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Proteomics of Campylobacter jejuni growth in deoxycholate reveals Cj0025c as a cystine transport protein required for wild-type human infection phenotypes [Research]

Campylobacter jejuni is a major cause of food-borne gastroenteritis. Proteomics by label-based two-dimensional liquid chromatography coupled to tandem mass spectrometry (LC-MS/MS) identified proteins associated with growth in 0.1% sodium deoxycholate (DOC, a component of gut bile salts), and system-wide validation was performed by data-independent acquisition (DIA-SWATH-MS). LC-MS/MS quantified 1326 proteins (~82% of the predicted C. jejuni proteome), of which 1104 were validated in additional biological replicates by DIA-SWATH-MS. DOC resulted in a profound proteome shift with 512 proteins showing significantly altered abundance. Induced proteins were associated with flagellar motility and antibiotic resistance; and these correlated with increased DOC motility and resistance to polymyxin B and ciprofloxacin. DOC also increased human Caco-2 cell adherence and invasion. Abundances of proteins involved in nutrient transport were altered by DOC and aligned with intracellular changes to their respective carbon sources. DOC increased intracellular levels of sulfur-containing amino acids (cysteine and methionine) and the dipeptide cystine (Cys-Cys), which also correlated with reduced resistance to oxidative stress. A DOC induced transport protein was Cj0025c, which has sequence similarity to bacterial Cys-Cys transporters. Deletion of cj0025c (cj0025c) resulted in proteome changes consistent with sulfur starvation, as well as attenuated invasion, reduced motility, atypical morphology, increased antimicrobial susceptibility and poor biofilm formation. Targeted metabolomics showed cj0025c was capable of utilizing known C. jejuni amino and organic acid substrates commensurate with wild-type. Medium Cys-Cys levels however, were maintained in cj0025c relative to wild-type. A toxic Cys-Cys mimic (selenocystine) inhibited wild-type growth, but not cj0025c. Provision of an alternate sulfur source (2 mM thiosulfate) restored cj0025c motility. Our data confirm that Cj0025c is a Cys-Cys transporter that we have named TcyP consistent with the nomenclature of homologous proteins in other species.




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Perlecan knockdown significantly alters extracellular matrix composition and organization during cartilage development [Research]

Perlecan is a critical proteoglycan found in the extracellular matrix (ECM) of cartilage. In healthy cartilage, perlecan regulates cartilage biomechanics and we previously demonstrated perlecan deficiency leads to reduced cellular and ECM stiffness in vivo. This change in mechanics may lead to the early onset osteoarthritis seen in disorders resulting from perlecan knockdown such as Schwartz-Jampel syndrome (SJS). To identify how perlecan knockdown affects the material properties of developing cartilage, we used imaging and liquid chromatography–tandem mass spectrometry (LC-MS/MS) to study the ECM in a murine model of SJS, Hspg2C1532Y-Neo. Perlecan knockdown led to defective pericellular matrix formation, whereas the abundance of bulk ECM proteins, including many collagens, increased. Post-translational modifications and ultrastructure of collagens were not significantly different; however, LC-MS/MS analysis showed more protein was secreted by Hspg2C1532Y-Neo cartilage in vitro, suggesting that the incorporation of newly synthesized ECM was impaired. In addition, glycosaminoglycan deposition was atypical, which may explain the previously observed decrease in mechanics. Overall, these findings provide insight into the influence of perlecan on functional cartilage assembly and the progression of osteoarthritis in SJS.




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Calculations for an Air Attack on Iran: Bombs Away?

1 March 2007 , Number 1

The Iranian nuclear site at Natanz is already one of the most protected places on earth, and the apparently never-ending diplomatic minuet over Iran’s nuclear activities may be no more than Tehran stringing out negotiations until its nuclear protection programme is complete.

Andrew Brookes

Former Royal Air Force bomber pilot

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An Iranian man carries a placard in support of nuclear technology during a rally to mark the 28th anniversary of the Islamic revolution




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Chemical, Biological, Radiological and Nuclear Terrorism: Tomorrow's Threat

1 March 2007 , Number 11

In early November, the retiring head of Britain’s Security Service MI5, Dame Eliza Manningham-Buller, warned that the danger of a terror attack was ‘serious’ and ‘growing’, with as many as thirty plots underway. Traditional terrorism of the sort practised by the Irish Republican Army has given way to the possibility, if not the expectation, that groups such as Al Qaeda might make use of chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear weapons and materials in an attack in Britain. So what are the dangers?

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Syrian Special Forces in gas masks, Saudi Arabia 1990




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Towards a Low-Carbon Future: China and the European Union

1 October 2007 , Number 7

Chinese goods seem to flood western markets: computers, light bulbs, sweaters, T-shirts and bras. The instinct is to try to protect home producers. A better plan would be to work with Beijing on producing products for the next industrial revolution – the creation of a low-carbon economy. But that would take real vision and political courage.

Bernice Lee OBE

Research Director; Executive Director, Hoffmann Centre for Sustainable Resource Economy

Nick Mabey

Founding director and Chief Executive, E3G




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It's a man's world: carnal spectatorship and dissonant masculinities in Islamic State videos

7 May 2020 , Volume 96, Number 3

Manni Crone

Islamic State videos have often been associated with savage violence and beheadings. An in-depth scrutiny however reveals another striking feature: that female bodies are absent, blurred or mute. Examining a few Islamic State videos in depth, the article suggests that the invisibility of women in tandem with the ostentatious visibility of male bodies enable gendered and embodied spectators to indulge in homoerotic as well as heterosexual imaginaries. In contrast to studies on visual security and online radicalization which assert that images affect an audience, this article focuses on the interaction between video and audience and argues that spectators are not only rational and emotional but embodied and gendered as well. Islamic State videos do not only attract western foreign fighters through religious–ideological rhetoric or emotional impact but also through gendered forms of pleasure and desire that enable carnal imagination and identification. The article probes the analytical purchase of carnal aesthetics and spectatorship.




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Horror, apocalypse and world politics (free)

7 May 2020 , Volume 96, Number 3

Tim Aistrope and Stefanie Fishel

World politics generates a long list of anxiety-inspiring scenarios that threaten to unravel everyday life with sudden and violent destruction. From total war and the concentration camps, through nuclear firestorms, global pandemics and climate disaster, the diabolical violence of the recent past and conceivable future is the stuff of nightmares. Yet International Relations scholars and practitioners are often criticized for being disconnected from the human realities of international calamity. The challenge for both is to engage world politics in a way that foregrounds the human consequences of extreme violence and depravation. In this article, we explore these difficult experiences through popular culture representations of the apocalypse, a subject of intense interest for researchers in a discipline where global destruction is a distinct possibility. However, we take a different route by engaging the apocalypse through the horror genre, the one place where human suffering is explicitly accentuated. We argue that the horror genre is at once an access point for ethical engagement with the human consequences of extreme violence and a complex terrain where dark imaginings can be politically loaded, culturally specific and ethically ambiguous.




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Soundscapes of war: the audio-visual performance of war by Shi'a militias in Iraq and Syria

7 May 2020 , Volume 96, Number 3

Helle Malmvig

This article sets out to bring sound and music to the field of visual studies in International Relations. It argues that IR largely has approached the visual field as if it was without sound; neglecting how audial landscapes frame and direct our interpretation of moving imagery. Sound and music contribute to making imagery intelligible to us, we ‘hear the pictures’ often without noticing. The audial can for instance articulate a visual absence, or blast visual signs, bring out certain emotional stages or subjects’ inner life. Audial frames steer us in distinct directions, they can mute the cries of the wounded in war, or amplify the sounds of joy of soldiers shooting in the air. To bring the audial and the visual analytically and empirically together, the article therefore proposes four key analytical themes: 1) the audial–visual frame, 2) point of view/point of audition, 3) modes of audio-visual synchronization and 4) aesthetics moods. These are applied to a study of ‘war music videos’ in Iraq and Syria made and circulated by Shi'a militias currently fighting there. Such war music videos, it is suggested, are not just artefacts of popular culture, but have become integral parts of how warfare is practiced today, and one that is shared by soldiers in the US and Europe. War music videos are performing war, just as they shape how war is known by spectators and participants alike.




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How images frame China's role in African development

7 May 2020 , Volume 96, Number 3

George Karavas

Political leaders, policy-makers and academics routinely refer to development as an objective process of social change through the use of technical, value-free terms. Images of poverty and inequality are regularly presented as evidence of a world that exists ‘out there’ where development unfolds. This way of seeing reflects the value of scientific forms of knowledge but also sits in tension with the normative foundations of development that take European modernization and industrialization as the benchmark for comparison. The role images play in this process is often overlooked. This article argues that a dominant mode of visuality based on a Cartesian separation between subject and object, underpinning the ascendance of European hegemony and colonialism, aligns with the core premises of orthodox development discourse. An example of how visual representations of development matter is presented through images of Africa–China relations in western media sources. Using widely circulated images depicting China's impact on African development in western news media sources as an example of why visual politics matters for policy-making, the article examines how images play a role in legitimizing development planning by rendering associated forms of epistemological and structural violence ‘invisible to the viewer’.




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Rethinking youth bulge theory in policy and scholarship: incorporating critical gender analysis

7 May 2020 , Volume 96, Number 3

Lesley Pruitt

For decades ‘youth bulge’ theory has dominated understandings of youth in mainstream International Relations. Youth bulge theory has also become part of some public media analyses, mainstream political rhetoric, and even officially enshrined in the foreign policy of some states. Through the ‘youth bulge’ lens, youth—especially males—have been presented as current or future perpetrators of violence. However, this article argues that the youth bulge thesis postulated in mainstream IR is based on flawed theoretical assumptions. In particular, supporters of youth bulge theory fail to engage with existing research by feminist IR scholars and thus take on a biological essentialist approach. This has led to theoretical and practical misunderstandings of the roles youth play in relation to conflict, peace and security. These partial and biased understandings have also resulted in less effective policy-making. In critically reflecting on the ‘youth bulge’ thesis, this article argues that applying gender analysis is crucial to understanding the involvement of young people in general—and young men in particular—in conflict. Doing so will contribute to advancing more accurate analysis in scholarship and policy-making.




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The Changing Nature of Russia’s Military Strategy and Its Tactical Application

Invitation Only Research Event

12 November 2019 - 4:00pm to 5:30pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Oscar Jonsson, Director, Stockholm Free World Forum (Frivärld)
Mathieu Boulègue, Research Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme, Chatham House
Chair: ​Alice Billon-Galland, Research Associate, Europe Programme, Chatham House

Russia’s military strategy is increasingly blurring the boundaries between war and peace. As the nature of warfare changes, the Kremlin is adapting its strategies to pursue conflict, especially through non-military means - below the threshold of armed violence. 

Russian military tactics are often mistaken for strategy in the West. Oscar Jonson, author of The Russian Understanding of War, will talk through this debate and explore how the Russian leadership now understands military strategy in the context of modern warfare. Mathieu Boulègue will address the more operational aspects of contemporary warfare for Russia, notably grey zone operations. 

Department/project

Anna Morgan

Administrator, Ukraine Forum
+44 (0)20 7389 3274




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Political Will Was Not Enough for Justice Reform in Moldova

27 November 2019

Cristina Gherasimov

Former Academy Associate, Russia and Eurasia Programme
The pro-reform Sandu government had the will to dismantle oligarchic power structures, but was taken down by limited political experience.

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Maia Sandu in Germany in July. Photo: Getty Images.

The lack of political will to carry out rule of law reforms is frequently the reason why reforms are not fully implemented. The case of Moldova proves that in societies where strong vested interests still persist, political savviness is equally as important as political will.

Old and new political power brokers in Moldova struck a fragile pact in June to oust Vladimir Plahotniuc. Plahotniuc had built a network of corruption and patronage with the help of the Democratic Party, which he treated as a personal vehicle and which allowed him and a small economic elite circle to enrich themselves off of government institutions and state-owned enterprises, to the detriment of Moldovan citizens and the health of their political process.

Maia Sandu, co-leader of the pro-reform ACUM electoral bloc, then formed a technocratic government with a remit to implement Moldova’s lagging reform agenda. Though made up of ministers with the integrity and political will to implement difficult transformational reforms, its biggest weakness was its coalition partner – the pro-Russian Socialists’ Party and its informal leader, Igor Dodon, the president of Moldova.

Now the Socialists – threatened by how key reforms to the justice system would impact their interests – have joined forces with Plahotniuc’s former allies, the Democratic Party, to oust ACUM, exploiting the party’s lack of political savviness. 

Reform interrupted

It was always clear the coalition would be short-lived. President Dodon and the co-ruling Socialists joined to buy themselves time, with the hope that they could restrict the most far-reaching reforms and tie the hands of ACUM ministers. In less than five months, however, the Sandu government initiated key reforms in the judicial system, aimed at dismantling Plahotniuc’s networks of patronage but also impacting the Socialists, who to a large degree also profited from the previous status quo.

The red line came over a last-minute change in the selection process of the prosecutor general proposed by Sandu on 6 November, which the Socialists claimed was unconstitutional and gave them the justification to put forward a motion of no confidence in the Sandu government. This was conveniently supported by the Democratic Party, who appeared threatened by an independent prosecutor’s office and saw an opportunity to return to power.

Thus, the political will to reform proved insufficient in the absence of a clear strategy on how to address the concerns of the old regime that they would be prosecuted and their vested interests threatened. Here, ACUM’s lack of political experience let them down. With their hands tied from the beginning in a fragile coalition with the Socialists, ACUM were unable to prevent sabotage from within state institutions and their own coalition, and could not find consensus to proceed with more radical methods to tackle corruption.

Less than two days after the Sandu government was out, a new government was sworn in on 14 November. Prime Minister Ion Chicu was an adviser to President Dodon before taking office and former minister of finance under the Plahotniuc-backed government of Pavel Filip, as part of a cabinet of ministers consisting largely of other presidential advisers and former high-level bureaucrats and ministers from the Plahotniuc era. 

The new government

A top priority for the Chicu government is to convince the international community that it is independent from President Dodon, and that its ‘technocrats’ will keep the course of reforms of the Sandu government. This is critical to preserving the financial assistance of Western partners, which the Moldovan government heavily relies on, particularly with a presidential election campaign next year, when they will likely want to create fiscal space for various giveaways to voters.

But within its first week in office, Chicu appears incapable of walking this line. Reverting to the initially proposed pre-selection process of prosecutor general signals that the post could be filled by a loyal appointee of President Dodon. Moreover, Chicu’s first visit abroad was to Russia, allegedly a major financial contributor of the Socialists’ Party. With the Socialists now holding the presidency, government, Chisinau mayoralty, and the parliament speaker’s seat, the danger of an increased Russian influence on key political decisions is very real.

A government steered by President Dodon risks bringing Moldova back to where it was before June, with a political elite mimicking reforms while misusing power for private gains. The biggest danger is that instead of continuing the reform process to bring Moldova back on its European integration path, the new government may focus on strengthening the old patronage system, this time with President Dodon at the top of the pyramid.

Lessons

This new minority government, supported by the Democrats, is a more natural one for President Dodon and therefore has more chances to survive, at least until presidential elections in autumn of 2020. Both the Socialists and the Democrats will likely seek to use this time to rebuild their own methods of capturing state resources. But with the Socialists relying on the Democrats’ votes in parliament, this is a recipe for further political instability.

Similar to Moldova, several other states across the post-Soviet space such as Ukraine and Armenia have had new political forces come to power with the political will and mandate to carry out difficult reforms to strengthen rule of law and fight systemic corruption in their countries. What they all have in common is the lack of political experience of how to create change, while old elites, used to thinking on their feet to defend their vested interests, retain their connections and economic and political influence.

Moldova is a good example of why political will needs to be backed up by clear strategy on how to deal with threatened vested interests in order for new political forces to be able to maintain themselves in power and reforms to be sustainable. When the chance comes again for fresh leaders to come to power, it is importantthey are politically prepared to use it swiftly and wisely.




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Can Uzbekistan’s President Meet Raised Expectations?

11 December 2019

Kate Mallinson

Associate Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme
Shavkat Mirziyoyev has implemented a number of important reforms, but is now entering a more hazardous period.

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Shavkat Mirziyoyev in June. Photo: Getty Images.

In the three years since Shavkat Mirziyoyev was elected president of Uzbekistan, he has embarked on a wide-ranging reform process including currency liberalization, eliminating forced labour and abolishing exit visas. This has encouraged foreign investors and the population, but a rare protest last week over natural gas and electricity shortages shows that the Uzbek population’s faith in change under the new leadership could be wearing thin, while foreign direct investment that adds real value to the economy is in short supply.

When Mirziyoyev came to power, Uzbekistan was on the verge of bankruptcy. A former prime minister of 13 years, and a pragmatic economist, the new president set on a rapid course to open Uzbekistan up to its neighbours and remove barriers to trade and foreign investment. The alacrity and ambition of the reform process and the monetary and economic liberalization has at times been overwhelming for lawyers and businesses. 

However, allowing the free movement of capital, people and goods are natural moves to boost an economy after 20 years of stasis. The country is now immersed in the more challenging and substantive phase of development, including privatization, the breakup of monopolies and capital markets reform. 

Despite a marked increase in foreign direct investment, the country is not receiving the investment it needs. Much of it comes from Russia or China through bilateral arrangements, with debt from China washing through state-owned banks and state-owned enterprises. Uzbekistan’s debt to China has increased three times since the end of 2016.

Meanwhile, European and US companies still appear unsure about the business environment and the staying power of reforms. A lack of consistent policy, alongside hastily drafted decrees and legislation that often require presidential decrees to clarify their meaning as well, as opaque carve outs, are further deterring Western investors. A workforce that is still in transition from a Soviet to a free market approach exacerbates the situation.

Opposition within the government to implementation of some of the reforms, as well as competing government interests, have led to backtracking on some reforms (such as free and unrestricted currency convertibility) and creeping protectionism in some sectors. Some reforms simply get lost in the long chain from presidential decree to implementation. After 2018, import tariffs were abolished but recently, a list of protected domestically produced products has been drawn up raising concerns that vested interests are replacing state monopolies with private ones.

Despite progress on the economic front, political and social reform has lagged. Uzbekistan is still largely run by senior cadres from the previous administration of Islam Karimov. While the government has attracted younger reformers, often returning from abroad, it has also been rehabilitating key figures from the Karimov years that were implicated in corruption scandals. Progressive senior officials, such as the former general prosecutor Otabek Murodov, have been removed with little explanation as to why; trials take place behind closed doors.

The new leadership has transformed the media environment, but the country still lacks objective analytical reporting. Direct criticism of the president or the ruling family remains taboo. Economic and monetary liberalization has come at a cost to the population in the form of double-digit inflation, while utility prices are moving to the level of the free market. Popular discontent is growing at the grass roots level and some hark back to the stability of the former government, in spite of its reputation for appalling human rights treatment.

Small and innovative steps have been taken to improve the rule of law, but more can be done, including introducing transparency over judicial processes and ensuring regional authorities have less impunity before the law. An initiative to address the issue of conflict of interest – whereby mayors, senators and other senior civil servants have been able to benefit commercially from their positions during an era of government economic stimulus – would signal a commitment to fundamental reform.

With great promises of political and economic reform, the government has set a high bar for itself. A continuing paternalistic form of governance, with its restricted civil society freedoms, human rights, stifling bureaucracy and corruption, against continuing lack of opportunities, will clash with the expectations of a growing young population.

Mirziyoyev is trying to make the parliamentary elections on 22 December, the first during his presidency, more dynamic. Yet no opposition parties have been able to emerge to serve as a check on the executive branch. A product of the system he ostensibly wishes to reform, Mirziyoyev will need to prioritize the strengthening of independent institutions to deliver results to his expectant people.




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The New Orthodox Church of Ukraine: Opportunities and Challenges of Canonical Independence

Invitation Only Research Event

22 January 2020 - 10:00am to 11:30am

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Archbishop Yevstraty (Zoria) of Chernihiv, Deputy Head of Department for External Church Relations, Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Orthodox Church of Ukraine)

In January 2019, the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople granted the Orthodox Church of Ukraine a self-governing status, ending its centuries-long subordination to the Moscow Patriarchate. The Russian Orthodox Church condemned this decision and severed its links with the Constantinople Patriarchate.

More than 500 parishes have left the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate to join the newly independent Ukrainian Orthodox Church (UOC).

What challenges is the new church facing? Has its independence been recognized by other Orthodox churches? How is it affected by the schism between Constantinople and Moscow? What are UOC’s priorities in relations with the West and with the Orthodox world?

Anna Morgan

Administrator, Ukraine Forum
+44 (0)20 7389 3274




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Russia's Imperial Nostalgia: Implications for the West

Invitation Only Research Event

31 January 2020 - 11:00am to 12:30pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Sergei Medvedev, Professor, Faculty of Social Sciences, Higher School of Economics (Moscow)

Vladimir Putin’s goal of restoring Russia’s status as a great power has led to an aggressive foreign policy and confrontation with its immediate neighbours as well as Western countries.

Sergei Medvedev, author of The Return of the Russian Leviathan, will discuss the forces shaping Russian politics and society today as well as how a nostalgia for empire – still widespread in contemporary Russia - has shaped Moscow’s foreign policy.

Attendance at this event is by invitation only.

Event attributes

Chatham House Rule

Anna Morgan

Administrator, Ukraine Forum
+44 (0)20 7389 3274




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Three Challenges for UK Peacebuilding Policy in the South Caucasus After Brexit

21 January 2020

Laurence Broers

Associate Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme
Building on the legacies of a long-term British investment in a peace strategy for the South Caucasus is a realistic and attainable goal.

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A building in Nagorny Karabakh flies the flag of the self-proclaimed republic. 'Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorny Karabakh have evolved into examples of what scholars call "de facto states" that, to differing degrees, control territory, provide governance and exercise internal sovereignty,' writes Laurence Broers. Photo: Getty Images.

What does Britain’s departure from the EU mean for the country’s policy towards the South Caucasus, a small region on the periphery of Europe, fractured by conflict? Although Britain is not directly involved in any of the region’s peace processes (except in the case of the Geneva International Discussions on conflicts involving Georgia, as an EU member state), it has been a significant stakeholder in South Caucasian stability since the mid-1990s.

Most obviously, Britain has been the single largest foreign investor in Caspian oil and gas. Yet beyond pipelines, Britain also has been a significant investor in long-term civil society-led strategies to build peace in the South Caucasus.

Through what was then the Global Conflict Prevention Pool, in the early 2000s the Department for International Development (DfID) pioneered large-scale peacebuilding interventions, such as the Consortium Initiative, addressing Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict, in 2003-09. These built civic networks in the South Caucasus and partnerships with British-based NGOs.

This experience left a strong intellectual legacy. British expertise on the South Caucasus, including specific expertise on its conflicts, is highly regarded in the region and across the world.

There is also a strong tradition of British scholarship on the Caucasus, and several British universities offer Caucasus-related courses. Through schemes such as the John Smith Fellowship Trust, the Robert Bosch Stiftung Academy Fellowship at Chatham House and Chevening Scholarships, significant numbers of young leaders from the South Caucasus have spent time in British institutions and built effective relationships within them.

Three challenges

This niche as a champion of long-term, strategic peacebuilding and repository of area-specific knowledge should not be lost as Britain’s relationship with the EU and regional actors evolves. This can be ensured through awareness of three challenges confronting a post-Brexit Caucasus policy.

The first challenge for London is to avoid framing a regional policy in the South Caucasus as an extension of a wider ‘Russia policy’. Deteriorating Russian-British relations in recent years strengthen a tendency to view policies in the European neighbourhood through the traditional prisms of Cold War and Russian-Western rivalries.

Yet an overwhelming focus on Russia fails to capture other important aspects of political developments in South Caucasus conflicts. Although often referred to as ‘breakaway’ or ‘occupied’ territories, Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorny Karabakh are not ungoverned spaces. They have evolved into examples of what scholars call ‘de facto states’ that, to differing degrees, control territory, provide governance and exercise internal sovereignty.

Few disagree that these entities would not survive without external patronage. But neither does that patronage explain their sustainability on its own. Russia-centricity diminishes Britain’s latitude to engage on the full range of local drivers sustaining these entities, contributing instead to less effective policies predicated on competition and containment.

A second and related challenge is to maintain and develop Britain’s position on the issue of engaging populations in these entities. De facto states appear to stand outside of the international rules-based system. Yet in many cases, their civil societies are peopled by skilled and motivated activists who want their leaders to be held accountable according to international rules.

Strategies of isolation ignore these voices and contribute instead to fearful and demoralized communities less likely to engage in a transformation of adversarial relationships. Making this case with the wider international community, and facilitating the funding of local civil societies in contested territories, would be important steps in sustaining an effective British policy on the resolution of conflicts.    

The third challenge for Britain is to maintain a long-term approach to the conflicts of the South Caucasus alongside potential short-term imperatives in other policy fields, as relationships shift post-Brexit.

In this fluid international environment, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office has a role to play both as an internal champion of a long-term peacebuilding strategy and a coordinator of British efforts with those of multilateral actors engaged in the South Caucasus. These include the United Nations, the EU’s Special Representative for the South Caucasus and the Crisis in Georgia and OSCE’s Special Representative for the OSCE Chairperson-in-Office for the South Caucasus, all of which have built relationships with relevant actors on the ground.

Recommendations

Britain’s niche as a champion and advocate of a strategic approach to peaceful change can be secured post-Brexit in the following ways.  

First, in-house expertise is crucial to effective peacebuilding programming. The Foreign Office’s research analysts play a vital role in generating independent internal advice and liaising with academic and NGO communities. Their role could be supplemented by the reinstatement of a regional conflict adviser post, based in Tbilisi, tasked with strengthening Britain’s regional presence on conflict issues and coordinating policy at a regional level.

This post, with a remit to cover conflicts and build up area knowledge and relationships can contribute significantly to working closely with local civil societies, where so much expertise and knowledge resides, as well as other stakeholders.

Second, programming should build in conflict sensitivity by dissociating eligibility from contested political status. This can encourage local populations to take advantage of opportunities for funding, study, comparative learning and professional development irrespective of the status of the entity where they reside.

The Chevening Scholarships are an excellent example, whereby applicants can select ‘South Caucasus’ as their affiliated identity from a drop-down menu. This enables citizens from across the region to apply irrespective of the status of the territory in which they live.   

Finally, a holistic understanding of peace is crucial. Programming in unrecognized or partially-recognized entities should acknowledge that effective peacebuilding needs to embrace political dynamics and processes beyond cross-conflict contact and confidence building. Local actors in such entities may find peacebuilding funding streams defined exclusively in terms of cross-conflict contact more politically risky and ineffective in addressing domestic blockages to peace.

While cross-conflict dynamics remain critical, ‘single-community’ programming framed in terms of civic participation, inclusion, civil society capacity-building, minority and human rights in contested territories, and building the confidence from within to engage in constructive dialogue, are no less important.

The ’global Britain’ promised by Brexit remains a fanciful idea. Quiet, painstaking work to build on the legacies of a long-term British investment in a peace strategy for the South Caucasus, on the other hand, is a realistic and attainable goal.




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Russia’s Human and Social Capital

Invitation Only Research Event

5 March 2020 - 9:30am to 1:00pm

Chatham House | 10 St James's Square | London | SW1Y 4LE

Event participants

Christopher Davis, Professorial Fellow, Institute of Population Ageing, University of Oxford
Samuel Greene, Director, King's Russia Institute; Reader of Russian Politics, King’s College London
Nikolai Petrov, Senior Research Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme, Chatham House
Natalia Zubarevich, Director, Regional Programme, Independent Institute for Social Policy

Russia’s published development agenda to 2024 focused on gaining advantage from its human capital. In reality however, issues surrounding Russia’s population remain a major challenge, considering its demographic trends, an undoubted brain drain and societal divisions.

This expert roundtable will explore the current state of – and interconnections between – human and social capital in Russia. The speakers will also address Russia’s regional disparities, migration effects and political elite dynamics and their relationship to the population at large.

Event attributes

Chatham House Rule

Anna Morgan

Administrator, Ukraine Forum
+44 (0)20 7389 3274




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Can Ukraine’s Appeal to the International Courts Work?

3 April 2020

Kateryna Busol

Robert Bosch Stiftung Academy Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme
First in a two-part series analysing why Ukraine’s attempts at international justice are worth taking - and outlining how the impact goes far beyond just the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Part one examines the response of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to the possibility of holding Russia accountable as a state.

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Rally in support of keeping Crimea as part of Ukraine. Photo by Spencer Platt/Getty Images.

Russia’s ongoing occupation of Ukraine’s Crimean peninsula and support of separatist hostilities in the eastern provinces of Donbas have resulted in 1.5 million internally displaced persons, 3,000 civilians killed, and a growing list of alleged violations of international law and socio-economic hardship.

But Ukraine is struggling in its efforts to hold Russia accountable – either as a state or through individual criminal responsibility - as it cannot unilaterally ask any international court to give an overall judgment on the conflict.

So it focuses on narrower issues, referring them to authorised adjudication and arbitration platforms such as the International Court of Justice (ICJ), European Court of Human Rights, UNCLOS arbitration, and the International Criminal Court (ICC). These options are limited, but still worth taking - and their relevance is proving to be far wider than the Russia-Ukraine conflict.

Policy of cultural eradication

In 2017, Ukraine initiated proceedings against Russia at the ICJ on the basis of two international treaties: the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD), with regard to Crimea; and the International Convention for the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism (ICSFT), with regard to Donbas.

Under the CERD, Ukraine alleges Russia has carried out a policy of cultural eradication of ethnic Ukrainians and Crimean Tatars in Crimea, including enforced disappearances, no education in the Ukrainian and Crimean Tatar languages, and the ban of the Mejlis, the main representative body of the Crimean Tatars.

Under the ICSFT, Ukraine alleges Russia has supported terrorism by providing funds, weapons and training to illegal armed groups in eastern Ukraine. In particular Ukraine alleges Russian state responsibility - through its proxies - for downing the infamous MH17 flight.

Both these treaties are binding upon Ukraine and Russia and entitle an individual state party to refer a dispute concerning them to the ICJ, but certain procedural pre-conditions must first be exhausted. These include a failed attempt to settle a dispute either through negotiations or the CERD Committee (for the CERD) or unsuccessful negotiations and arbitration (for the ICSFT).

Russia challenged Ukraine’s compliance with the pre-conditions, but the ICJ disagreed with Russia’s submission that Ukraine had to resort both to negotiations and to the CERD Committee. For the first time, the court clarified these procedures under the CERD were two means to reach the same aim, and therefore alternative and not cumulative.

Requiring states to avail of both procedures before going to the ICJ would undermine the very purpose of the CERD to eliminate racial discrimination promptly, and ensure the availability of effective domestic protection and remedies.

The relevance of this clarification transcends the Ukraine-Russia dispute. With the rise of discriminatory practices, from populist hate-filled rhetoric endangering vulnerable communities to large-scale persecution such as that of the Rohingyas, the UN’s principal judicial body is sending a clear larger message to the world: such practices are unacceptable and must be dealt with expeditiously and efficiently. If states fail to do so, there are now fewer procedural impediments to do it internationally.

The ICJ also confirmed Ukraine had complied with both procedural preconditions under the ICSFT and that it would give judgement on the alleged failure of Russia to take measures to prevent the financing of terrorism. The outcome of this will be of great importance to the international community, given the general lack of international jurisprudence on issues of terrorism.

The court’s interpretation of knowledge and intent in terrorism financing, as well as clarification of the term ‘funds’, is particularly relevant both for the Ukraine-Russia case and for international law.

As the final judgement may take several years, the ICJ granted some provisional measures requested by Ukraine in April 2017. The court obliged Russia to ensure the availability of education in Ukrainian and enable the functioning of the Crimean Tatar representative institutions, including the Mejlis.

When Russia contested Ukraine’s references to the alleged Stalin-ordered deportation of the Crimean Tatars and the rule of law in the Soviet Union being hypocritical, by arguing that history did not matter, the court disagreed.

In fact, Judge James Crawford emphasised the relevance of the ‘historical persecution’ of Crimean Tatars and the role of Mejlis in advancing and protecting their rights in Crimea ‘at the time of disruption and change’.

These conclusions are important reminders that the historical inheritance of injustices inflicted on vulnerable groups should be taken into account when nations address their imperial legacies.

The court’s provisional measures and Judge Crawford’s position are particularly relevant in light of Russia’s policy of the total - territorial, historical, cultural – ‘russification’ of Crimea, as they highlight the role of the historical background for assessing the alleged discriminatory and prosecutorial policy of Russia’s occupying authorities against the Crimean Tatars.

The ICJ’s judgement on the merits of this as well as other human rights, and terrorism issues of Crimea and Donbas will be an important consideration for the international community in its view of the Russia-Ukraine armed conflict and the sanctions policy against Russia.

The development of this case also has a mutually catalysing impact on Ukraine’s efforts to establish those individually criminally responsible for atrocities in Crimea and Donbas, through domestic proceedings and through the International Criminal Court.

Ukraine’s attempts to seek individual criminal responsibility for gross abuses in Donbas and Crimea at the International Criminal Court (ICC) are assessed in part two of this series, coming soon.




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ICC’s Influence Can Be Strengthened by Ukraine’s Case

22 April 2020

Kateryna Busol

Robert Bosch Stiftung Academy Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme
Second in a two-part series analysing why Ukraine’s attempts at international justice are worth taking - and outlining how the impact goes far beyond just the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Part two examines Ukraine’s appeal to the International Criminal Court (ICC) to seek individual criminal responsibility of the alleged perpetrators of the gravest crimes in occupied Crimea and eastern Ukraine.

2020-04-23-Ukraine-Anniversary-Conflict

Marking the Day of The National Flag of Ukraine, a day before celebrations of the anniversary of state independence. Photo by ANATOLII STEPANOV/AFP via Getty Images.

The recognition by Ukraine of the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court (ICC) to consider grave crimes allegedly perpetrated in its territory has led to the ICC Prosecutor’s preliminary examination identifying a wave of alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity.

There are claims of persecution, forced conscription, deportation, sham trials, enforced disappearances, and property seizure - in Crimea. As well as killings, torture, inhuman treatment, sexual violence, and indiscriminate shelling - in Donbas. The court now needs to decide whether to open a full investigation which could lead to charges against specific individuals, as in the trial currently taking place in the Netherlands over MH-17.

However, the ICC does remain a court of last resort as Ukraine retains the principal power to prosecute grave violations perpetrated in its eastern regions and Crimea, with the court only stepping in if Ukraine (or another court with jurisdiction) is either unwilling or unable to do so.

As the evidence mounts up, Ukrainian investigators, prosecutors and judges are becoming more open to cooperation with foreign experts, law firms, human rights NGOs and younger domestic professionals - a significant proportion of whom are women.

Transformation shows determination

This is an unusual shift, given the rigid hierarchical nature of post-Soviet institutions, with elderly males in most of the top positions. The transformation shows the determination to see perpetrators of crimes in Crimea and Donbas tried by the ICC, with joint professional development trainings and joint communications about the alleged crimes.

Ukraine has also been strengthening its institutions. The Prosecutor’s Office of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea has been improving quality control of its war crime proceedings, and has taken a strong pro-ICC stance. The Office of the Prosecutor General established a special department to monitor the armed conflict proceedings, and two specialised war crime units have been formed in Donbas.

Although too early to assess progress - given recent prosecution reform and that much-needed legislation on international crimes is still pending – these are promising signs of Ukraine’s intent to take a specialised approach to armed conflict violations. And Ukrainian civil society organisations are also playing a more important role, documenting alleged crimes and sending evidence to the ICC.

Any intervention by the ICC in Ukraine also has a considerable impact on the wider dynamics of addressing international crimes, further extending the court’s reach beyond a focus on Africa which has attracted widespread criticism since it began in 2002.

The ICC has already opened investigations in Georgia, Bangladesh/Myanmar, and Afghanistan, with preliminary examinations in Colombia, Venezuela, Iraq/UK, Palestine, and The Philippines. But the Ukrainian case would further develop the European subtleties of the court’s jurisprudence.

Although the ICC is currently investigating the 2008 Russia-Georgia war, the active phase of that armed conflict lasted for just five days whereas Russia’s military involvement in Ukraine has been ongoing for the six years. The temporal difference in no way diminishes the suffering of victims and the necessity for the proper investigation, prosecution and compensation in the Georgian context.

And yet, going by even the preliminary findings of the ICC prosecutor, the spectrum of war crimes and crimes against humanity allegedly perpetrated in Ukraine is much wider. Some incidents, such as the illegal construction of the Crimean Bridge, is an amalgam of the violations against property, cultural heritage and the environment. Cumulatively, the Ukrainian and Georgian cases would substantially contribute to the development of the court’s emerging European lenses.

The Russia-Ukraine armed conflict is also the first instance of armed hostilities of such magnitude and duration in Europe since World War II and the Yugoslav Wars. The ICC’s readiness to take on such geopolitically challenging cases which leave itself open to attack will be tested.

But by examining new contexts - including Ukraine - the ICC would develop a more layered reading of the nature and scope of the crimes it works on. For example, alleged indoctrination and use of children by armed groups in eastern Ukraine is likely to differ from the known practices of abducting and recruiting child soldiers in Africa.

Investigating evidence of Russia’s persecution of pro-Ukrainian activists - forcing them out of Crimea - coupled with the creation of favourable conditions for Russian citizens to relocate to Crimea could lead to proving the existence of a policy of mass colonisation of the peninsula - adding new layers to the court’s jurisprudence on population displacement. And previously under-prosecuted crimes may come to the fore, such as attacks on cultural property or causing the destruction of the environment.

Although the ICC proceedings on Ukraine – along with those being held by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) - are unlikely to bring immediate results, Ukraine has developed an international adjudication strategy based on the available viable options and what can be practically delivered.

The simple act of a reputed international court outlining Russia’s alleged violations in Crimea and Donbas and naming those individually responsible would be an impactful achievement in itself, regardless of whether Russia pays any attention or compensation.

And any international judgments or those of domestic courts such as the Dutch MH-17 proceedings and Russia’s response - predicted to be non-compliance - is an important argument for continuing sanctions against Russia over its conduct in Ukraine.

The mutually reinforcing effect of both the Crimea and Donbas proceedings within Ukraine and at international courts should not be underestimated. These investigations into war crimes, terrorism and human rights issues are deeply relevant - not only for the conflict itself, but also for the development of international law.

Part One of this series assesses Ukraine’s efforts to hold Russia accountable as a state at the International Court of Justice (ICJ).




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Functional recombinant apolipoprotein A5 that is stable at high concentrations at physiological pH [Methods]

APOA5 is a low-abundance exchangeable apolipoprotein that plays critical roles in human triglyceride (TG) metabolism. Indeed, aberrations in the plasma concentration or structure of APOA5 are linked to hypertriglyceridemia, hyperchylomicronemia, myocardial infarction risk, obesity, and coronary artery disease. While it has been successfully produced at low yield in bacteria, the resulting protein had limitations for structure-function studies due to its low solubility under physiological buffer conditions. We hypothesized that the yield and solubility of recombinant APOA5 could be increased by: i) engineering a fusion protein construct in a codon optimized expression vector, ii) optimizing an efficient refolding protocol, and iii) screening buffer systems at physiological pH. The result was a high-yield (25 mg/l) bacterial expression system that produces lipid-free APOA5 soluble at concentrations of up to 10 mg/ml at a pH of 7.8 in bicarbonate buffers. Physical characterization of lipid-free APOA5 indicated that it exists as an array of multimers in solution, and far UV circular dichroism analyses show differences in total α-helicity between acidic and neutral pH buffering conditions. The protein was functional in that it bound and emulsified multilamellar dimyristoyl-phosphatidylcholine vesicles and could inhibit postprandial plasma TG accumulation when injected into C57BL/6J mice orally gavaged with Intralipid.




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Metallopeptidase Stp1 activates the transcription factor Sre1 in the carotenogenic yeast Xanthophyllomyces dendrorhous [Research Articles]

Xanthophyllomyces dendrorhous is a basidiomycete yeast known as a natural producer of astaxanthin, a carotenoid of commercial interest because of its antioxidant properties. Recent studies indicated that X. dendrorhous has a functional SREBP pathway involved in the regulation of isoprenoid compound biosynthesis, which includes ergosterol and carotenoids. SREBP is a major regulator of sterol metabolism and homeostasis in mammals; characterization in fungi also provides information about its role in the hypoxia adaptation response and virulence. SREBP protease processing is required to activate SREBP pathway functions in fungi. Here, we identified and described the STP1 gene, which encodes a metallopeptidase of the M50 family involved in the proteolytic activation of the transcription factor Sre1 of the SREBP pathway, in X. dendrorhous. We assessed STP1 function in stp1 strains derived from the wild-type and a mutant of ergosterol biosynthesis that overproduces carotenoids and sterols. Bioinformatic analysis of the deduced protein predicted the presence of characteristic features identified in homologs from mammals and fungi. The stp1 mutation decreased yeast growth in the presence of azole drugs and reduced transcript levels of Sre1-dependent genes. This mutation also negatively affected the carotenoid- and sterol-overproducing phenotype. Western blot analysis demonstrated that Sre1 was activated in the yeast ergosterol biosynthesis mutant and that the stp1 mutation introduced in this strain prevented Sre1 proteolytic activation. Overall, our results demonstrate that STP1 encodes a metallopeptidase involved in proteolytic activation of Sre1 in X. dendrorhous, contributing to our understanding of fungal SREBP pathways.




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Endocytosis of very low-density lipoproteins: an unexpected mechanism for lipid acquisition by breast cancer cells [Research Articles]

We previously described the expression of CD36 and LPL by breast cancer (BC) cells and tissues and the growth-promoting effect of VLDL observed only in the presence of LPL. We now report a model in which LPL is bound to a heparan sulfate proteoglycan motif on the BC cell surface and acts in concert with the VLDL receptor to internalize VLDLs via receptor-mediated endocytosis. We also demonstrate that gene-expression programs for lipid synthesis versus uptake respond robustly to triglyceride-rich lipoprotein availability. The literature emphasizes de novo FA synthesis and exogenous free FA uptake using CD36 as paramount mechanisms for lipid acquisition by cancer cells. We find that the uptake of intact lipoproteins is also an important mechanism for lipid acquisition and that the relative reliance on lipid synthesis versus uptake varies among BC cell lines and in response to VLDL availability. This metabolic plasticity has important implications for the development of therapies aimed at the lipid dependence of many types of cancer, in that the inhibition of FA synthesis may elicit compensatory upregulation of lipid uptake. Moreover, the mechanism that we have elucidated provides a direct connection between dietary fat and tumor biology.­.




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A nematode sterol C4{alpha}-methyltransferase catalyzes a new methylation reaction responsible for sterol diversity [Research Articles]

Primitive sterol evolution plays an important role in fossil record interpretation and offers potential therapeutic avenues for human disease resulting from nematode infections. Recognizing that C4-methyl stenol products [8(14)-lophenol] can be synthesized in bacteria while C4-methyl stanol products (dinosterol) can be synthesized in dinoflagellates and preserved as sterane biomarkers in ancient sedimentary rock is key to eukaryotic sterol evolution. In this regard, nematodes have been proposed to convert dietary cholesterol to 8(14)-lophenol by a secondary metabolism pathway that could involve sterol C4 methylation analogous to the C2 methylation of hopanoids (radicle-type mechanism) or C24 methylation of sterols (carbocation-type mechanism). Here, we characterized dichotomous cholesterol metabolic pathways in Caenorhabditis elegans that generate 3-oxo sterol intermediates in separate paths to lophanol (4-methyl stanol) and 8(14)-lophenol (4-methyl stenol). We uncovered alternate C3-sterol oxidation and 7 desaturation steps that regulate sterol flux from which branching metabolite networks arise, while lophanol/8(14)-lophenol formation is shown to be dependent on a sterol C4α-methyltransferse (4-SMT) that requires 3-oxo sterol substrates and catalyzes a newly discovered 3-keto-enol tautomerism mechanism linked to S-adenosyl-l-methionine-dependent methylation. Alignment-specific substrate-binding domains similarly conserved in 4-SMT and 24-SMT enzymes, despite minimal amino acid sequence identity, suggests divergence from a common, primordial ancestor in the evolution of methyl sterols. The combination of these results provides evolutionary leads to sterol diversity and points to cryptic C4-methyl steroidogenic pathways of targeted convergence that mediate lineage-specific adaptations.­­




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Quantification of bile acids: a mass spectrometry platform for studying gut microbe connection to metabolic diseases [Research Articles]

Bile acids (BAs) serve multiple biological functions, ranging from the absorption of lipids and fat-soluble vitamins to serving as signaling molecules through the direct activation of dedicated cellular receptors. Synthesized by both host and microbial pathways, BAs are increasingly understood as participating in the regulation of numerous pathways relevant to metabolic diseases, including lipid and glucose metabolism, energy expenditure, and inflammation. Quantitative analyses of BAs in biological matrices can be problematic due to their unusual and diverse physicochemical properties, making optimization of a method that shows good accuracy, precision, efficiency of extraction, and minimized matrix effects across structurally distinct human and murine BAs challenging. Herein we develop and clinically validate a stable-isotope-dilution LC/MS/MS method for the quantitative analysis of numerous primary and secondary BAs in both human and mouse biological matrices. We also utilize this tool to investigate gut microbiota participation in the generation of structurally specific BAs in both humans and mice. We examine circulating levels of specific BAs and in a clinical case-control study of age- and gender-matched type 2 diabetes mellitus (T2DM) versus nondiabetics. BAs whose circulating levels are associated with T2DM include numerous 12α-hydroxyl BAs (taurocholic acid, taurodeoxycholic acid, glycodeoxycholic acid, deoxycholic acid, and 3-ketodeoxycholic acid), while taurohyodeoxycholic acid was negatively associated with diabetes. The LC/MS/MS-based platform described should serve as a robust, high-throughput investigative tool for studying the potential involvement of structurally specific BAs and the gut microbiome on both physiological and disease processes.




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Macrophage polarization is linked to Ca2+-independent phospholipase A2{beta}-derived lipids and cross-cell signaling in mice [Research Articles]

Phospholipases A2 (PLA2s) catalyze hydrolysis of the sn-2 substituent from glycerophospholipids to yield a free fatty acid (i.e., arachidonic acid), which can be metabolized to pro- or anti-inflammatory eicosanoids. Macrophages modulate inflammatory responses and are affected by Ca2+-independent phospholipase A2 (PLA2)β (iPLA2β). Here, we assessed the link between iPLA2β-derived lipids (iDLs) and macrophage polarization. Macrophages from WT and KO (iPLA2β–/–) mice were classically M1 pro-inflammatory phenotype activated or alternatively M2 anti-inflammatory phenotype activated, and eicosanoid production was determined by ultra-performance LC ESI-MS/MS. As a genotypic control, we performed similar analyses on macrophages from RIP.iPLA2β.Tg mice with selective iPLA2β overexpression in β-cells. Compared with WT, generation of select pro-inflammatory prostaglandins (PGs) was lower in iPLA2β–/–, and that of a specialized pro-resolving lipid mediator (SPM), resolvin D2, was higher; both changes are consistent with the M2 phenotype. Conversely, macrophages from RIP.iPLA2β.Tg mice exhibited an opposite landscape, one associated with the M1 phenotype: namely, increased production of pro-inflammatory eicosanoids (6-keto PGF1α, PGE2, leukotriene B4) and decreased ability to generate resolvin D2. These changes were not linked with secretory PLA2 or cytosolic PLA2α or with leakage of the transgene. Thus, we report previously unidentified links between select iPLA2β-derived eicosanoids, an SPM, and macrophage polarization. Importantly, our findings reveal for the first time that β-cell iPLA2β-derived signaling can predispose macrophage responses. These findings suggest that iDLs play critical roles in macrophage polarization, and we posit that they could be targeted therapeutically to counter inflammation-based disorders.




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Separation of postprandial lipoproteins: improved purification of chylomicrons using an ApoB100 immunoaffinity method [Methods]

Elevated levels of triglyceride-rich lipoproteins (TRLs), both fasting and postprandial, are associated with increased risk for atherosclerosis. However, guidelines for treatment are defined solely by fasting lipid levels, even though postprandial lipids may be more informative. In the postprandial state, circulating lipids consist of dietary fat transported from the intestine in chylomicrons (CMs; containing ApoB48) and fat transported from the liver in VLDL (containing ApoB100). Research into the roles of endogenous versus dietary fat has been hindered because of the difficulty in separating these particles by ultracentrifugation. CM fractions have considerable contamination from VLDL (purity, 10%). To separate CMs from VLDL, we produced polyclonal antibodies against ApoB100 and generated immunoaffinity columns. TRLs isolated by ultracentrifugation of plasma were applied to these columns, and highly purified CMs were collected (purity, 90–94%). Overall eight healthy unmedicated adult volunteers (BMI, 27.2 ± 1.4 kg/m2; fasting triacylglycerol, 102.6 ± 19.5 mg/dl) participated in a feeding study, which contained an oral stable-isotope tracer (1-13C acetate). We then used this technique on plasma samples freshly collected during an 8 h human feeding study from a subset of four subjects. We analyzed fractionated lipoproteins by Western blot, isolated and derivatized triacylglycerols, and calculated fractional de novo lipogenesis. The results demonstrated effective separation of postprandial lipoproteins and substantially improved purity compared with ultracentrifugation protocols, using the immunoaffinity method. This method can be used to better delineate the role of dietary sugar and fat on postprandial lipids in cardiovascular risk and explore the potential role of CM remnants in atherosclerosis.




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High density lipoprotein and its apolipoprotein-defined subspecies and risk of dementia [Patient-Oriented and Epidemiological Research]

Whether HDL is associated with dementia risk is unclear. In addition to apoA1, other apolipoproteins are found in HDL, creating subspecies of HDL that may have distinct metabolic properties. We measured apoA1, apoC3, and apoJ levels in plasma and apoA1 levels in HDL that contains or lacks apoE, apoJ, or apoC3 using a modified sandwich ELISA in a case-cohort study nested within the Ginkgo Evaluation of Memory Study. We included 995 randomly selected participants and 521 participants who developed dementia during a mean of 5.1 years of follow-up. The level of total apoA1 was not significantly related to dementia risk, regardless of the coexistence of apoC3, apoJ, or apoE. Higher levels of total plasma apoC3 were associated with better cognitive function at baseline (difference in Modified Mini-Mental State Examination scores tertile 3 vs. tertile 1: 0.60; 95% CI: 0.23, 0.98) and a lower dementia risk (adjusted hazard ratio tertile 3 vs. tertile 1: 0.73; 95% CI: 0.55, 0.96). Plasma concentrations of apoA1 in HDL and its apolipoprotein-defined subspecies were not associated with cognitive function at baseline or with the risk of dementia during follow-up. Similar studies in other populations are required to better understand the association between apoC3 and Alzheimer’s disease pathology.




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Nonsynonymous SNPs in LPA homologous to plasminogen deficiency mutants represent novel null apo(a) alleles [Patient-Oriented and Epidemiological Research]

Plasma lipoprotein (a) [Lp(a)] levels are largely determined by variation in the LPA gene, which codes for apo(a). Genome-wide association studies (GWASs) have identified nonsynonymous variants in LPA that associate with low Lp(a) levels, although their effect on apo(a) function is unknown. We investigated two such variants, R990Q and R1771C, which were present in four null Lp(a) individuals, for structural and functional effects. Sequence alignments showed the R990 and R1771 residues to be highly conserved and homologous to each other and to residues associated with plasminogen deficiency. Structural modeling showed both residues to make several polar contacts with neighboring residues that would be ablated on substitution. Recombinant expression of the WT and R1771C apo(a) in liver and kidney cells showed an abundance of an immature form for both apo(a) proteins. A mature form of apo(a) was only seen with the WT protein. Imaging of the recombinant apo(a) proteins in conjunction with markers of the secretory pathway indicated a poor transit of R1771C into the Golgi. Furthermore, the R1771C mutant displayed a glycosylation pattern consistent with ER, but not Golgi, glycosylation. We conclude that R1771 and the equivalent R990 residue facilitate correct folding of the apo(a) kringle structure and mutations at these positions prevent the proper folding required for full maturation and secretion. To our knowledge, this is the first example of nonsynonymous variants in LPA being causative of a null Lp(a) phenotype.




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Role of angiopoietin-like protein 3 in sugar-induced dyslipidemia in rhesus macaques: suppression by fish oil or RNAi [Research Articles]

Angiopoietin-like protein 3 (ANGPTL3) inhibits lipid clearance and is a promising target for managing cardiovascular disease. Here we investigated the effects of a high-sugar (high-fructose) diet on circulating ANGPTL3 concentrations in rhesus macaques. Plasma ANGPTL3 concentrations increased ~30% to 40% after 1 and 3 months of a high-fructose diet (both P < 0.001 vs. baseline). During fructose-induced metabolic dysregulation, plasma ANGPTL3 concentrations were positively correlated with circulating indices of insulin resistance [assessed with fasting insulin and the homeostatic model assessment of insulin resistance (HOMA-IR)], hypertriglyceridemia, adiposity (assessed as leptin), and systemic inflammation [C-reactive peptide (CRP)] and negatively correlated with plasma levels of the insulin-sensitizing hormone adropin. Multiple regression analyses identified a strong association between circulating APOC3 and ANGPTL3 concentrations. Higher baseline plasma levels of both ANGPTL3 and APOC3 were associated with an increased risk for fructose-induced insulin resistance. Fish oil previously shown to prevent insulin resistance and hypertriglyceridemia in this model prevented increases of ANGPTL3 without affecting systemic inflammation (increased plasma CRP and interleukin-6 concentrations). ANGPTL3 RNAi lowered plasma concentrations of ANGPTL3, triglycerides (TGs), VLDL-C, APOC3, and APOE. These decreases were consistent with a reduced risk of atherosclerosis. In summary, dietary sugar-induced increases of circulating ANGPTL3 concentrations after metabolic dysregulation correlated positively with leptin levels, HOMA-IR, and dyslipidemia. Targeting ANGPTL3 expression with RNAi inhibited dyslipidemia by lowering plasma TGs, VLDL-C, APOC3, and APOE levels in rhesus macaques.




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Erratum: Unequivocal evidence for endogenous geranylgeranoic acid biosynthesized from mevalonate in mammalian cells [Errata]




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Development of a sensitive and quantitative method for the identification of two major furan fatty acids in human plasma [Methods]

This article focuses on the establishment of an accurate and sensitive quantitation method for the analysis of furan fatty acids. In particular, the sensitivity of GC/MS and UPLC/ESI/MS/MS was compared for the identification and quantification of furan fatty acids. Different methylation methods were tested with respect to GC/MS analysis. Special attention needs to be paid to the methylation of furan fatty acids, as acidic catalysts might lead to the degradation of the furan ring. GC/MS analysis in full-scan mode demonstrated that the limit of quantitation was 10 μM. UPLC/ESI/MS/MS in multiple reaction monitoring mode displayed a higher detection sensitivity than GC/MS. Moreover, the identification of furan fatty acids with charge-reversal derivatization was tested in the positive mode with two widely used pyridinium salts. Significant oxidation was unexpectedly observed using N-(4-aminomethylphenyl) pyridinium as a derivatization agent. The formed 3-acyl-oxymethyl-1-methylpyridinium iodide derivatized by 2-bromo-1-methylpyridinium iodide and 3-carbinol-1-methylpyridinium iodide improved the sensitivity more than 2,000-fold compared with nonderivatization in the negative mode by UPLC/ESI/MS/MS. This charge-reversal derivatization enabled the targeted quantitation of furan fatty acids in human plasma. Thus, it is anticipated that this protocol could greatly contribute to the clarification of pathological mechanisms related to furan fatty acids and their metabolites.




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Heritability of 596 lipid species and genetic correlation with cardiovascular traits in the Busselton Family Heart Study [Patient-Oriented and Epidemiological Research]

CVD is the leading cause of death worldwide, and genetic investigations into the human lipidome may provide insight into CVD risk. The aim of this study was to estimate the heritability of circulating lipid species and their genetic correlation with CVD traits. Targeted lipidomic profiling was performed on 4,492 participants from the Busselton Family Heart Study to quantify the major fatty acids of 596 lipid species from 33 classes. We estimated narrow-sense heritabilities of lipid species/classes and their genetic correlations with eight CVD traits: BMI, HDL-C, LDL-C, triglycerides, total cholesterol, waist-hip ratio, systolic blood pressure, and diastolic blood pressure. We report heritabilities and genetic correlations of new lipid species/subclasses, including acylcarnitine (AC), ubiquinone, sulfatide, and oxidized cholesteryl esters. Over 99% of lipid species were significantly heritable (h2: 0.06–0.50) and all lipid classes were significantly heritable (h2: 0.14–0.50). The monohexosylceramide and AC classes had the highest median heritabilities (h2 = 0.43). The largest genetic correlation was between clinical triglycerides and total diacylglycerol (rg = 0.88). We observed novel positive genetic correlations between clinical triglycerides and phosphatidylglycerol species (rg: 0.64–0.82), and HDL-C and alkenylphosphatidylcholine species (rg: 0.45–0.74). Overall, 51% of the 4,768 lipid species-CVD trait genetic correlations were statistically significant after correction for multiple comparisons. This is the largest lipidomic study to address the heritability of lipids and their genetic correlation with CVD traits. Future work includes identifying putative causal genetic variants for lipid species and CVD using genome-wide SNP and whole-genome sequencing data.




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Hexacosenoyl-CoA is the most abundant very long-chain acyl-CoA in ATP binding cassette transporter D1-deficient cells [Patient-Oriented and Epidemiological Research]

X-linked adrenoleukodystrophy (X-ALD) is an inherited disorder caused by deleterious mutations in the ABCD1 gene. The ABCD1 protein transports very long-chain FAs (VLCFAs) from the cytosol into the peroxisome where the VLCFAs are degraded through β-oxidation. ABCD1 dysfunction leads to VLCFA accumulation in individuals with X-ALD. FAs are activated by esterification to CoA before metabolic utilization. However, the intracellular pools and metabolic profiles of individual acyl-CoA esters have not been fully analyzed. In this study, we profiled the acyl-CoA species in fibroblasts from X-ALD patients and in ABCD1-deficient HeLa cells. We found that hexacosenoyl (26:1)-CoA, but not hexacosanoyl (26:0)-CoA, was the most abundantly concentrated among the VLCFA-CoA species in these cells. We also show that 26:1-CoA is mainly synthesized from oleoyl-CoA, and the metabolic turnover rate of 26:1-CoA was almost identical to that of oleoyl-CoA in both WT and ABCD1-deficient HeLa cells. The findings of our study provide precise quantitative and metabolic information of each acyl-CoA species in living cells. Our results suggest that VLCFA is endogenously synthesized as VLCFA-CoA through a FA elongation pathway and is then efficiently converted to other metabolites, such as phospholipids, in the absence of ABCD1.




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SSO and other putative inhibitors of FA transport across membranes by CD36 disrupt intracellular metabolism, but do not affect FA translocation [Research Articles]

Membrane-bound proteins have been proposed to mediate the transport of long-chain FA (LCFA) transport through the plasma membrane (PM). These proposals are based largely on reports that PM transport of LCFAs can be blocked by a number of enzymes and purported inhibitors of LCFA transport. Here, using the ratiometric pH indicator (2',7'-bis-(2-carboxyethyl)-5-(and-6-)-carboxyfluorescein and acrylodated intestinal FA-binding protein-based dual fluorescence assays, we investigated the effects of nine inhibitors of the putative FA transporter protein CD36 on the binding and transmembrane movement of LCFAs. We particularly focused on sulfosuccinimidyl oleate (SSO), reported to be a competitive inhibitor of CD36-mediated LCFA transport. Using these assays in adipocytes and inhibitor-treated protein-free lipid vesicles, we demonstrate that rapid LCFA transport across model and biological membranes remains unchanged in the presence of these purported inhibitors. We have previously shown in live cells that CD36 does not accelerate the transport of unesterified LCFAs across the PM. Our present experiments indicated disruption of LCFA metabolism inside the cell within minutes upon treatment with many of the "inhibitors" previously assumed to inhibit LCFA transport across the PM. Furthermore, using confocal microscopy and a specific anti-SSO antibody, we found that numerous intracellular and PM-bound proteins are SSO-modified in addition to CD36. Our results support the hypothesis that LCFAs diffuse rapidly across biological membranes and do not require an active protein transporter for their transmembrane movement.




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Nanodomains can persist at physiologic temperature in plasma membrane vesicles and be modulated by altering cell lipids [Research Articles]

The formation and properties of liquid-ordered (Lo) lipid domains (rafts) in the plasma membrane are still poorly understood. This limits our ability to manipulate ordered lipid domain-dependent biological functions. Giant plasma membrane vesicles (GPMVs) undergo large-scale phase separations into coexisting Lo and liquid-disordered lipid domains. However, large-scale phase separation in GPMVs detected by light microscopy is observed only at low temperatures. Comparing Förster resonance energy transfer-detected versus light microscopy-detected domain formation, we found that nanodomains, domains of nanometer size, persist at temperatures up to 20°C higher than large-scale phases, up to physiologic temperature. The persistence of nanodomains at higher temperatures is consistent with previously reported theoretical calculations. To investigate the sensitivity of nanodomains to lipid composition, GPMVs were prepared from mammalian cells in which sterol, phospholipid, or sphingolipid composition in the plasma membrane outer leaflet had been altered by cyclodextrin-catalyzed lipid exchange. Lipid substitutions that stabilize or destabilize ordered domain formation in artificial lipid vesicles had a similar effect on the thermal stability of nanodomains and large-scale phase separation in GPMVs, with nanodomains persisting at higher temperatures than large-scale phases for a wide range of lipid compositions. This indicates that it is likely that plasma membrane nanodomains can form under physiologic conditions more readily than large-scale phase separation. We also conclude that membrane lipid substitutions carried out in intact cells are able to modulate the propensity of plasma membranes to form ordered domains. This implies lipid substitutions can be used to alter biological processes dependent upon ordered domains.




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Hematopoiesis is regulated by cholesterol efflux pathways and lipid rafts: connections with cardiovascular diseases [Thematic Reviews]

Lipid rafts are highly ordered regions of the plasma membrane that are enriched in cholesterol and sphingolipids and play important roles in many cells. In hematopoietic stem and progenitor cells (HSPCs), lipid rafts house receptors critical for normal hematopoiesis. Lipid rafts also can bind and sequester kinases that induce negative feedback pathways to limit proliferative cytokine receptor cycling back to the cell membrane. Modulation of lipid rafts occurs through an array of mechanisms, with optimal cholesterol efflux one of the major regulators. As such, cholesterol homeostasis also regulates hematopoiesis. Increased lipid raft content, which occurs in response to changes in cholesterol efflux in the membrane, can result in prolonged receptor occupancy in the cell membrane and enhanced signaling. In addition, certain diseases, like diabetes, may contribute to lipid raft formation and affect cholesterol retention in rafts. In this review, we explore the role of lipid raft-related mechanisms in hematopoiesis and CVD (specifically, atherosclerosis) and discuss how defective cholesterol efflux pathways in HSPCs contribute to expansion of lipid rafts, thereby promoting myelopoiesis and thrombopoiesis. We also discuss the utility of cholesterol acceptors in contributing to lipid raft regulation and disruption, and highlight the potential to manipulate these pathways for therapeutic gain in CVD as well as other disorders with aberrant hematopoiesis.




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Lipid rafts as signaling hubs in cancer cell survival/death and invasion: implications in tumor progression and therapy [Thematic Reviews]

Cholesterol/sphingolipid-rich membrane domains, known as lipid rafts or membrane rafts, play a critical role in the compartmentalization of signaling pathways. Physical segregation of proteins in lipid rafts may modulate the accessibility of proteins to regulatory or effector molecules. Thus, lipid rafts serve as sorting platforms and hubs for signal transduction proteins. Cancer cells contain higher levels of intracellular cholesterol and lipid rafts than their normal non-tumorigenic counterparts. Many signal transduction processes involved in cancer development (insulin-like growth factor system and phosphatidylinositol 3-kinase-AKT) and metastasis [cluster of differentiation (CD)44] are dependent on or modulated by lipid rafts. Additional proteins playing an important role in several malignant cancers (e.g., transmembrane glycoprotein mucin 1) are also being detected in association with lipid rafts, suggesting a major role of lipid rafts in tumor progression. Conversely, lipid rafts also serve as scaffolds for the recruitment and clustering of Fas/CD95 death receptors and downstream signaling molecules leading to cell death-promoting raft platforms. The partition of death receptors and downstream signaling molecules in aggregated lipid rafts has led to the formation of the so-called cluster of apoptotic signaling molecule-enriched rafts, or CASMER, which leads to apoptosis amplification and can be pharmacologically modulated. These death-promoting rafts can be viewed as a linchpin from which apoptotic signals are launched. In this review, we discuss the involvement of lipid rafts in major signaling processes in cancer cells, including cell survival, cell death, and metastasis, and we consider the potential of lipid raft modulation as a promising target in cancer therapy.




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Commentary on SSO and other putative inhibitors of FA transport across membranes by CD36 disrupt intracellular metabolism, but do not affect fatty acid translocation [Commentaries]




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GPIHBP1, a partner protein for lipoprotein lipase, is expressed only in capillary endothelial cells [Images In Lipid Research]




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Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 60332: A SAS 9.4 installation in Update mode notifies you about unwritable files in the "SASHome\SASWebApplicationServer" directory

When you run SAS Deployment Wizard to install or update SAS 9.4 software, the file system is examined. If any files that the wizard needs to delete are found to be locked, they are reported as unwritable f




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Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 65929: A grid-enabled sign-on to SAS 9.4M6 (TS1M6) fails with errors, including "Remote signon … canceled"

A sign-on to a grid-enabled environment fails while it is trying to communicate with the client host. The following errors then appear in the SAS log:


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Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 34294: A missing discrete dependent variable in the selection model together with a OUTPUT statement might cause an Access Violation error

If the following conditions are met in PROC QLIM: the SELECT option and DISCRETE option are specified in the same MODEL statement or ENDOGENOUS statement the same dependent variable with S




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Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 65927: The Copy Files task in SAS Enterprise Guide 8.2 fails with the message "ERROR: Target folder does not exist or cannot be accessed"

When you run the Copy Files task in SAS Enterprise Guide and there is no connection to a SAS server, it fails with the following error: "ERROR: Target folder does not exist or cannot be accessed."




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Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 65904: SAS Federation Server stops responding when you run queries against X_OBJECT_PRIVILEGES in SYSCAT and the queries run for hours

The select * from "SYSCAT"."SYSCAT"."X_EFFECTIVE_OBJECT_PRIVILEGES" query runs for hours. In this scenario, SAS Federation Server stops responding, making it unavailable for use. Restarting SAS Federation Server solves t




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Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 64550: SAS Enterprise Case Management contains a cross-site scripting vulnerability in the CASE_ID parameter

Severity: Medium Description: SAS Enterprise Case Management contains a cross-site scripting vulnerability in the CASE_ID parameter. Potential Impact:




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Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 65844: STRESS task fails with "Fatal error in PMPI_Bcast: Other MPI error, error stack: PMPI_Bcast(1478)"

In SAS  High-Performance Risk, a STRESS task might fail with a message like the following in the SAS log while the compute server is sending the ScenarioCF/Value data to the HPRisk Engine:



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Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 65883: SAS Workflow Studio returns a "cannot load" error when you try to open the CECL_Cycle_AFS workflow template for SAS Solution for CECL

You might see the following error in SAS Workflow Studio when you try to open the CECL_Cycle_AFS workflow template that is shipped with SAS Solution for CECL:



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Morton believes Rays can make postseason

After a pair of seasons -- and a World Series title -- with the Astros, Rays pitcher Charlie Morton is confident that his new team has what in takes to make a postseason run in 2019.




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A little rain can't keep eager Rays from field

A rainy morning didn't stop the Rays' pitchers and catchers from officially taking the field Wednesday. "Other than the pitchers getting out there and getting in their legs a little bit and running some of the more casual [pitchers' fielding practice drills], everything is fine," manager Kevin Cash said.




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Faria enters camp fighting for bullpen spot

After a disappointing 2018 season, Jake Faria is looking to show that last season isn't reflective of the type of pitcher he is.