rat Smoothness and Lévy concentration function inequalities for distributions of random diagonal sums By www.ams.org Published On :: Tue, 05 Nov 2024 14:10 EST Bero Roos Theor. Probability and Math. Statist. 111 (), 137-151. Abstract, references and article information Full Article
rat Unbounded operators and the uncertainty principle By www.ams.org Published On :: Tue, 05 Nov 2024 15:05 EST Friedrich Haslinger Proc. Amer. Math. Soc. 152 (), 5219-5227. Abstract, references and article information Full Article
rat Trichotomy for the orbits of a hypercyclic operator on a Banach space By www.ams.org Published On :: Tue, 05 Nov 2024 15:05 EST Jian Li Proc. Amer. Math. Soc. 152 (), 5207-5217. Abstract, references and article information Full Article
rat Even singular integral operators that are well behaved on a purely unrectifiable set By www.ams.org Published On :: Tue, 05 Nov 2024 15:05 EST Benjamin Jaye and Manasa N. Vempati Proc. Amer. Math. Soc. 152 (), 5105-5116. Abstract, references and article information Full Article
rat Threshold approximations for the exponential of a factorized operator family with correctors taken into account By www.ams.org Published On :: Fri, 08 Nov 2024 14:08 EST T. A. Suslina St. Petersburg Math. J. 35 (), 537-570. Abstract, references and article information Full Article
rat AMS Day Member Celebration is Dec 2 - Join today! By www.ams.org Published On :: Fri, 01 Nov 2024 00:00:00 EST Full Article
rat When will we see below-freezing temperatures in Milwaukee? First frost, snow forecasts By www.yahoo.com Published On :: 2024-11-11T21:45:13Z Full Article
rat This powerful, quiet, exhaust-free generator is almost 55% off ahead of Black Friday By www.yahoo.com Published On :: 2024-11-12T21:31:38Z Full Article
rat Fluctuation in O-GlcNAcylation inactivates STIM1 to reduce store-operated calcium ion entry via down-regulation of Ser621 phosphorylation [Molecular Bases of Disease] By www.jbc.org Published On :: 2020-12-11T00:06:20-08:00 Stromal interaction molecule 1 (STIM1) plays a pivotal role in store-operated Ca2+ entry (SOCE), an essential mechanism in cellular calcium signaling and in maintaining cellular calcium balance. Because O-GlcNAcylation plays pivotal roles in various cellular function, we examined the effect of fluctuation in STIM1 O-GlcNAcylation on SOCE activity. We found that both increase and decrease in STIM1 O-GlcNAcylation impaired SOCE activity. To determine the molecular basis, we established STIM1-knockout HEK293 (STIM1-KO-HEK) cells using the CRISPR/Cas9 system and transfected STIM1 WT (STIM1-KO-WT-HEK), S621A (STIM1-KO-S621A-HEK), or T626A (STIM1-KO-T626A-HEK) cells. Using these cells, we examined the possible O-GlcNAcylation sites of STIM1 to determine whether the sites were O-GlcNAcylated. Co-immunoprecipitation analysis revealed that Ser621 and Thr626 were O-GlcNAcylated and that Thr626 was O-GlcNAcylated in the steady state but Ser621 was not. The SOCE activity in STIM1-KO-S621A-HEK and STIM1-KO-T626A-HEK cells was lower than that in STIM1-KO-WT-HEK cells because of reduced phosphorylation at Ser621. Treatment with the O-GlcNAcase inhibitor Thiamet G or O-GlcNAc transferase (OGT) transfection, which increases O-GlcNAcylation, reduced SOCE activity, whereas treatment with the OGT inhibitor ST045849 or siOGT transfection, which decreases O-GlcNAcylation, also reduced SOCE activity. Decrease in SOCE activity due to increase and decrease in O-GlcNAcylation was attributable to reduced phosphorylation at Ser621. These data suggest that both decrease in O-GlcNAcylation at Thr626 and increase in O-GlcNAcylation at Ser621 in STIM1 lead to impairment of SOCE activity through decrease in Ser621 phosphorylation. Targeting STIM1 O-GlcNAcylation could provide a promising treatment option for the related diseases, such as neurodegenerative diseases. Full Article
rat Molecular architecture and domain arrangement of the placental malaria protein VAR2CSA suggests a model for carbohydrate binding [Glycobiology and Extracellular Matrices] By www.jbc.org Published On :: 2020-12-25T00:06:31-08:00 VAR2CSA is the placental-malaria–specific member of the antigenically variant Plasmodium falciparum erythrocyte membrane protein 1 (PfEMP1) family. It is expressed on the surface of Plasmodium falciparum-infected host red blood cells and binds to specific chondroitin-4-sulfate chains of the placental proteoglycan receptor. The functional ∼310 kDa ectodomain of VAR2CSA is a multidomain protein that requires a minimum 12-mer chondroitin-4-sulfate molecule for specific, high affinity receptor binding. However, it is not known how the individual domains are organized and interact to create the receptor-binding surface, limiting efforts to exploit its potential as an effective vaccine or drug target. Using small angle X-ray scattering and single particle reconstruction from negative-stained electron micrographs of the ectodomain and multidomain constructs, we have determined the structural architecture of VAR2CSA. The relative locations of the domains creates two distinct pores that can each accommodate the 12-mer of chondroitin-4-sulfate, suggesting a model for receptor binding. This model has important implications for understanding cytoadherence of infected red blood cells and potentially provides a starting point for developing novel strategies to prevent and/or treat placental malaria. Full Article
rat PFN2 and NAA80 cooperate to efficiently acetylate the N-terminus of actin [Protein Structure and Folding] By www.jbc.org Published On :: 2020-12-04T00:06:05-08:00 The actin cytoskeleton is of profound importance to cell shape, division, and intracellular force generation. Profilins bind to globular (G-)actin and regulate actin filament formation. Although profilins are well-established actin regulators, the distinct roles of the dominant profilin, profilin 1 (PFN1), versus the less abundant profilin 2 (PFN2) remain enigmatic. In this study, we use interaction proteomics to discover that PFN2 is an interaction partner of the actin N-terminal acetyltransferase NAA80, and further confirm this by analytical ultracentrifugation. Enzyme assays with NAA80 and different profilins demonstrate that PFN2 binding specifically increases the intrinsic catalytic activity of NAA80. NAA80 binds PFN2 through a proline-rich loop, deletion of which abrogates PFN2 binding. Small-angle X-ray scattering shows that NAA80, actin, and PFN2 form a ternary complex and that NAA80 has partly disordered regions in the N-terminus and the proline-rich loop, the latter of which is partly ordered upon PFN2 binding. Furthermore, binding of PFN2 to NAA80 via the proline-rich loop promotes binding between the globular domains of actin and NAA80, and thus acetylation of actin. However, the majority of cellular NAA80 is stably bound to PFN2 and not to actin, and we propose that this complex acetylates G-actin before it is incorporated into filaments. In conclusion, we reveal a functionally specific role of PFN2 as a stable interactor and regulator of the actin N-terminal acetyltransferase NAA80, and establish the modus operandi for NAA80-mediated actin N-terminal acetylation, a modification with a major impact on cytoskeletal dynamics. Full Article
rat Characterizing human {alpha}-1,6-fucosyltransferase (FUT8) substrate specificity and structural similarities with related fucosyltransferases [Protein Structure and Folding] By www.jbc.org Published On :: 2020-12-11T00:06:20-08:00 Mammalian Asn-linked glycans are extensively processed as they transit the secretory pathway to generate diverse glycans on cell surface and secreted glycoproteins. Additional modification of the glycan core by α-1,6-fucose addition to the innermost GlcNAc residue (core fucosylation) is catalyzed by an α-1,6-fucosyltransferase (FUT8). The importance of core fucosylation can be seen in the complex pathological phenotypes of FUT8 null mice, which display defects in cellular signaling, development, and subsequent neonatal lethality. Elevated core fucosylation has also been identified in several human cancers. However, the structural basis for FUT8 substrate specificity remains unknown.Here, using various crystal structures of FUT8 in complex with a donor substrate analog, and with four distinct glycan acceptors, we identify the molecular basis for FUT8 specificity and activity. The ordering of three active site loops corresponds to an increased occupancy for bound GDP, suggesting an induced-fit folding of the donor-binding subsite. Structures of the various acceptor complexes were compared with kinetic data on FUT8 active site mutants and with specificity data from a library of glycan acceptors to reveal how binding site complementarity and steric hindrance can tune substrate affinity. The FUT8 structure was also compared with other known fucosyltransferases to identify conserved and divergent structural features for donor and acceptor recognition and catalysis. These data provide insights into the evolution of modular templates for donor and acceptor recognition among GT-B fold glycosyltransferases in the synthesis of diverse glycan structures in biological systems. Full Article
rat A structural and kinetic survey of GH5_4 endoglucanases reveals determinants of broad substrate specificity and opportunities for biomass hydrolysis [Protein Structure and Folding] By www.jbc.org Published On :: 2020-12-18T00:06:18-08:00 Broad-specificity glycoside hydrolases (GHs) contribute to plant biomass hydrolysis by degrading a diverse range of polysaccharides, making them useful catalysts for renewable energy and biocommodity production. Discovery of new GHs with improved kinetic parameters or more tolerant substrate-binding sites could increase the efficiency of renewable bioenergy production even further. GH5 has over 50 subfamilies exhibiting selectivities for reaction with β-(1,4)–linked oligo- and polysaccharides. Among these, subfamily 4 (GH5_4) contains numerous broad-selectivity endoglucanases that hydrolyze cellulose, xyloglucan, and mixed-linkage glucans. We previously surveyed the whole subfamily and found over 100 new broad-specificity endoglucanases, although the structural origins of broad specificity remained unclear. A mechanistic understanding of GH5_4 substrate specificity would help inform the best protein design strategies and the most appropriate industrial application of broad-specificity endoglucanases. Here we report structures of 10 new GH5_4 enzymes from cellulolytic microbes and characterize their substrate selectivity using normalized reducing sugar assays and MS. We found that GH5_4 enzymes have the highest catalytic efficiency for hydrolysis of xyloglucan, glucomannan, and soluble β-glucans, with opportunistic secondary reactions on cellulose, mannan, and xylan. The positions of key aromatic residues determine the overall reaction rate and breadth of substrate tolerance, and they contribute to differences in oligosaccharide cleavage patterns. Our new composite model identifies several critical structural features that confer broad specificity and may be readily engineered into existing industrial enzymes. We demonstrate that GH5_4 endoglucanases can have broad specificity without sacrificing high activity, making them a valuable addition to the biomass deconstruction toolset. Full Article
rat A highly potent CD73 biparatopic antibody blocks organization of the enzyme active site through dual mechanisms [Methods and Resources] By www.jbc.org Published On :: 2020-12-25T00:06:31-08:00 The dimeric ectonucleotidase CD73 catalyzes the hydrolysis of AMP at the cell surface to form adenosine, a potent suppressor of the immune response. Blocking CD73 activity in the tumor microenvironment can have a beneficial effect on tumor eradication and is a promising approach for cancer therapy. Biparatopic antibodies binding different regions of CD73 may be a means to antagonize its enzymatic activity. A panel of biparatopic antibodies representing the pairwise combination of 11 parental monoclonal antibodies against CD73 was generated by Fab-arm exchange. Nine variants vastly exceeded the potency of their parental antibodies with ≥90% inhibition of activity and subnanomolar EC50 values. Pairing the Fabs of parents with nonoverlapping epitopes was both sufficient and necessary whereas monovalent antibodies were poor inhibitors. Some parental antibodies yielded potent biparatopics with multiple partners, one of which (TB19) producing the most potent. The structure of the TB19 Fab with CD73 reveals that it blocks alignment of the N- and C-terminal CD73 domains necessary for catalysis. A separate structure of CD73 with a Fab (TB38) which complements TB19 in a particularly potent biparatopic shows its binding to a nonoverlapping site on the CD73 N-terminal domain. Structural modeling demonstrates a TB19/TB38 biparatopic antibody would be unable to bind the CD73 dimer in a bivalent manner, implicating crosslinking of separate CD73 dimers in its mechanism of action. This ability of a biparatopic antibody to both crosslink CD73 dimers and fix them in an inactive conformation thus represents a highly effective mechanism for the inhibition of CD73 activity. Full Article
rat COVID-19: The Hidden Majority in India's Migration Crisis By www.chathamhouse.org Published On :: Mon, 13 Jul 2020 12:58:13 +0000 13 July 2020 Dr Champa Patel Director, Asia-Pacific Programme @patel_champa While the social and economic costs of coronavirus lockdowns, travel bans and social distancing initially focused on international migrants, there has been increasing attention paid to the plight of internal migrants. 2020-07-13-India-Farming-Migration Migrant workers plant paddy in a field at Jhandi village in Patiala, India. Photo by Bharat Bhushan/Hindustan Times via Getty Images. The World Bank estimates that the magnitude of internal migration is about two‐and‐a‐half times that of international migration. Within India, an estimated 40 million internal migrant workers, largely in the informal economy, were severely impacted by the government’s COVID-19 lockdown.With transportation systems initially shut down, many had no recourse to travel options back to homes and villages, resulting in harrowing journeys home. Those who were able to make it home found, in some instances, villages refusing entry because of fears of transmission.The shocking images of migrants forced to walk in desperation showed the enormity of the crisis as well as some of the challenges posed by an extended lockdown in India where so many people live hand to mouth and cannot afford not to work.Migrant workers and the informal economyThe complete failure of the government to anticipate the needs of this group, and the subsequent distress caused, has made visible a large workforce who experience precarity of work and often live hand to mouth.One key challenge is the lack of robust data on the scale of internal migration. While estimates abound, there is no proper data collection system in place to accurately record temporary, seasonal and circular migration patterns. However, it is estimated that more than 90% of working people in India are engaged in the informal economy, with states such as Uttar Pradesh and Bihar accounting for more than 80% of workers in this sector.A recent government labour force survey estimated that more than 71% of people with a regular salary working in non-agricultural industries had no written job contract. Nearly half of workers are not eligible for social security benefits.Daily-wage workers are particularly vulnerable, with limited or no access to social security and most living in poverty. Living hand to mouth, their loss of livelihoods has led to a lack of money to pay rents or pay for food. Women are impacted whether because of their gender, responsibilities as caregivers, or as members of disadvantaged castes and communities.COVID-19 has massively impacted this group of workers. Stranded Workers Action Network found that 50% of workers had rations left for less than one day; 74% had less than half their daily wages remaining to survive for the rest of the lockdown period; and 89% had not been paid by their employers at all during the lockdown.According to Supreme Court proceedings, relief camps are housing some 660,000 workers; some 2.2 million people also rely on emergency food supplies. Job losses, and home and food insecurity have left this group highly vulnerable.In March 2020, in response to COVID-19, the Indian government instituted the Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Package (PMGKB), a $22.6 billion relief package. The World Bank announced $1 billion funding to accelerate social protection support, in part through the PMGKB.This support would work alongside pre-existing initiatives such as the Public Distribution System (PDS), which covers 800 million people, and Direct Benefit Transfers (DBT). This cash injection could help address one of the key challenges facing India’s piecemeal and uneven social protection programmes – inadequate funding. India’s spending on public social protection excluding health is just 1.3% of the GDP.However, there are still other challenges to overcome. One is how to ensure coordination and coverage within, and across, differing states. The second is how to transition multiple schemes into one integrated system that can be accessed anywhere within the country, particularly important when many workers are on the move. There is an urgent need for a comprehensive system, which is adaptive and flexible to needs and provides adequate social and income support.Another coverage issue relates to the use of direct cash transfers (DCTs) to support people impacted by the loss of livelihoods, where funds are deposited within bank accounts. Such measures fail to consider the significant numbers of people who do not have access to banks and will not be able to access this support.Wider impact on livelihoods and remittancesThere is a risk, with extended lockdown and risks of further waves of infection, that labour shortages could negatively impact the economy. There is a wider need to support re-entry back into the workforce and support livelihoods. National Survey Sample data shows that between 2007 and 2008, internal remittances amounted to US$10 billion. These domestic transfers financed over 30% of all household consumption in remittance-receiving households.But future migration for work is likely to be severely impacted. As restrictions begin to ease, employers and businesses cannot necessarily rely on cheap available labour. Having faced destitution and hardship, many may wish to stay closer to families and local support networks.As Irudaya Rajan notes in The New Humanitarian, it is likely ‘there will be a reduction in long-distance migration in India after this’, as many migrants will be wary of being stranded again. This would be hugely detrimental to stimulating the economy as reverse migration could push down wages and subsequently demand.Another issue may be returning migrant workers, who have been working overseas, over half of whom work in the Gulf. It is unclear if, or when, migrants will be able to return to work, with the World Bank estimating that remittances from this group could fall by about 23%.However, what is striking has been India’s support for this group - the Vande Bharat Mission has deployed flights and naval ships to help return migrant workers, especially vulnerable groups - in marked contrast to the lack of preparation and care for internal migrants.One factor for this may be the volume of remittances these migrant workers bring to the Indian economy, but it overlooks the contribution of internal remittances, on which there is far less robust data.But the current challenges can also be an opportunity. The scale of the migrant crisis has made visible an often-overlooked population of workers. With political will, and investment at federal and state levels, this could be an opportunity to transform livelihoods.As thoughts will turn to how to stimulate economies and get people back to work, it is imperative that those in authority turn their minds to how to create a more just society, that invests in healthcare, and has a social protection system that supports the most vulnerable in society.Migrants are not just objects of charity that need support. Internal migrants are key income generators that play a vital role in Indian society and should never be overlooked again.This article was originally published in Routed Magazine. Full Article
rat E3 Cooperation Beyond Brexit: Challenging but Necessary By www.chathamhouse.org Published On :: Wed, 02 Sep 2020 13:23:25 +0000 2 September 2020 Alice Billon-Galland Research Associate, Europe Programme @alicebillon LinkedIn Professor Richard G Whitman Associate Fellow, Europe Programme @RGWhitman Google Scholar In the current uncertain strategic context for Europe, the E3 is establishing itself as a go-to format for diplomatic cooperation for Europe’s ‘big three’. 2020-09-02-e3-billon-galland-whitman.jpg British Prime Minister Boris Johnson (R), French President Emmanuel Macron (C) and German Chancellor Angela Merkel (L) speak upon their arrival for a round table meeting as part of an EU summit in Brussels on 17 October 2019. Photo by Olivier Matthys/Pool/AFP via Getty Images. As the UK’s post-Brexit foreign policy takes shape, it is increasingly clear that joint cooperation with France and Germany will be of key importance. The current dispute with the US over imposing further sanctions on Iran shows that the UK values continuing strong cooperation with its European partners on key international issues, even at the cost of a major transatlantic dispute. Moreover, the recent first meeting of the German, French and British defence ministers in an E3 (European/EU 3) format signalled political commitment by all three partners to double down on joint diplomatic cooperation despite troubled UK-EU Brexit negotiations.The UK working with France and Germany as part of the E3 has evolved in recent years from a shared approach to diplomacy on Iran’s nuclear programme to include a broader range of international security issues, such as the conflict in Syria and freedom of navigation in the South China Sea. E3 cooperation has so far been largely low-key, marked by close relationships and daily contacts between officials rather than high-profile summits between the leaders of the three countries. In the absence of any EU-UK negotiations on a future foreign, security and defence policy relationship, the E3 represents a key arrangement for aligning and mobilizing Europe’s ‘big three’ states. In a recent Chatham House research paper, we argue that Germany, France and the UK could and should maintain the E3 as a platform for flexible diplomatic coordination and crisis response, and expand its focus to address a new set of thematic, regional or multilateral topics. These could range from further cooperation on arms control to a reform agenda for multilateral institutions or a joint approach to the broader European neighbourhood.The E3 countries have complementary reasons for wanting to make the format work. France and Germany recognize that the high degree of shared foreign and security policy interests with the UK require a pragmatic format for close cooperation, to provide insurance against an underdeveloped EU-UK relationship, help efficiently combine European forces and bring added value to the EU and NATO – but also to see the UK aligned with Europe on major international issues. Close foreign and security policy relationships with France and Germany will remain of interest to the UK as well, in order for it to keep playing an effective role in European security and to work with like-minded partners on key international issues.Brexit presents both a major challenge for the E3 relationship and a major rationale for developing the format further. Neither France nor Germany see E3 cooperation as a substitute for a deal on a future EU-UK relationship or for the development of the EU’s own foreign, security and defence policy. Failure to reach a Brexit deal and a collapse of the EU-UK relationship into hostility and antagonism could make E3 cooperation politically difficult in the short term. In the longer term, were the UK and the EU to adopt very different foreign and security policies, E3 cooperation would also make less sense.Even if an agreement is reached on the future EU-UK relationship by the end of this year, for France and Germany the challenge will be to reconcile their work with the UK through the E3 with their commitment to the EU. France and Germany have different rationales for favouring E3 cooperation. While France is more relaxed about its intergovernmental approach and prioritizes deliverables, Germany is worried about the perceived competition between the E3 and the EU. However, they both share the view that E3 cooperation should complement rather than undermine EU foreign, security and defence policy cooperation, while acting to bridge or smooth cooperation between the EU and the UK. If E3 cooperation were to conflict with broader EU policy by generating hostility from excluded member states (such as Poland or Italy) and therefore distract from building consensus for broader EU initiatives, such as post-COVID economic recovery, E3 cooperation may falter.Another key factor for the E3 will be the evolution of transatlantic relations, and whether the next US administration presents Europe with the dilemma of choosing between broad alignment with the US or open confrontation, as in the case of the Iran nuclear deal’s ‘snapback’ mechanism. As a non-EU state, the UK may have more autonomy to set its own policies but it will not be able to escape a choice between either a broad alliance with European states or a more ambivalent and ad-hoc relationship with the continent, while also creating new formats for cooperation with other democracies such as the Five Eyes states. This type of diplomatic ‘venue shopping’ could create tensions with European partners, especially Germany and France who hope to anchor London into a broad European approach. The UK’s ongoing Integrated Security, Defence and Foreign Policy Review should provide clarity as to the UK’s future European ambitions and what that means for the E3.Given the growing instability surrounding Europe, reinforced by an eventful summer 2020– with the Iran nuclear deal in limbo, renewed tensions between Turkey and Greece in the Mediterranean, protests in Belarus, increasing US-China rivalry and further instability in the Sahel – the E3 has recently been developing a more visible profile. By convening the first meeting of E3 defence ministers in August, Germany showed leadership and a commitment to the format despite its fears of hostility from other EU member states towards increased E3 cooperation. Officially widening E3 cooperation to include defence, while mostly symbolic for now, satisfies Berlin by marking a step towards institutionalization, appeases Paris by putting on the joint agenda issues such as the recent coup in Mali and the crisis in the Eastern Mediterranean, and shows some political commitment by London at a time of tense UK-EU Brexit negotiations.France, the UK and Germany all agree that the E3 is a necessary cooperation format that needs to be developed further. Recent events seem to show willingness on the part of the three countries to make it work, both in spite of and because of upcoming Brexit tensions. Longer-term challenges – relating to intra-EU tensions over the role of the E3, the future EU-UK relationship and transatlantic divergences – are still to be addressed and managed for the format to reach its full potential. Nevertheless, in today’s uncertain strategic context for Europe, the E3 is establishing itself as a go-to format for cooperation for Europe’s ‘big three’. Full Article
rat US Electorate Shows Distrust of the Realities of Foreign Policy By www.chathamhouse.org Published On :: Fri, 04 Sep 2020 11:36:03 +0000 4 September 2020 Bruce Stokes Associate Fellow, US and the Americas Programme (based in the US) @bruceestokes The identity of the next US president is yet to be determined, but the foreign policy views of the American public are already clear. In principle, Americans support US engagement in the world but, in practice, they worry other countries take advantage of the United States. 2020-09-04-US-Election-Black-Voter A poll station official holding "I Voted" stickers in South Carolina. Photo by Mark Makela/Getty Images. Whoever occupies the White House after the election, it is evident the emphasis will be on ‘America First’, and that only characteristics and approaches will differ. If Donald Trump is re-elected, his electoral base will support a continuation of isolationist, protectionist policies. If Joe Biden becomes president, he will enjoy some limited popular backing for international re-engagement, but his voters still clearly want him to prioritize domestic issues.Implications for the foreign policy of the next US administration are evident. America may have a long history of isolationism, but that should not be confused with ignorance of the growing interconnectedness of today’s world. However, Americans are struggling to find a new equilibrium for their country’s role in the world.Around seven-in-ten hold the view that the United States should take a leading or major role in international affairs, and the same number acknowledge that international events affect their daily life. But Americans remain reticent about global engagement, and half of registered voters believe other countries take unfair advantage of the United States.This clear contradiction is mirrored in what can be expected from the election victor, with a Joe Biden administration likely to speak for those who want America to lead, while a second Donald Trump administration is expected to continue complaining about US victimization by an ungrateful world.A majority (57%) of Americans say foreign policy is 'very important' to them as they decide who to vote for in the 2020 election. This may seem like a high priority, but American polls often show many issues are 'very important' to voters. What matters is relative importance and foreign policy pales in comparison with the significance the public accords to the economy (79%) or healthcare (68%). Immigration (52%) and climate change (42%) are of even less relative importance to voters.Notably, despite the deep partisanship in American politics today, there is no difference between Republican and Democrat voters on the low priority they accord foreign policy. And barely one-third (35%) of the public give top priority to working with allies and international institutions to confront global challenges such as climate change, poverty and disease — in fact only 31% say improving relations with allies should be a top foreign policy priority over the next five years.However, despite this apparent lack of support for international relations, a rising majority of Americans believe international trade is good for the economy — running contrary to many international assumptions that Americans are inherently protectionist. But this increased interest may not amount to much in reality. Americans also believe trade destroys jobs and lowers wages. Trump is clearly wedded to a protectionist worldview and may continue to try dismantling the World Trade Organization (WTO). Biden is unlikely to initiate any new trade liberalizing negotiations given what would be, at best, a slim Democratic majority in the Senate and anti-trade views held by many unions and blue-collar voters among his constituency. Any political capital he commits to trade is likely to focus on reforming the WTO, but privately his advisers admit they are not optimistic.In addition, both Biden and Trump face strong public support for ratcheting up pressure on China, although their lines of attack may differ, with Trump likely to double down on tariffs while Biden would work closely with Europe on both trade and human rights issues. More broadly, almost three-quarters (73%) of Americans now express an unfavourable view of China, up 18 points since the last presidential election. One-quarter of Americans classify Beijing as an ‘enemy’ with almost half saying the US should get tougher with China on economic issues, although attitudes do divide along partisan lines, with Republicans generally more critical of Beijing, but Democrats are tougher on human rights.On immigration, Trump’s policies are out of step with the public. Six-in-ten Americans oppose expanding the border wall with Mexico, 74% support legal status for immigrants illegally brought to the United States as children — including a majority of Republicans (54%) — and as many Americans favour increasing immigration as support decreasing it. But Trump has already promised to double down on limiting immigration if he wins because it is what his Republican electoral base wants and, as with trade, this is one of his long-expressed personal beliefs. If he wins, expect more mass roundups of undocumented people, completion of his border wall and stricter limitations on legal immigration.In contrast, Biden is likely to loosen constraints on immigration because he believes immigration has been good for the economy and the Democratic party is increasingly dependent on Hispanic and Asian voters, the two fastest growing portions of the population. However, open borders are not a Biden option. The US foreign-born population is at near-record levels and, every time in American history the portion of foreign born has come close to being 14% of the total population — in the 1880s, the 1920s and now — there has been a populist backlash. Democrats cannot risk that again.On climate change, there is strong evidence the American public is increasingly worried, and likely to support rejoining the Paris Agreement if Biden is elected and increases US commitments to cut carbon emissions. But the public also appears unlikely to punish Trump if, as promised, he leaves that accord, and he is almost certain to continue denying climate science in the interest of the coal, oil, and gas industries.The public’s concern about global warming does not necessarily translate into support for taking substantive action. There is a huge partisan divide between the number of Democrats (68%) and Republicans (11%) who say climate change is a very important issue in the 2020 election. When pressed on what action they want on climate change, and who they trust to do it, Americans are less likely than Europeans to accept paying higher prices. A carbon tax stands no chance of passing the Senate, thanks to moderate Democrats from fossil-fuel states, and America’s love affair with large, CO²-emitting vehicles shows no signs of ebbing.The outcome of the 2020 US election will almost certainly not be determined by foreign concerns, although an international crisis — a terrorist incident, a military confrontation with China or North Korea — could impact voting in an unforeseen way. But given the mood of the American electorate, if Trump is re-elected, there will be scant public pressure for a more activist, collaborative US foreign policy, beyond support for a tough line on China, while a win for Biden will give more room for some international initiatives.But public opinion data is clear. Voters want the next US president to focus first on domestic issues — overcoming the pandemic, digging the country out of a deep economic hole, calming racial tensions, and reversing inequality. The outcome of the election may end America’s recently antagonistic foreign policy and halt the deterioration of its international role. But dramatic American re-engagement appears unlikely as the public’s priorities lie elsewhere. Full Article
rat Climate migration: Ways ahead from the next generation By www.chathamhouse.org Published On :: Wed, 25 May 2022 10:05:22 +0000 Climate migration: Ways ahead from the next generation The World Today rsoppelsa.drupal 25 May 2022 Ella Dennis and Mike Higgins talk to young activists seeking solutions as global warming wreaks havoc in sub-Saharan Africa Africa has the lowest carbon emissions per capita yet the highest rate of temperature increase in the world. Rising levels of desertification, drought and flooding are already forcing millions of Africans to relocate to find more stable livelihoods. The continent’s youth will bear the brunt of this climate migration problem. It is estimated that by 2050, Africa will be home to 86 million internal climate migrants. How is climate migration already affecting sub-Saharan Africa and what frameworks could tackle it? To begin to answer those questions, five young activists from across the region, who are members of Chatham House’s Common Futures Conversations, took part in a panel discussion at the world’s first youth-led Conference on Climate Migration, convened in April by the Alliance for Citizen Engagement, a nonpartisan think tank based in the US. [Farmer-herder] conflicts will pose even larger security concerns as climate migration intensifies Laura Mukhwana, Kenyan PhD candidate The conversation and follow-up discussions focused on a common problem – climate migration brings people into conflict and puts pressure on infrastructure. In Kenya, droughts have left 3.5 million people hungry and the chronic flooding of several lakes in the Rift Valley has displaced hundreds of thousands, said Gerald Muchiri, 29, a social scientist from Kenya. One result has been outbreaks of violence between pastoralists such as the Orma people and the farmers of the Pokomo community, said Laura Mukhwana, 33, a PhD student in Kenya. She believes this violence is likely to worsen. ‘Inter-group conflicts will pose even larger security concerns for surrounding communities as climate migration intensifies,’ she said. Suleman Nuhu, 24, a farmer and veterinary student from Nigeria, said farmer-herder conflicts were his country’s most significant climate-migration issue. The movement of nomadic tribes from the north had affected him personally: ‘Nomads have trespassed on [my family’s] farms many times while moving with their livestock, destroying our crops.’ Changes in climate also force people to move from rural to urban areas. Nigeria, for instance, struggles with the so-called ‘Lagos problem’, said Temiloluwa Lawal, 25, a lawyer and researcher from Nigeria. An estimated 22 million people, a number that is rising fast, are crammed into a city smaller than Greater London. While not on the same scale, Zimbabwe experiences comparable challenges, said Tinotenda Dube, 29, a Zimbabwean finance director. Thanks to drought, unemployed rural migrants arriving in cities ‘put excessive pressure on service delivery against a low tax base,’ he said. ‘People, including close family members of mine, are crowded in dilapidated homes because they cannot afford to pay rent for decent housing.’ But there is hope, say the activists. Dube believes that affordable housing is an ‘integral component of [tackling] the climate migration crisis’. In Zimbabwe, he has developed a low-cost home finance model that, he said, has helped more than 250 low-income households find good-quality accommodation. Alongside this initiative, Dube has co-founded a property and construction company, Solinfra Zimbabwe Private Ltd, to provide low-cost housing. Muchiri is taking action in Kenya, founding an NGO called Social Assistance Welfare to tackle public health issues, he said: ‘As climate migration becomes more intense, I expect preventable health issues to increase throughout the region, and thus see Social Assistance Welfare as an important mitigation.’ To mitigate food security problems, we must reduce reliance on rain-fed agriculture through irrigation schemes Suleman Nuhu, farmer and veterinary student from Nigeria In Nigeria, Nuhu noted that to help reduce conflict between farmers and herders social-media campaigns are encouraging pastoralists to move from nomadic livestock farming to more efficient intensive systems, using ranching and grazing reserves. ‘As for food security problems, the best mitigation is to reduce reliance on rain-fed agriculture through irrigation schemes,’ he said. All five agreed that, in their experience, the youth of sub-Saharan Africa could be better informed about climate migration. But they took encouragement from the fact the young are passionate about tackling issues arising from the broader climate crisis. In Kenya, Mukhwana pointed to successful youth projects around agro-forestry and tree-planting. She added that there is ‘a growing movement of urban youth who are advocating for climate justice, such as the Kenyan Youth Environmental Network and Fridays for the Future Kenya’. It was pleasing too, she said, that when the Kenyan government revised its contributions to the Paris Climate Accords it staged a week-long youth conference to include their opinions. ‘Overall, I am quite hopeful about how the youth are mobilizing themselves in Kenya,’ she added. Find out more about Chatham House’s Common Futures Conversations Full Article
rat Africa’s strategic priorities and global role By www.chathamhouse.org Published On :: Wed, 18 Jan 2023 15:17:15 +0000 Africa’s strategic priorities and global role 27 January 2023 — 1:00PM TO 2:00PM Anonymous (not verified) 18 January 2023 Chatham House and Online At this hybrid event, HE John Dramani Mahama, former president of the Republic of Ghana, will discuss his ideas on the key economic and governance reforms required for economic stability and prosperity across Africa. Ghana recently became the fourth country, after Chad, Ethiopia and Zambia, to seek debt treatment under the G20 Common Framework in January 2023 – reflecting the culmination of a series of internal and external shocks affecting the wider region, including extreme weather events, the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russia-Ukraine crisis. Prospects for economic recovery and growth, nevertheless, remain positive in many parts of the continent, with the African Development Bank (AfDB), for example, reforecasting economic growth of 5.5 per cent in East Africa in 2023. Coordinated reforms can help to deepen regional integration and promote long-term economic prosperity, particularly in light of Africa’s evolving regional economic governance structures, notably the fledgling African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) headquartered in Accra. At this hybrid event, HE John Dramani Mahama, former president of the Republic of Ghana, will discuss his ideas on the key economic and governance reforms required for economic stability and prosperity across Africa. He will also discuss priorities for regional integration and Africa’s role and responsibilities in global economic governance. Full Article
rat A critical juncture for Sudan’s democratic transition By www.chathamhouse.org Published On :: Tue, 28 Mar 2023 14:36:40 +0000 A critical juncture for Sudan’s democratic transition Expert comment LJefferson 28 March 2023 International pressure is essential to reach an agreement that establishes a credible civilian government. The signing of the Framework Agreement (FA) on 5 December 2022 between Sudan’s military leaders and its leading pro-democracy parties is a major step to reversing the damage done by the disastrous military coup in October 2021. The FA removes any formal role for the military in Sudan’s politics. A civilian head of state and prime minister will select the cabinet and chair the Defence and Security Council. The armed forces will be prohibited from non-military business activities and security sector reform will lead to a unified, professional and non-partisan national army. Elections are due to take place at the end of a two-year transitional period. Signatories included General Abdel Fatah Al Burhan, chair of the Sovereign Council and head of the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (known as Hemedti), his deputy and Commander of the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and more than 40 civilian entities, including the Forces of Freedom and Change- Central Council (FFC-CC), a few other political parties, former armed movements, civil society organizations and professional associations. However, the agreement has faced criticism from the street for not being sufficiently radical, has been overshadowed at times by heightened tension between the two military leaders, and has seen sabotage attempts by supporters of the Bashir regime. Building consensus on the Framework Agreement The agreement meets most of the demands of the anti-coup camp, at least on paper. Yet doubts persist as to whether the military are genuine about handing over power, particularly among the neighbourhood-based resistance committees – the heart of the youth-led mobilization that forced the military to recognize the failure of their power grab. Peaceful protests against the coup have seen 125 killed and over 8,000 injured by government security forces. Many want to see Burhan and Hemedti held accountable. Doubts persist as to whether the military are genuine about handing over power, particularly among the neighbourhood-based resistance committees. Recognizing the need to expand popular support, FFC-CC leaders have been reaching out to other pro-democracy forces to build a united civilian front. They report increased buy-in from some resistance committees in the last few months, recognizing that street protests alone were not sufficient to overthrow the coup, and that engagement with the military is necessary to find a way out of the impasse. The FA offers the only currently available path to embedding civilian politics in Sudan and has received active diplomatic support from UNITAMS, AU and IGAD (who form the Tripartite Mechanism), the Troika of the US, UK and Norway, alongside the EU, as well as Saudi Arabia and the UAE (who are members of ‘the Quad’ with the US and UK). Broader public participation has also been developed through a series of conferences, facilitated by the Tripartite Mechanism, on five contentious issues – dismantling the old regime, the Juba Peace Agreement, Eastern Sudan, Transitional Justice and Security Sector Reform. Recommendations will be incorporated in a final political agreement. In a significant breakthrough, both sides have agreed to draft the final agreement and transitional constitution, with the aim of forming a civilian government by 11 April. The political process has been overshadowed by increasingly visible tension between Burhan and Hemedti, seen in parallel foreign visits, conflicting public statements, and a heavy military presence in Khartoum. But concerns that SAF and the RSF were heading towards confrontation appear to have been assuaged thanks to international pressure and preliminary agreements reached between military and civilian signatories of the FA on security sector reform and integration. In a significant breakthrough, both sides have now agreed to draft the final agreement and transitional constitution, with the aim of forming a civilian government by 11 April. Potential spoilers and interests from Sudan’s regions Progress has been made, but significant challenges remain, notably from supporters of the former Bashir regime in ‘the deep state’ and from Sudan’s historically marginalized peripheries. Old regime elements have been intensifying social media campaigns to derail the agreement and drive a wedge between the SAF and RSF, and have been accused of deliberately inciting instability in the peripheries to undermine the democratic transition. The Popular Defence Forces, established by the National Islamic Front in the 1990s, have been reactivated under different names in several parts of the country and there are reports of mobilization and recruitment of armed militias in Darfur. The recent public appearance of Ali Karti, the Secretary-General of the Islamic Movement, who has close relations with Islamists in SAF, has also caused renewed concern. Two Darfuri armed movement leaders who signed the October 2020 Juba Peace Agreement (JPA) and are members of the current military-led government, have not signed the FA, allegedly due to concerns about their representation in the next government. Despite intensive efforts to bring them on board, there is continuing disagreement over the inclusion of other members of ‘the Democratic Bloc’, a political alliance backed by Sudan’s influential neighbour Egypt, which is reportedly angry at being excluded from the Quad. The FFC-CC say that the door is open for the two Darfuri leaders and some other political parties, but they will not allow the agreement to be ‘diluted’ with political forces who intend to torpedo the transition, including by imposing a weak prime minister. Supporters of the pro-democracy movement outside Khartoum, particularly the resistance committees, recognize the organic link between peace and democracy. Both Burhan and Hemedti have courted support from the regions. Burhan used the 2020 SAF takeover of Al Fashaga in the contested eastern border region with Ethiopia to boost his national standing and secure backing from local tribal leaders; while Hemedti has sought to position himself as a champion of the peripheries, particularly in his Darfur heartlands, while simultaneously advancing his business interests. Competition between them in building domestic powerbases, as well as alliances with neighbouring states, risks reigniting tensions, particularly given deep grievances and contrasting ambitions between and among Sudan’s diverse regional leaders and communities. Full Article
rat Guidance and best practices for nuclear cardiology laboratories during the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic: An Information Statement from ASNC and SNMMI By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2020-05-15T05:25:22-07:00 Full Article
rat The added value of 18F-FDG PET/CT compared to 68Ga-PSMA PET/CT in patients with castration-resistant prostate cancer By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2021-04-23T13:46:28-07:00 Purpose: The 68Ga-PSMA PET/CT is a commonly used imaging modality in prostate cancers. However, few studies have compared the diagnostic efficiency between 68Ga-PSMA and 18F-FDG PET/CT and evaluated whether a heterogeneous metabolic phenotype (especially PSMA-FDG+ lesions) exists in patients with castration-resistant prostate cancer (CRPC). We determined the added value of 18F-FDG PET/CT compared to 68Ga-PSMA PET/CT in CRPC patients and identified CRPC patients who may benefit from additional 18F-FDG PET/CT. Methods: Data of 56 patients with CRPC who underwent both 68Ga-PSMA and 18F-FDG PET/CT from May 2018 to February 2021 were retrospectively analysed. Patients were classified into two groups with or without PSMA-FDG+ lesions. The differences in patient characteristics between the two groups and predictors of patients who having at least one PSMA-FDG+ lesion were analysed. Results: Although both the detection rate (75.0% vs. 51.8%, P = 0.004) and positive lesion number (135 vs. 95) of 68Ga-PSMA PET/CT were higher than 18F-FDG PET/CT, there were still 13/56 (23.2%) patients with at least one PSMA-FDG+ lesion. The prostate-specific antigen (PSA) and Gleason score were both higher in the patients with PSMA-FDG+ lesions than in those without PSMA-FDG+ lesions (P = 0.04 and P<0.001, respectively). Multivariate regression analysis showed that the Gleason score (≥8) and PSA (≥7.9 ng/mL) were associated with the detection rate of patients who had PSMA-FDG+ lesions (P = 0.01 and P = 0.04, respectively). The incidences of having PSMA-FDG+ lesions in low-probability (Gleason score<8 and PSA<7.9 ng/mL), medium-probability (Gleason score≥8 and PSA<7.9 ng/mL or Gleason score<8 and PSA≥7.9 ng/mL), and high-probability (Gleason score≥8 and PSA≥7.9 ng/mL) groups were 0%, 21.7%, and 61.5%, respectively (P<0.001). Conclusion: Gleason score and PSA are significant predictors for PSMA-FDG+ lesions, and CRPC patients with high Gleason score and PSA may benefit from additional 18F-FDG PET/CT. Full Article
rat Intraarterial Administration of Peptide Receptor Radionuclide Therapy in Patients with Advanced Meningioma: Initial Safety and Efficacy By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2024-10-24T11:58:49-07:00 Visual Abstract Full Article
rat Comparison of Posttherapy 4- and 24-Hour [177Lu]Lu-PSMA SPECT/CT and Pretherapy PSMA PET/CT in Assessment of Disease in Men with Metastatic Castration-Resistant Prostate Cancer By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2024-10-30T08:04:16-07:00 Visual Abstract Full Article
rat Outcomes for Patients with Metastatic Castration-Resistant Prostate Cancer and Liver Metastasis Receiving [177Lu]Lu-PSMA-617 By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2024-10-30T08:04:14-07:00 Visual Abstract Full Article
rat FAP and PSMA Expression by Immunohistochemistry and PET Imaging in Castration-Resistant Prostate Cancer: A Translational Pilot Study By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2024-10-30T08:04:15-07:00 Visual Abstract Full Article
rat Performance Characteristics of a New Generation 148-cm Axial Field-of-View uMI Panorama GS PET/CT System with Extended NEMA NU 2-2018 and EARL Standards By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2024-11-07T04:28:32-08:00 Visual Abstract Full Article
rat SPECT/CT in Early Response Assessment of Patients with Metastatic Castration-Resistant Prostate Cancer Receiving 177Lu-PSMA-617 By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2024-11-07T04:28:32-08:00 Visual Abstract Full Article
rat Feasibility of 177Lu-PSMA Administration as Outpatient Procedure for Prostate Cancer By jnm.snmjournals.org Published On :: 2024-11-07T04:28:31-08:00 Full Article
rat Re: Decompression alone or with fusion for degenerative lumbar spondylolisthesis (Nordsten-DS): five year follow-up of a randomised, multicentre, non-inferiority trial By www.bmj.com Published On :: Tuesday, November 12, 2024 - 16:16 Full Article
rat Novel Proteomic Profiling of Epididymal Extracellular Vesicles in the Domestic Cat Reveals Proteins Related to Sequential Sperm Maturation with Differences Observed between Normospermic and Teratospermic Individuals By www.mcponline.org Published On :: 2020-12-01 Tricia RowlisonDec 1, 2020; 19:2090-2103Research Full Article
rat Separation and identification of permethylated glycan isomers by reversed phase nanoLC-NSI-MS By www.mcponline.org Published On :: 2020-12-29 Simone KurzDec 29, 2020; 0:RA120.002266v1-mcp.RA120.002266Research Full Article
rat A Mouse Brain-based Multi-omics Integrative Approach Reveals Potential Blood Biomarkers for Ischemic Stroke By www.mcponline.org Published On :: 2020-12-01 Alba SimatsDec 1, 2020; 19:1921-1935Research Full Article
rat Proteome-wide Analysis Reveals Substrates of E3 Ligase RNF146 Targeted for Degradation By www.mcponline.org Published On :: 2020-12-01 Litong NieDec 1, 2020; 19:2015-2029Research Full Article
rat On the robustness of graph-based clustering to random network alterations By www.mcponline.org Published On :: 2020-11-04 R. Greg StaceyNov 4, 2020; 0:RA120.002275v1-mcp.RA120.002275Research Full Article
rat A potential role for the Gsdf-eEF1{alpha} complex in inhibiting germ cell proliferation: A protein-interaction analysis in medaka (Oryzias latipes) from a proteomics perspective By www.mcponline.org Published On :: 2020-12-08 Xinting ZhangDec 8, 2020; 0:RA120.002306v1-mcp.RA120.002306Research Full Article
rat Imaging Mass Spectrometry and Lectin Analysis of N-linked Glycans in Carbohydrate Antigen Defined Pancreatic Cancer Tissues By www.mcponline.org Published On :: 2020-11-24 Colin T. McDowellNov 24, 2020; 0:RA120.002256v1-mcp.RA120.002256Research Full Article
rat Peptidomics-driven strategy reveals peptides and predicted proteases associated with oral cancer prognosis By www.mcponline.org Published On :: 2020-11-11 Leandro Xavier NevesNov 11, 2020; 0:RA120.002227v1-mcp.RA120.002227Research Full Article
rat Accelerating the field of epigenetic histone modification through mass spectrometry-based approaches By www.mcponline.org Published On :: 2020-11-17 Congcong LuNov 17, 2020; 0:R120.002257v1-mcp.R120.002257Review Full Article
rat ReactomeGSA - Efficient Multi-Omics Comparative Pathway Analysis By www.mcponline.org Published On :: 2020-12-01 Johannes GrissDec 1, 2020; 19:2115-2124Technological Innovation and Resources Full Article
rat PTPN2 regulates the activation of KRAS and plays a critical role in proliferation and survival of KRAS-driven cancer cells [Signal Transduction] By www.jbc.org Published On :: 2020-12-25T00:06:31-08:00 RAS genes are the most commonly mutated in human cancers and play critical roles in tumor initiation, progression, and drug resistance. Identification of targets that block RAS signaling is pivotal to develop therapies for RAS-related cancer. As RAS translocation to the plasma membrane (PM) is essential for its effective signal transduction, we devised a high-content screening assay to search for genes regulating KRAS membrane association. We found that the tyrosine phosphatase PTPN2 regulates the plasma membrane localization of KRAS. Knockdown of PTPN2 reduced the proliferation and promoted apoptosis in KRAS-dependent cancer cells, but not in KRAS-independent cells. Mechanistically, PTPN2 negatively regulates tyrosine phosphorylation of KRAS, which, in turn, affects the activation KRAS and its downstream signaling. Consistently, analysis of the TCGA database demonstrates that high expression of PTPN2 is significantly associated with poor prognosis of patients with KRAS-mutant pancreatic adenocarcinoma. These results indicate that PTPN2 is a key regulator of KRAS and may serve as a new target for therapy of KRAS-driven cancer. Full Article
rat NSun2 promotes cell migration through methylating autotaxin mRNA [Cell Biology] By www.jbc.org Published On :: 2020-12-25T00:06:30-08:00 NSun2 is an RNA methyltransferase introducing 5-methylcytosine into tRNAs, mRNAs, and noncoding RNAs, thereby influencing the levels or function of these RNAs. Autotaxin (ATX) is a secreted glycoprotein and is recognized as a key factor in converting lysophosphatidylcholine into lysophosphatidic acid (LPA). The ATX-LPA axis exerts multiple biological effects in cell survival, migration, proliferation, and differentiation. Here, we show that NSun2 is involved in the regulation of cell migration through methylating ATX mRNA. In the human glioma cell line U87, knockdown of NSun2 decreased ATX protein levels, whereas overexpression of NSun2 elevated ATX protein levels. However, neither overexpression nor knockdown of NSun2 altered ATX mRNA levels. Further studies revealed that NSun2 methylated the 3'-UTR of ATX mRNA at cytosine 2756 in vitro and in vivo. Methylation by NSun2 enhanced ATX mRNA translation. In addition, NSun2-mediated 5-methylcytosine methylation promoted the export of ATX mRNA from nucleus to cytoplasm in an ALYREF-dependent manner. Knockdown of NSun2 suppressed the migration of U87 cells, which was rescued by the addition of LPA. In summary, we identify NSun2-mediated methylation of ATX mRNA as a novel mechanism in the regulation of ATX. Full Article
rat Bioavailability and spatial distribution of fatty acids in the rat retina after dietary omega-3 supplementation By www.jlr.org Published On :: 2020-12-01 Elisa VidalDec 1, 2020; 61:1733-1746Research Articles Full Article
rat Generation and validation of a conditional knockout mouse model for the study of the Smith-Lemli-Opitz Syndrome By www.jlr.org Published On :: 2020-11-17 Babunageswararao KanuriNov 17, 2020; 0:jlr.RA120001101v1-jlr.RA120001101Research Articles Full Article
rat Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 66540: SAS Management Console and SAS Data Integration Studio might return the message "table failed to update" when you use the Update Metadata tool By Published On :: Tue, 1 Sep 2020 09:06:18 EST You encounter this issue when the table metadata matches the data source. In this scenario, no metadata update is required. Full Article MGMTCONSOLE+SAS+Management+Console
rat Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 66509: Several procedures in SAS/STAT Software and SAS/QC Software generate incorrect results when an OBSMARGINS= data set is used By Published On :: Fri, 28 Aug 2020 08:58:34 EST If the response variable is in the CLASS statement variable list before the class variables that also appear in the MODEL statement, and an OM-data-set is used, least squares means results for several of the statistical procedures are incorrect. Full Article STAT+SAS/STAT
rat Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 46544: Store layout view has some areas displayed with black fill rather than gray in SAS® Retail Space Management By Published On :: Wed, 26 Aug 2020 16:14:45 EST In SAS Retail Space Management, it should be possible to click on any location object, then Show Properties, and change the location fill color. This can be done on the gray-filled objects. However, w Full Article RTLSPCMGT+SAS+Retail+Space+Management
rat Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 66505: The OBS= option does not generate a limit clause when you use SAS/ACCESS Interface to PostgreSQL to access a Yellowbrick database By Published On :: Wed, 26 Aug 2020 11:35:41 EST When you use SAS/ACCESS Interface to PostgreSQL to query a Yellowbrick database, the SAS OBS= option is not generating a limit clause on the query that is passed to the database. Click the Full Article POSTGRESOFR+SAS/ACCESS+Interface+to+Post
rat Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 66401: Using SAS Model Manager to publish a model to SAS Metadata Repository fails and generates an error By Published On :: Fri, 21 Aug 2020 09:34:11 EST When you publish a model to SAS Metadata Repository by using SAS Model Manager, the publishing process fails and the following error is generated: "The model model-name has a function of ';Transformation';, which is not supported for Full Article MMGROFR+SAS+Model+Manager