the mechanisms linking LRP1 to metabolic disease are not completely understood. Here, we compared the metabolic phenotype of C57BL/6J wild type and LRP1 knock-in mice carrying an inactivating mutation in the distal NPxY motif after feeding a low fat (LF) diet or high fat diets with (HFHC) or without (HF) cholesterol supplementation. In response to HF feeding, both groups developed hyperglycemia, hyperinsulinemia, and hyperlipidemia, as well as increased adiposity with adipose tissue inflammation and liver steatosis. However, when animals were fed the HF diet supplemented with cholesterol, the LRP1 NPxY mutation prevents hypercholesterolemia, reduces adipose tissue and brain inflammation, and limits liver progression to steatohepatitis. Nevertheless, insulin signaling is impaired in LRP1 NPxY mutant hepatocytes and this mutation does not protect against HFHC-induced insulin resistance. The selective metabolic improvement observed in HFHC-fed LRP1 NPxY mutant mice is due to an apparent increase of hepatic LDL receptor levels, leading to an elevated rate of plasma lipoprotein clearance and lowering of plasma and hepatic cholesterol levels. The unique metabolic phenotypes displayed by LRP1 NPxY mutant mice in response to HF or HFHC diet feeding indicate an LRP1-cholesterol axis in modulating tissue inflammation. The LRP1 NPxY mutant mouse phenotype differs from phenotypes observed in mice with tissue-specific LRP1 inactivation, thus highlighting the importance of an integrative approach to evaluate how global LRP1 dysfunction contributes to metabolic disease development.




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The war on drugs has failed: doctors should lead calls for drug policy reform




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Interleukin 6 reduces allopregnanolone synthesis in the brain and contributes to age-related cognitive decline in mice [Research Articles]

Cognitive decline with age is a harmful process that can reduce quality of life. Multiple factors have been established to contribute to cognitive decline, but the overall etiology remains unknown. Here, we hypothesized that cognitive dysfunction is mediated, in part, by increased levels of inflammatory cytokines that alter allopregnanolone (AlloP) levels, an important neurosteroid in the brain. We assessed the levels and regulation of AlloP and the effects of AlloP supplementation on cognitive function in 4-month-old and 24-month-old male C57BL/6 mice. With age, the expression of enzymes involved in the AlloP synthetic pathway was decreased and corticosterone (CORT) synthesis increased. Supplementation of AlloP improved cognitive function. Interestingly, interleukin 6 (IL-6) infusion in young animals significantly reduced the production of AlloP compared with controls. It is notable that inhibition of IL-6 with its natural inhibitor, soluble membrane glycoprotein 130, significantly improved spatial memory in aged mice. These findings were supported by in vitro experiments in primary murine astrocyte cultures, indicating that IL-6 decreases production of AlloP and increases CORT levels. Our results indicate that age-related increases in IL-6 levels reduce progesterone substrate availability, resulting in a decline in AlloP levels and an increase in CORT. Furthermore, our results indicate that AlloP is a critical link between inflammatory cytokines and the age-related decline in cognitive function.




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Myc linked to dysregulation of cholesterol transport and storage in nonsmall cell lung cancer [Research Articles]

Nonsmall cell lung cancer (NSCLC) is a leading cause of cancer-related deaths. While mutations in Kras and overexpression of Myc are commonly found in patients, the role of altered lipid metabolism in lung cancer and its interplay with oncogenic Myc is poorly understood. Here we use a transgenic mouse model of Kras-driven lung adenocarcinoma with reversible activation of Myc combined with surface analysis lipid profiling of lung tumors and transcriptomics to study the effect of Myc activity on cholesterol homeostasis. Our findings reveal that the activation of Myc leads to the accumulation of cholesteryl esters (CEs) stored in lipid droplets. Subsequent Myc deactivation leads to further increases in CEs, in contrast to tumors in which Myc was never activated. Gene expression analysis linked cholesterol transport and storage pathways to Myc activity. Our results suggest that increased Myc activity is associated with increased cholesterol influx, reduced efflux, and accumulation of CE-rich lipid droplets in lung tumors. Targeting cholesterol homeostasis is proposed as a promising avenue to explore for novel treatments of lung cancer, with diagnostic and stratification potential in human NSCLC.




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Nuclear translocation ability of Lipin differentially affects gene expression and survival in fed and fasting Drosophila [Research Articles]

Lipins are eukaryotic proteins with functions in lipid synthesis and the homeostatic control of energy balance. They execute these functions by acting as phosphatidate phosphatase enzymes in the cytoplasm and by changing gene expression after translocation into the cell nucleus, in particular under fasting conditions. Here, we asked whether nuclear translocation and the enzymatic activity of Drosophila Lipin serve essential functions and how gene expression changes, under both fed and fasting conditions, when nuclear translocation is impaired. To address these questions, we created a Lipin null mutant, a mutant expressing Lipin lacking a nuclear localization signal (LipinNLS), and a mutant expressing enzymatically dead Lipin. Our data support the conclusion that the enzymatic but not nuclear gene regulatory activity of Lipin is essential for survival. Notably, adult LipinNLS flies were not only viable but also exhibited improved life expectancy. In contrast, they were highly susceptible to starvation. Both the improved life expectancy in the fed state and the decreased survival in the fasting state correlated with changes in metabolic gene expression. Moreover, increased life expectancy of fed flies was associated with a decreased metabolic rate. Interestingly, in addition to metabolic genes, genes involved in feeding behavior and the immune response were misregulated in LipinNLS flies. Altogether, our data suggest that the nuclear activity of Lipin influences the genomic response to nutrient availability with effects on life expectancy and starvation resistance. Thus, nutritional or therapeutic approaches that aim at lowering nuclear translocation of lipins in humans may be worth exploring.




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MSstatsTMT: Statistical Detection of Differentially Abundant Proteins in Experiments with Isobaric Labeling and Multiple Mixtures [Technological Innovation and Resources]

Tandem mass tag (TMT) is a multiplexing technology widely-used in proteomic research. It enables relative quantification of proteins from multiple biological samples in a single MS run with high efficiency and high throughput. However, experiments often require more biological replicates or conditions than can be accommodated by a single run, and involve multiple TMT mixtures and multiple runs. Such larger-scale experiments combine sources of biological and technical variation in patterns that are complex, unique to TMT-based workflows, and challenging for the downstream statistical analysis. These patterns cannot be adequately characterized by statistical methods designed for other technologies, such as label-free proteomics or transcriptomics. This manuscript proposes a general statistical approach for relative protein quantification in MS- based experiments with TMT labeling. It is applicable to experiments with multiple conditions, multiple biological replicate runs and multiple technical replicate runs, and unbalanced designs. It is based on a flexible family of linear mixed-effects models that handle complex patterns of technical artifacts and missing values. The approach is implemented in MSstatsTMT, a freely available open-source R/Bioconductor package compatible with data processing tools such as Proteome Discoverer, MaxQuant, OpenMS, and SpectroMine. Evaluation on a controlled mixture, simulated datasets, and three biological investigations with diverse designs demonstrated that MSstatsTMT balanced the sensitivity and the specificity of detecting differentially abundant proteins, in large-scale experiments with multiple biological mixtures.




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Agonists of Orally Expressed TRP Channels Stimulate Salivary Secretion and Modify the Salivary Proteome [Research]

Natural compounds that can stimulate salivary secretion are of interest in developing treatments for xerostomia, the perception of a dry mouth, that affects between 10 and 30% of the adult and elderly population. Chemesthetic transient receptor potential (TRP) channels are expressed in the surface of the oral mucosa. The TRPV1 agonists capsaicin and piperine have been shown to increase salivary flow when introduced into the oral cavity but the sialogogic properties of other TRP channel agonists have not been investigated. In this study we have determined the influence of different TRP channel agonists on the flow and protein composition of saliva. Mouth rinsing with the TRPV1 agonist nonivamide or menthol, a TRPM8 agonist, increased whole mouth saliva (WMS) flow and total protein secretion compared with unstimulated saliva, the vehicle control mouth rinse or cinnamaldehyde, a TRPA1 agonist. Nonivamide also increased the flow of labial minor gland saliva but parotid saliva flow rate was not increased. The influence of TRP channel agonists on the composition and function of the salivary proteome was investigated using a multi-batch quantitative MS method novel to salivary proteomics. Inter-personal and inter-mouth rinse variation was observed in the secreted proteomes and, using a novel bioinformatics method, inter-day variation was identified with some of the mouth rinses. Significant changes in specific salivary proteins were identified after all mouth rinses. In the case of nonivamide, these changes were attributed to functional shifts in the WMS secreted, primarily the over representation of salivary and nonsalivary cystatins which was confirmed by immunoassay. This study provides new evidence of the impact of TRP channel agonists on the salivary proteome and the stimulation of salivary secretion by a TRPM8 channel agonist, which suggests that TRP channel agonists are potential candidates for developing treatments for sufferers of xerostomia.




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High-dimensional Cytometry (ExCYT) and Mass Spectrometry of Myeloid Infiltrate in Clinically Localized Clear Cell Renal Cell Carcinoma Identifies Novel Potential Myeloid Targets for Immunotherapy [Research]

Renal Cell Carcinoma (RCC) is one of the most commonly diagnosed cancers worldwide with research efforts dramatically improving understanding of the biology of the disease. To investigate the role of the immune system in treatment-naïve clear cell Renal Cell Carcinoma (ccRCC), we interrogated the immune infiltrate in patient-matched ccRCC tumor samples, benign normal adjacent tissue (NAT) and peripheral blood mononuclear cells (PBMCs isolated from whole blood, focusing our attention on the myeloid cell infiltrate. Using flow cytometric, MS, and ExCYT analysis, we discovered unique myeloid populations in PBMCs across patient samples. Furthermore, normal adjacent tissues and ccRCC tissues contained numerous myeloid populations with a unique signature for both tissues. Enrichment of the immune cell (CD45+) fraction and subsequent gene expression analysis revealed a number of myeloid-related genes that were differentially expressed. These data provide evidence, for the first time, of an immunosuppressive and pro-tumorigenic role of myeloid cells in early, clinically localized ccRCC. The identification of a number of immune proteins for therapeutic targeting provides a rationale for investigation into the potential efficacy of earlier intervention with single-agent or combination immunotherapy for ccRCC.




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Spatially Resolved Activity-based Proteomic Profiles of the Murine Small Intestinal Lipases [Research]

Despite the crucial function of the small intestine in nutrient uptake our understanding of the molecular events underlying the digestive function is still rudimentary. Recent studies demonstrated that enterocytes do not direct the entire dietary triacylglycerol toward immediate chylomicron synthesis. Especially after high-fat challenges, parts of the resynthesized triacylglycerol are packaged into cytosolic lipid droplets for transient storage in the endothelial layer of the small intestine. The reason for this temporary storage of triacylglycerol is not completely understood. To utilize lipids from cytosolic lipid droplets for chylomicron synthesis in the endoplasmic reticulum, stored triacylglycerol has to be hydrolyzed either by cytosolic lipolysis or lipophagy. Interestingly, triacylglycerol storage and chylomicron secretion rates are unevenly distributed along the small intestine, with the proximal jejunum exhibiting the highest intermittent storage capacity. We hypothesize that correlating hydrolytic enzyme activities with the reported distribution of triacylglycerol storage and chylomicron secretion in different sections of the small intestine is a promising strategy to determine key enzymes in triacylglycerol remobilization. We employed a serine hydrolase specific activity-based labeling approach in combination with quantitative proteomics to identify and rank hydrolases based on their relative activity in 11 sections of the small intestine. Moreover, we identified several clusters of enzymes showing similar activity distribution along the small intestine. Merging our activity-based results with substrate specificity and subcellular localization known from previous studies, carboxylesterase 2e and arylacetamide deacetylase emerge as promising candidates for triacylglycerol mobilization from cytosolic lipid droplets in enterocytes.