3

Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 65031: Grid options set mappings are returned based on which option set is the first in the metadata search chain

When users are defined in multiple groups associated with grid options set mappings, the first grid option set that is returned by the metadata search chain takes precedence. Only one grid options set mapping is used




3

Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 34294: A missing discrete dependent variable in the selection model together with a OUTPUT statement might cause an Access Violation error

If the following conditions are met in PROC QLIM: the SELECT option and DISCRETE option are specified in the same MODEL statement or ENDOGENOUS statement the same dependent variable with S




3

Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 65903: You see a "java.lang.IllegalArgumentException" error in the log file when you use the IFRS9_Cycle workflow template in SAS Solution for IFRS 9

The problem occurs on a content release on the SAS Risk Governance Framework.




3

Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 65893: Custom sorts are sorted incorrectly when they are used in a hierarchy in SAS Visual Analytics Designer

A custom sort might be sorted incorrectly when the data item is used in a custom category, which is then used in a hierarchy. The issue can occur in the following scenario:




3

Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 65835: A series of PROC SQL queries might not generate a distinct set of rows

A set of PROC SQL queries that create a view, contain a constant column, contain a computed column, and a create a table do not generate a unique set of rows in the table that is created.




3

Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 65883: SAS Workflow Studio returns a "cannot load" error when you try to open the CECL_Cycle_AFS workflow template for SAS Solution for CECL

You might see the following error in SAS Workflow Studio when you try to open the CECL_Cycle_AFS workflow template that is shipped with SAS Solution for CECL:



3

Here's your guide to Rays Spring Training

Baseball season is now on the clock and the Rays are looking to get back to the postseason for the first time since 2014. That quest will begin next week as Spring Training is finally upon us. Here's a primer to get you informed on all you need to know this spring.




3

Rays' 2019 mantra: Prepare to win from within

Over the past couple seasons, the Rays have preached patience as the organization provided time for the top prospects to make it up to the Majors. Now, the focus has been primarily in remaining flexible and keeping positions open for the young talent arriving from the Minors.




3

Bulked-up Duffy looks to sustain at plate in '19

As Matt Duffy entered the offseason, he knew that he needed to add strength in order to hold up over the course of a 162-game season. The 28-year old has been at the Rays' Spring Training facility in Port Charlotte, Fla., for about a week, and he believes his improved shape will help the team fight for a playoff spot in 2019.




3

Predicting Rays' Opening Day roster

Here's an early look at how the Rays' 25-man roster could shape up on Opening Day.




3

30 low-key acquisitions who could pay off big

Fans and analysts spend the entire offseason speculating where the top free agents could go, but sometimes an under-the-radar pickup can end up making a world of difference. As positional competitions begin to heat up at Spring Training camps this month, MLB.com's beat writers were asked to identify one potentially overlooked acquisition for each of the 30 clubs. Here's who they came up with.




3

Rays two-way prospect McKay to DH only in '19

Brendan McKay is still going to be a two-way player, but the Rays are planning to narrow his focus on the hitting side by keeping him to designated hitter-only duties, a source confirmed to MLB.com's Juan Toribio on Monday.




3

A little rain can't keep eager Rays from field

A rainy morning didn't stop the Rays' pitchers and catchers from officially taking the field Wednesday. "Other than the pitchers getting out there and getting in their legs a little bit and running some of the more casual [pitchers' fielding practice drills], everything is fine," manager Kevin Cash said.




3

Snell not feeling pressure in '19 after Cy win

After winning the 2018 American League Cy Young Award, Blake Snell said he doesn't feel "any pressure" in '19.




3

Rays' Top 30 Prospects list

Who do the Rays have in the pipeline? Get scouting reports, video, stats, projected ETAs and more for Tampa Bay's Top 30 Prospects on MLB Pipeline's Prospect Watch.




3

Kiermaier eyeing 'huge rebound year' in 2019

Kevin Kiermaier has always played with a chip on his shoulder, but he admits that there's some extra motivation heading into Spring Training after a frustrating 2018 season.




3

The Rays' Spring Training battle to watch

The next five weeks will see lots of shuffling on Major League rosters. Here are the most intriguing positional battles on each of the 30 MLB clubs.




3

Sternberg optimistic about 2019, Rays' stadium

Rays principal owner Stuart Sternberg won't make any big prediction entering the 2019 season, but he still expressed a lot of enthusiasm during Tuesday's media session.




3

Noncatalytic Bruton's tyrosine kinase activates PLC{gamma}2 variants mediating ibrutinib resistance in human chronic lymphocytic leukemia cells [Membrane Biology]

Treatment of patients with chronic lymphocytic leukemia (CLL) with inhibitors of Bruton's tyrosine kinase (BTK), such as ibrutinib, is limited by primary or secondary resistance to this drug. Examinations of CLL patients with late relapses while on ibrutinib, which inhibits BTK's catalytic activity, revealed several mutations in BTK, most frequently resulting in the C481S substitution, and disclosed many mutations in PLCG2, encoding phospholipase C-γ2 (PLCγ2). The PLCγ2 variants typically do not exhibit constitutive activity in cell-free systems, leading to the suggestion that in intact cells they are hypersensitive to Rac family small GTPases or to the upstream kinases spleen-associated tyrosine kinase (SYK) and Lck/Yes-related novel tyrosine kinase (LYN). The sensitivity of the PLCγ2 variants to BTK itself has remained unknown. Here, using genetically-modified DT40 B lymphocytes, along with various biochemical assays, including analysis of PLCγ2-mediated inositol phosphate formation, inositol phospholipid assessments, fluorescence recovery after photobleaching (FRAP) static laser microscopy, and determination of intracellular calcium ([Ca2+]i), we show that various CLL-specific PLCγ2 variants such as PLCγ2S707Y are hyper-responsive to activated BTK, even in the absence of BTK's catalytic activity and independently of enhanced PLCγ2 phospholipid substrate supply. At high levels of B-cell receptor (BCR) activation, which may occur in individual CLL patients, catalytically-inactive BTK restored the ability of the BCR to mediate increases in [Ca2+]i. Because catalytically-inactive BTK is insensitive to active-site BTK inhibitors, the mechanism involving the noncatalytic BTK uncovered here may contribute to preexisting reduced sensitivity or even primary resistance of CLL to these drugs.




3

Coregulator Sin3a Promotes Postnatal Murine {beta}-Cell Fitness by Regulating Genes in Ca2+ Homeostasis, Cell Survival, Vesicle Biosynthesis, Glucose Metabolism, and Stress Response

Swi-independent 3a and 3b (Sin3a and Sin3b) are paralogous transcriptional coregulators that direct cellular differentiation, survival, and function. Here, we report that mouse Sin3a and Sin3b are co-produced in most pancreatic cells during embryogenesis but become much more enriched in endocrine cells in adults, implying continued essential roles in mature endocrine-cell function. Mice with loss of Sin3a in endocrine progenitors were normal during early postnatal stages but gradually developed diabetes before weaning. These physiological defects were preceded by the compromised survival, insulin-vesicle packaging, insulin secretion, and nutrient-induced Ca2+ influx of Sin3a-deficient β-cells. RNA-seq coupled with candidate chromatin-immunoprecipitation assays revealed several genes that could be directly regulated by Sin3a in β-cells, which modulate Ca2+/ion transport, cell survival, vesicle/membrane trafficking, glucose metabolism, and stress responses. Lastly, mice with loss of both Sin3a and Sin3b in multipotent embryonic pancreatic progenitors had significantly reduced islet-cell mass at birth, caused by decreased endocrine-progenitor production and increased β-cell death. These findings highlight the stage-specific requirements for the presumed "general" coregulators Sin3a and Sin3b in islet β-cells, with Sin3a being dispensable for differentiation but required for postnatal function and survival.




3

Revisiting Proinsulin Processing: Evidence That Human {beta}-Cells Process Proinsulin With Prohormone Convertase (PC) 1/3 But Not PC2

Insulin is first produced in pancreatic β-cells as the precursor prohormone proinsulin. Defective proinsulin processing has been implicated in the pathogenesis of both type 1 and type 2 diabetes. Though there is substantial evidence that mouse β-cells process proinsulin using prohormone convertase 1/3 (PC1/3) then prohormone convertase 2 (PC2), this finding has not been verified in human β-cells. Immunofluorescence with validated antibodies reveals that there was no detectable PC2 immunoreactivity in human β-cells and little PCSK2 mRNA by in situ hybridization. Similarly, rat β-cells were not immunoreactive for PC2. In all histological experiments, PC2 immunoreactivity in neighbouring α-cells acts as a positive control. In donors with type 2 diabetes, β-cells had elevated PC2 immunoreactivity, suggesting that aberrant PC2 expression may contribute to impaired proinsulin processing in β-cells of patients with diabetes. To support histological findings using a biochemical approach, human islets were used for pulse-chase experiments. Despite inhibition of PC2 function by temperature blockade, brefeldin-A, chloroquine, and multiple inhibitors that blocked production of mature glucagon from proglucagon, β-cells retained the ability to produce mature insulin. Conversely, suppression of PC1/3 blocked processing of proinsulin but not proglucagon. By demonstrating that healthy human β-cells process proinsulin by PC1/3 but not PC2 we suggest that there is a need to revise the longstanding theory of proinsulin processing.




3

Motifs of Three HLA-DQ Amino Acid Residues ({alpha}44, {beta}57, {beta}135) Capture Full Association with the Risk of Type 1 Diabetes in DQ2 and DQ8 Children

HLA-DQA1 and -DQB1 are strongly associated with type 1 diabetes (T1D), and DQ8.1 and DQ2.5 are major risk haplotypes. Next generation targeted sequencing of HLA-DQA1 and -DQB1 in Swedish newly diagnosed 1-18 year-old patients (n=962) and controls (n=636) was used to construct abbreviated DQ haplotypes, converted into amino acid (AA) residues, and assessed for their associations with T1D. A hierarchically-organized haplotype (HOH) association analysis, allowed 45 unique DQ haplotypes to be categorized into seven clusters. The DQ8/9 cluster included two DQ8.1 risk and the DQ9 resistant haplotypes, and the DQ2 cluster, included the DQ2.5 risk and DQ2.2 resistant haplotypes. Within each cluster, HOH found residues α44Q (OR 3.29, p=2.38*10-85 ) and β57A (OR 3.44, p=3.80*10-84) to be associated with T1D in the DQ8/9 cluster representing all ten residues (α22, α23, α44, α49, α51, α53, α54, α73, α184, β57) due to complete linkage-disequilibrium (LD) of α44 with eight such residues. Within the DQ2 cluster and due to LD, HOH analysis found α44C and β135D to share the risk for T1D (OR 2.10, p=1.96*10-20). The motif "QAD" of α44, β57, and β135 captured the T1D risk association of DQ8.1 (OR 3.44, p=3.80*10-84), the corresponding motif "CAD" captured the risk association of DQ2.5 (OR 2.10, p=1.96*10-20). Two risk associations were related to GADA and IA-2A, but in opposite directions. "CAD" was positively associated with GADA (OR 1.56; p=6.35*10-8) but negatively with IA-2A (OR 0.59, p= 6.55*10-11). "QAD" was negatively associated with GADA (OR 0.88; p= 3.70*10-3) but positively with IA-2A (OR 1.64; p= 2.40*10-14), despite a single difference at α44. The residues are found in and around anchor pockets 1 and 9, as potential TCR contacts, in the areas for CD4 binding and putative homodimer formation. The identification of three HLA-DQ AA (α44, β57, β135) conferring T1D risk should sharpen functional and translational studies.




3

Potential Protection Against Type 2 Diabetes in Obesity Through Lower CD36 Expression and Improved Exocytosis in {beta}-Cells

Obesity is a risk factor for type 2 diabetes (T2D), however not all obese individuals develop the disease. In this study, we aimed to investigate the cause of differential insulin secretion capacity of pancreatic islets from T2D and non-T2D (ND) especially obese donors (BMI ≥30 kg/m2). Islets from obese T2D donors had reduced insulin secretion, decreased β-cell exocytosis and higher expression of fatty acid translocase CD36. We tested the hypothesis that CD36 is a key molecule in the reduced insulin secretion capacity. Indeed, CD36 overexpression led to decreased insulin secretion, impaired exocytosis and reduced granule docking. This was accompanied with reduced expression of the exocytotic proteins, SNAP25, STXBP1 and VAMP2, likely because CD36 induced down-regulation of the IRS proteins, suppressed insulin signaling PI3K-AKT pathway and increased nuclear localization of the transcription factor FoxO1. CD36 antibody treatment of the human β-cell line, EndoC-βH1, increased IRS1 and exocytotic protein levels, improved granule docking and enhanced insulin secretion. Our results demonstrate that β-cells from obese T2D donors have dysfunctional exocytosis likely due to an abnormal lipid handling represented by differential CD36 expression. Hence, CD36 could be a key molecule to limit β-cell function in T2D associated with obesity.




3

The Effects of B1344, a Novel Fibroblast Growth Factor 21 Analog, on Nonalcoholic Steatohepatitis in Nonhuman Primates

Nonalcoholic steatohepatitis has emerged as a major cause of liver diseases with no effective therapies. Here, we evaluate the efficacies and pharmacokinetics of B1344, a long-acting PEGylated FGF21 analog, in a nongenetically modified nonhuman primate species that underwent liver biopsy, and demonstrate the potential for efficacies in humans. B1344 is sufficient to selectively activate signaling from the βKlotho/FGFR1c receptor complex. In cynomolgus monkeys with nonalcoholic fatty liver disease, administration of B1344 via subcutaneous injection for eleven weeks caused a profound reduction of hepatic steatosis, inflammation and fibrosis, and amelioration of liver injury and hepatocyte death as evidenced by liver biopsy and biochemical analysis. Moreover, improvement of metabolic parameters was observed in the monkey, including reduction of body weight and improvement of lipid profiles and glycemic control. To determine the role of B1344 in the progression of murine NAFLD independent of obesity, administration of B1344 were performed in mice fed with methionine and choline deficiency diet. Consistently, B1344 administration prevented the mice from lipotoxicity damage and nonalcoholic steatohepatitis at a dose-dependent manner. These results provide preclinical validation for an innovative therapeutics to NAFLD, and support further clinical testing of B1344 for treating nonalcoholic steatohepatitis and other metabolic diseases in humans.




3

Low Dose IL-2 Combined with Rapamycin Led to an Expansion of CD4+CD25+FOXP3+ Tregs and Prolonged Human Islet-allograft Survival in Humanized Mice

Islet transplantation is an emerging therapy for type 1 diabetes (T1D) and hypoglycaemic unawareness. However, a key challenge for islet transplantation is cellular rejection and the requirement for long-term immunosuppression. In this study we established a diabetic-humanized NOD-scidIL2Rnull(NSG) mouse model of T cell mediated human islet-allograft rejection and developed a therapeutic regimen of low-dose recombinant human interleukin2(IL-2) combined with low-dose rapamycin to prolong graft survival. NSG-mice that had received renal-subcapsular human islet-allografts and were transfused with 1x107 of human-spleen-mononuclear-cells (hSPMCs), reconstituted human CD45+ cells that were predominantly CD3+ T cells and rejected their grafts with a median survival time of 27 days. IL-2 alone (0.3x106 IU/m2 or 1x106 IU/m2), or rapamycin alone (0.5-1mg/kg) for 3 weeks did not prolong survival. However, the combination of rapamycin with IL-2 for 3 weeks significantly prolonged human islet-allograft survival. Graft survival was associated with expansion of CD4+CD25+FOXP3+ Tregs and enhanced TGF-β production by CD4+ T cells. CD8+ T cells showed reduced IFN- production and reduced expression of perforin-1. The combination of IL-2 and rapamycin has the potential to inhibit human islet-allograft rejection by expanding CD4+FOXP3+ Tregs in vivo and supressing effector cell function, and could be the basis of effective tolerance-based regimens.




3

Repurposing Doxepin to Ameliorate Steatosis and Hyperglycemia by Activating FAM3A Signaling Pathway

Mitochondrial protein FAM3A suppresses hepatic gluconeogenesis and lipogenesis. This study aimed to screen drug(s) that activates FAM3A expression and evaluate its effect(s) on hyperglycemia and steatosis. Drug-repurposing methodology predicted that antidepressive drug doxepin was among the drugs that potentially activated FAM3A expression. Doxepin was further validated to stimulate the translocation of transcription factor HNF4α from the cytoplasm into the nucleus, where it promoted FAM3A transcription to enhance ATP synthesis, suppress gluconeogenesis, and reduce lipid deposition in hepatocytes. HNF4α antagonism or FAM3A deficiency blunted doxepin-induced suppression on gluconeogenesis and lipid deposition in hepatocytes. Doxepin administration attenuated hyperglycemia, steatosis, and obesity in obese diabetic mice with upregulated FAM3A expression in liver and brown adipose tissues (BAT). Notably, doxepin failed to correct dysregulated glucose and lipid metabolism in FAM3A-deficient mice fed on high-fat diet. Doxepin’s effects on ATP production, Akt activation, gluconeogenesis, and lipogenesis repression were also blunted in FAM3A-deficient mouse livers. In conclusion, FAM3A is a therapeutic target for diabetes and steatosis. Antidepressive drug doxepin activates FAM3A signaling pathways in liver and BAT to improve hyperglycemia and steatosis of obese diabetic mice. Doxepin might be preferentially recommended as an antidepressive drug in potential treatment of patients with diabetes complicated with depression.




3

The FKH domain in FOXP3 mRNA frequently contains mutations in hepatocellular carcinoma that influence the subcellular localization and functions of FOXP3 [Molecular Bases of Disease]

The transcription factor forkhead box P3 (FOXP3) is a biomarker for regulatory T cells and can also be expressed in cancer cells, but its function in cancer appears to be divergent. The role of hepatocyte-expressed FOXP3 in hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC) is unknown. Here, we collected tumor samples and clinical information from 115 HCC patients and used five human cancer cell lines. We examined FOXP3 mRNA sequences for mutations, used a luciferase assay to assess promoter activities of FOXP3's target genes, and employed mouse tumor models to confirm in vitro results. We detected mutations in the FKH domain of FOXP3 mRNAs in 33% of the HCC tumor tissues, but in none of the adjacent nontumor tissues. None of the mutations occurred at high frequency, indicating that they occurred randomly. Notably, the mutations were not detected in the corresponding regions of FOXP3 genomic DNA, and many of them resulted in amino acid substitutions in the FKH region, altering FOXP3's subcellular localization. FOXP3 delocalization from the nucleus to the cytoplasm caused loss of transcriptional regulation of its target genes, inactivated its tumor-inhibitory capability, and changed cellular responses to histone deacetylase (HDAC) inhibitors. More complex FKH mutations appeared to be associated with worse prognosis in HCC patients. We conclude that mutations in the FKH domain of FOXP3 mRNA frequently occur in HCC and that these mutations are caused by errors in transcription and are not derived from genomic DNA mutations. Our results suggest that transcriptional mutagenesis of FOXP3 plays a role in HCC.




3

Proline-rich 11 (PRR11) drives F-actin assembly by recruiting the actin-related protein 2/3 complex in human non-small cell lung carcinoma [DNA and Chromosomes]

The actin cytoskeleton is extremely dynamic and supports diverse cellular functions in many physiological and pathological processes, including tumorigenesis. However, the mechanisms that regulate the actin-related protein 2/3 (ARP2/3) complex and thereby promote actin polymerization and organization in cancer cells are not well-understood. We previously implicated the proline-rich 11 (PRR11) protein in lung cancer development. In this study, using immunofluorescence staining, actin polymerization assays, and siRNA-mediated gene silencing, we uncovered that cytoplasmic PRR11 is involved in F-actin polymerization and organization. We found that dysregulation of PRR11 expression results in F-actin rearrangement and nuclear instability in non-small cell lung cancer cells. Results from molecular mechanistic experiments indicated that PRR11 associates with and recruits the ARP2/3 complex, facilitates F-actin polymerization, and thereby disrupts the F-actin cytoskeleton, leading to abnormal nuclear lamina assembly and chromatin reorganization. Inhibition of the ARP2/3 complex activity abolished irregular F-actin polymerization, lamina assembly, and chromatin reorganization due to PRR11 overexpression. Notably, experiments with truncated PRR11 variants revealed that PRR11 regulates F-actin through different regions. We found that deletion of either the N or C terminus of PRR11 abrogates its effects on F-actin polymerization and nuclear instability and that deletion of amino acid residues 100–184 or 100–200 strongly induces an F-actin structure called the actin comet tail, not observed with WT PRR11. Our findings indicate that cytoplasmic PRR11 plays an essential role in regulating F-actin assembly and nuclear stability by recruiting the ARP2/3 complex in human non-small cell lung carcinoma cells.




3

Prominins control ciliary length throughout the animal kingdom: New lessons from human prominin-1 and zebrafish prominin-3 [Cell Biology]

Prominins (proms) are transmembrane glycoproteins conserved throughout the animal kingdom. They are associated with plasma membrane protrusions, such as primary cilia, as well as extracellular vesicles derived thereof. Primary cilia host numerous signaling pathways affected in diseases known as ciliopathies. Human PROM1 (CD133) is detected in both somatic and cancer stem cells and is also expressed in terminally differentiated epithelial and photoreceptor cells. Genetic mutations in the PROM1 gene result in retinal degeneration by impairing the proper formation of the outer segment of photoreceptors, a modified cilium. Here, we investigated the impact of proms on two distinct examples of ciliogenesis. First, we demonstrate that the overexpression of a dominant-negative mutant variant of human PROM1 (i.e. mutation Y819F/Y828F) significantly decreases ciliary length in Madin–Darby canine kidney cells. These results contrast strongly to the previously observed enhancing effect of WT PROM1 on ciliary length. Mechanistically, the mutation impeded the interaction of PROM1 with ADP-ribosylation factor–like protein 13B, a key regulator of ciliary length. Second, we observed that in vivo knockdown of prom3 in zebrafish alters the number and length of monocilia in the Kupffer's vesicle, resulting in molecular and anatomical defects in the left-right asymmetry. These distinct loss-of-function approaches in two biological systems reveal that prom proteins are critical for the integrity and function of cilia. Our data provide new insights into ciliogenesis and might be of particular interest for investigations of the etiologies of ciliopathies.




3

SUMOylation of the transcription factor ZFHX3 at Lys-2806 requires SAE1, UBC9, and PIAS2 and enhances its stability and function in cell proliferation [Protein Synthesis and Degradation]

SUMOylation is a posttranslational modification (PTM) at a lysine residue and is crucial for the proper functions of many proteins, particularly of transcription factors, in various biological processes. Zinc finger homeobox 3 (ZFHX3), also known as AT motif-binding factor 1 (ATBF1), is a large transcription factor that is active in multiple pathological processes, including atrial fibrillation and carcinogenesis, and in circadian regulation and development. We have previously demonstrated that ZFHX3 is SUMOylated at three or more lysine residues. Here, we investigated which enzymes regulate ZFHX3 SUMOylation and whether SUMOylation modulates ZFHX3 stability and function. We found that SUMO1, SUMO2, and SUMO3 each are conjugated to ZFHX3. Multiple lysine residues in ZFHX3 were SUMOylated, but Lys-2806 was the major SUMOylation site, and we also found that it is highly conserved among ZFHX3 orthologs from different animal species. Using molecular analyses, we identified the enzymes that mediate ZFHX3 SUMOylation; these included SUMO1-activating enzyme subunit 1 (SAE1), an E1-activating enzyme; SUMO-conjugating enzyme UBC9 (UBC9), an E2-conjugating enzyme; and protein inhibitor of activated STAT2 (PIAS2), an E3 ligase. Multiple analyses established that both SUMO-specific peptidase 1 (SENP1) and SENP2 deSUMOylate ZFHX3. SUMOylation at Lys-2806 enhanced ZFHX3 stability by interfering with its ubiquitination and proteasomal degradation. Functionally, Lys-2806 SUMOylation enabled ZFHX3-mediated cell proliferation and xenograft tumor growth of the MDA-MB-231 breast cancer cell line. These findings reveal the enzymes involved in, and the functional consequences of, ZFHX3 SUMOylation, insights that may help shed light on ZFHX3's roles in various cellular and pathophysiological processes.




3

Genetic lineage tracing with multiple DNA recombinases: A user's guide for conducting more precise cell fate mapping studies [Methods and Resources]

Site-specific recombinases, such as Cre, are a widely used tool for genetic lineage tracing in the fields of developmental biology, neural science, stem cell biology, and regenerative medicine. However, nonspecific cell labeling by some genetic Cre tools remains a technical limitation of this recombination system, which has resulted in data misinterpretation and led to many controversies in the scientific community. In the past decade, to enhance the specificity and precision of genetic targeting, researchers have used two or more orthogonal recombinases simultaneously for labeling cell lineages. Here, we review the history of cell-tracing strategies and then elaborate on the working principle and application of a recently developed dual genetic lineage-tracing approach for cell fate studies. We place an emphasis on discussing the technical strengths and caveats of different methods, with the goal to develop more specific and efficient tracing technologies for cell fate mapping. Our review also provides several examples for how to use different types of DNA recombinase–mediated lineage-tracing strategies to improve the resolution of the cell fate mapping in order to probe and explore cell fate–related biological phenomena in the life sciences.




3

The testis-specific LINC component SUN3 is essential for sperm head shaping during mouse spermiogenesis [Cell Biology]

Sperm head shaping is a key event in spermiogenesis and is tightly controlled via the acrosome–manchette network. Linker of nucleoskeleton and cytoskeleton (LINC) complexes consist of Sad1 and UNC84 domain–containing (SUN) and Klarsicht/ANC-1/Syne-1 homology (KASH) domain proteins and form conserved nuclear envelope bridges implicated in transducing mechanical forces from the manchette to sculpt sperm nuclei into a hook-like shape. However, the role of LINC complexes in sperm head shaping is still poorly understood. Here we assessed the role of SUN3, a testis-specific LINC component harboring a conserved SUN domain, in spermiogenesis. We show that CRISPR/Cas9-generated Sun3 knockout male mice are infertile, displaying drastically reduced sperm counts and a globozoospermia-like phenotype, including a missing, mislocalized, or fragmented acrosome, as well as multiple defects in sperm flagella. Further examination revealed that the sperm head abnormalities are apparent at step 9 and that the sperm nuclei fail to elongate because of the absence of manchette microtubules and perinuclear rings. These observations indicate that Sun3 deletion likely impairs the ability of the LINC complex to transduce the cytoskeletal force to the nuclear envelope, required for sperm head elongation. We also found that SUN3 interacts with SUN4 in mouse testes and that the level of SUN4 proteins is drastically reduced in Sun3-null mice. Altogether, our results indicate that SUN3 is essential for sperm head shaping and male fertility, providing molecular clues regarding the underlying pathology of the globozoospermia-like phenotype.




3

Zaidi: 'Mutual interest' between Giants, Harper

Giants president of baseball operations Farhan Zaidi would prefer to stay mum when it comes to his forays into the free-agent market, but he realized there was no use in attempting to obscure the club's meeting with superstar Bryce Harper in Las Vegas earlier this week.




3

Predicting the Giants' Opening Day roster

With Spring Training set to kick off Tuesday, it feels like an opportune time to put together a way-too-early look at who might be with the Giants when they begin their regular season against the Padres on March 28.




3

30 low-key acquisitions who could pay off big

Fans and analysts spend the entire offseason speculating where the top free agents could go, but sometimes an under-the-radar pickup can end up making a world of difference. As positional competitions begin to heat up at Spring Training camps this month, MLB.com's beat writers were asked to identify one potentially overlooked acquisition for each of the 30 clubs. Here's who they came up with.




3

Bumgarner 'would love to stay' with Giants

Despite trade speculation, Madison Bumgarner arrived at Scottsdale Stadium on Tuesday as Giants pitchers and catchers reported for Spring Training. He's still on track to be the club's starter on Opening Day, though his future in San Francisco remains murky as he prepares to enter his final season before free agency.




3

Parra's addition provides veteran OF presence

The Giants have expressed a desire to add multiple veteran outfielders throughout the offseason, and they made their first notable acquisition earlier this week after signing Gerardo Parra to a Minor League contract.




3

Giants' Top 30 Prospects list

Who do the Giants have in the pipeline? Get scouting reports, video, stats, projected ETAs and more for San Francisco's Top 30 Prospects on MLB Pipeline's Prospect Watch.




3

The Giants' Spring Training battle to watch

The next five weeks will see lots of shuffling on Major League rosters. Here are the most intriguing positional battles on each of the 30 MLB clubs.




3

'It's time': Giants' Bochy to retire after this season

Bruce Bochy, who guided the Giants to three World Series championships in 2010, '12 and '14, announced Monday that he will retire at the end of the 2019 season, capping a celebrated 25-year managerial career in the Majors.




3

Giants in no hurry to look for Bochy's successor

Giants president of baseball operations Farhan Zaidi knows he will eventually have to start compiling a list of potential candidates to succeed Bruce Bochy as manager, but the upcoming search isn't currently at the forefront of his mind.




3

Melding the best of two worlds: Cecil Pickett's work on cellular oxidative stress and in drug discovery and development [Molecular Bases of Disease]

Many chemicals and cellular processes cause oxidative stress that can damage lipids, proteins, or DNA (1). To quickly sense and respond to this ubiquitous threat, organisms have evolved enzymes that neutralize harmful oxidants such as reactive oxygen species and electrophilic compounds (including xenobiotics and their breakdown products) in cells.These antioxidant enzymes include GSH S-transferase (GST),2 NADPH:quinone oxidoreductase 1, thioredoxin, hemeoxygenase-1, and others (2, 3). Many of these proteins are commonly expressed in cells exposed to oxidative stress.The antioxidant response element (ARE) is a major regulatory component of this cellular stress response. The ARE is a conserved, 11-nucleotide-long DNA motif present in the 5'-flanking regions of many genes encoding antioxidant proteins. The laboratory of Cecil Pickett (Fig. 1) at the Merck Frosst Centre for Therapeutic Research in Quebec discovered ARE, a finding reported in the early 1990s in two JBC papers recognized as Classics here (4, 5).jbc;295/12/3929/F1F1F1Figure 1.Cecil Pickett (pictured) and colleagues first described the ARE motif, present in the 5' regions of many genes whose expression is up-regulated by oxidative stress and xenobiotics. Photo courtesy of Cecil Pickett.ARE's discovery was spurred in large part by Pickett's career choice. After completing a PhD in biology and a 2-year postdoc at UCLA in the mid-1970s, he began to work in the pharmaceutical industry.Recruited to Merck in 1978 by its then head of research and development (and later CEO), Roy Vagelos, “I became interested in how drug-metabolizing enzymes were induced by various xenobiotics,” Pickett says.According to Pickett, Vagelos encouraged researchers at the company...




3

The Security Council's peacekeeping trilemma

4 March 2020 , Volume 96, Number 2

Paul D. Williams

The United Nations (UN) Security Council is stuck in a peacekeeping trilemma. This is a situation where the Council's three strategic goals for peacekeeping operations—implementing broad mandates, minimizing peacekeeper casualties and maximizing cost-effectiveness—cannot be achieved simultaneously. This trilemma stems from longstanding competing pressures on how the Council designs UN peacekeeping operations as well as political divisions between peacekeeping's three key groups of stakeholders: the states that authorize peacekeeping mandates, those that provide most of the personnel and field capabilities, and those that pay the majority of the bill. Fortunately, the most negative consequences of the trilemma can be mitigated and perhaps even transcended altogether. Mitigation would require the Council to champion and implement four main reforms: improving peacekeeper performance, holding peacekeepers accountable for misdeeds, adopting prioritized and sequenced mandates, and strengthening the financial basis for UN peacekeeping. Transcending the trilemma would require a more fundamental reconfiguration of the key stakeholder groups in order to create much greater unity of effort behind a re-envisaged peacekeeping enterprise. This is highly unlikely in the current international political context.




3

'The Truth is, Chile is Unequal': What's Behind Chile's Protests

18 December 2019

Dr Christopher Sabatini

Senior Research Fellow for Latin America, US and the Americas Programme

Lyndsey Jefferson

Digital Editor, Communications and Publishing Department
As part of a series on global protests, Dr Christopher Sabatini tells Lyndsey Jefferson why Chileans are taking to the streets.

GettyImages-1177498531.jpg

A demonstrator waves a Chilean flag during a protest in Santiago on 21 October 2019. Photo: Getty Images.

Why are these protests happening now?

The truth is, Chile is unequal, even though it actually reduced poverty from 1989, the time of the democratic transition, until today, from 40% to 16%.

There are a number of reasons for the protests. One is the most proximate cause, which is the increase in the subway fares, but that really doesn’t explain the underlying tensions.

One of those tensions is despite reductions in poverty, social mobility remains a large problem in Chile. It remains a very elitist country with limited social mobility. So, poverty may be reduced, but the likelihood that someone in the working middle class would reach the upper middle class has always been a stretch.

The second issue is a lack of political change. The last four presidents were the same two people.

Chile’s been governed, with the exception of Piñera, basically by the same political coalition, La Concertación, which is a combination of the Christian Democratic and Socialist parties. Piñera came from the right, an outside party, but even he has remained. There has been no renewal of the political leadership which again reinforces that lack of social mobility. 

Do the protesters have any other demands or grievances? 

The demands are amorphous and that’s part of the issue – they’re going to be difficult to meet. People are expressing a genuine desire for change but what would that change mean?

Chileans don’t necessarily want to change the economic model; they simply want more mobility. That’s difficult to do and these are untested demands. 

Chileans also want political reform. What Piñera offered is to rewrite the constitution, which was created under military government in 1980. Other than some changes here and there in terms of the electoral system and reduction of military power, it has pretty much remained intact.

Will constitutional change really address these demands? It’s simply a document that may create the rules for how power is allocated and conducted, but it’s not going to dramatically remake Chilean society.

You mentioned inequality as a key driver of the protests. Can you expand a bit more on the current economic situation of ordinary Chileans?

Chile is going to grow at only around 2-3%, but it was growing at around 4-5% earlier. A lot of those funds were ploughed into social programmes that have since been reduced. 

Chile’s economy really boomed in the early 2000s because of Chinese demands of Chilean imports. But as with any sort of commodities-based economy, the jobs it provides tend to be lower wage.

As a result, despite the fact that Chile tried to diversify its economy by investing in entrepreneurship and innovation, it hasn’t grown in a way that provides jobs that many associate with upward mobility. As Chile's economy cooled, its ability to lift people out of poverty lagged as well.

Demonstrators hold placards depicting eyes – in reference to police pellets hitting demonstrators' eyes – during a protest in Santiago on 10 December 2019. Photo: Getty Images.

Two major issues for the protesters are education and pensions – can you explain why this is?

These are two issues of the economic and social model that was held up at one time as being a model for the region, the neoliberal models that are really coming under question and are in some ways at the heart of this.

One is the privatized pension system which is failing to produce the returns that retirees need to survive. The second is the education system. Chile created a voucher system where parents can shop around and send their kids to the best schools. The idea was to create competition among schools to improve.

The problem was like any market, it created a certain amount of inequality among schools. There was a problem of some schools underperforming and being relegated poorer performing students, or students being forced to go to those schools because the more successful schools were already spoken for. 

At the end of October, the government announced a series of social reforms. Will this be enough to satisfy the protesters’ demands?

Social reforms may address some of the issues of insufficient pensions or lack of quality education, but it will take a while for them to have an effect.

The second thing is, social reforms don’t address the issues of power. At the heart of this is this idea of closed economic, political and social power. That comes about through economic growth and how you break up concentrations of wealth. Social reforms aren’t going to do that, although they’ll help on the margins. 

We’re seeing horrific scenes of police violence against protesters and dozens of people have died. Has this deterred the protesters in any way? 

No, in many ways it has sort of inspired them. It has, I think, sustained the protests.

We’re not talking massive repression and tanks rolling in like Tiananmen Square. We’re talking about tear gas, rubber bullets, some injuries and deaths, and even credible reports of torture.

It’s funny you should mention this – a class I’m teaching today is about social media and protests. One of the central arguments is that successful social protests need a martyr; they need a rallying cry.

The deaths and the repression sort of help sustain that, but moreover, social media helps communicate what’s happening through videos and pictures. It really helps maintain this sense of righteousness, disdain for the government, and this idea of the need to demand change.

Where do you see this going next?

I don’t think we know. In the 60s and 70s, the political scientist Samuel Huntington argued in Political Order in Changing Societies that as economies grow, political institutions often strain to contain and channel demands. I think we’re seeing this now.

This social ferment over political, economic and social demands is uncharted water. I don’t know where this will go, but I think we’ll see a change in the constitution. We’ve already seen a fragmenting of the party system, which I think will continue. Hopefully, that will lead to new leadership that can help reflect a change in Chile itself. 




3

Democrats Have Set Themselves Up to Fail in November's Election

21 February 2020

Dr Lindsay Newman

Senior Research Fellow, US and the Americas Programme
Debates and caucuses are proving that the party took the wrong lesson from the midterms. They're now applying that lesson to 2020 with potentially disastrous results.

2020-02-21-DemDebate.jpg

2020 Democratic presidential candidates at the debate in Las Vegas on 19 February. Photo: Getty Images.

The Democratic Party’s struggle for its future policy direction is evident this election season. The primary results in Iowa and New Hampshire, narrow first- and second-place finishes for Senator Bernie Sanders (a progressive) and former South Bend mayor Pete Buttigieg (a moderate), were just two indicators. During Wednesday night’s debate in Las Vegas, the split became even more obvious.

The six candidates onstage clashed on ideology (socialism and capitalism, progressivism and centrism) as well as policy (healthcare, climate change, fossil fuels, criminal justice, China). Buttigieg made plain the stakes for Democrats, saying, 'We’ve got to wake up as a party.'

If a Democratic candidate is elected to be the United States’ 46th president on 3 November, it will be despite this unresolved intra-party struggle.

One lesson the Democratic Party has taken from the 2018 midterm elections is that running candidates across the ideological spectrum is a winning formula.

It is easy to see how they came to this conclusion following the 2016 presidential and 2018 Congressional election experiences. In 2016, the favoured candidate status of former secretary of state Hillary Clinton deterred other aspirants from entering the Democratic primary ahead of a general election she went on to lose to Republican Donald Trump. In 2018, progressive and moderate centrist candidates, both first-timers and incumbents, ran and Democrats retook leadership in the House of Representatives with a 235-seat majority.

But what if this conclusion was noise and not the signal?

The Democratic National Committee (DNC) set the rules for the 2020 election based on the theory that by allowing an inclusive field (more than two dozen candidates entered the presidential race) the campaign processes, including debates, caucuses and primaries, would ultimately identify the most robust, representative candidate to go up against Donald Trump. Perhaps, and somewhat ironically, the 2016 Republican primary process, which involved a wide field culled by Trump’s unexpected success, informed the DNC’s reforms. And while very nice as a hypothesis of Bayesian updating, what has unfolded instead is a scattershot four-way — at times even five-way — race.

In the midst of this party divide, whoever ends up being the Democratic nominee will likely not represent the views of some meaningful proportion of the Democratic base. While healthcare remains the top issue across the Democratic electorate, there are those (candidates and voters) who want a single-payer option for all without a private insurance option and those who want to expand healthcare access while maintaining private insurers. Likewise, on foreign policy, there are those who link US trade policy with protecting American workers and who would therefore continue to use tariffs as a key trade policy, as well as those critical of Trump’s reliance on tariffs.

Compare that with the current state of the Republican Party. Trump’s approval with Republicans is in the high 80s, sometimes even low 90s, and after all but one Republican senator voted to acquit him in the Senate impeachment trial, the party is undeniably Trump’s. A sure sign is the historic turnout for Trump in his essentially uncontested Iowa and New Hampshire primaries.

Their own divisions pose a number of risks, then, for Democrats heading into November’s general election. The first one relates to vulnerabilities arising out of the primary process itself. If the fractures emerging from Iowa and New Hampshire persist, the likelihood of a quick wrap-up of the Democratic primary by April reduces, and the possibility of a contested Democratic convention in July increases (even if from a low base). While exciting television and Twitter fodder, a lengthy primary positions Democrats to go into the fall facing questions of party disunity behind the eventual nominee.

Although complicated to demonstrate empirically, some work has been done to understand whether the protracted 2016 Democratic primary and Sanders’ slow support for Democratic nominee Clinton in 2016 played a part in her defeat and Trump’s electoral success. A delayed general election campaign for the eventual Democratic nominee in 2020 almost certainly advantages President Trump’s money machine, which reportedly has more than twice as much on hand as then-president Barack Obama had going into his 2012 re-election. Further, unlike 2016, which was an open-seat election for the presidency, in 2020 Trump will have a demonstrated incumbent advantage.

The Democratic Party’s succession battle also raises risks around general election turnout. If Sanders is the party’s nominee, Biden or Buttigieg’s constituency may not come out to vote for him. More worrisome for Democrats, if Sanders is the party’s nominee then centrist voters, including those representing the finance industry, may peel off and vote for Trump, who has overseen economic expansion and record unemployment rates following the 2017 tax overhaul and various deregulations.

Alternatively, if Biden, Buttigieg or former mayor Michael Bloomberg become the nominee, Sanders’ many loyal supporters are likely to feel their policy priorities are not represented. And if those voters stay home because the Democratic nominee is not promising a political revolution, evidence suggests that depressed turnout levels may favour Republicans.

A third political peril relates to the business of legislating after the election. If despite the potential pitfalls a Democratic candidate manoeuvres and manages to build a winning coalition on 3 November, they will face the reality of legislative politics, which over the last 10 years have been defined by policy gridlock. Obama managed to get Obamacare through both Democratic-majority congressional chambers, but presided over divided chambers for the remainder of his term. Similarly, Trump’s major legislative accomplishment — the 2017 tax overhaul — was a result of Republican control in both the House of Representatives and the Senate.

A Democratic president will have to make progress on his or her agenda given not only the typical Republican-Democrat divide in Congress, but also facing potential raw divisions within the Democratic Party itself. In such a scenario, a Democratic administration may be tempted to take an expansive view of the president’s authority as we have seen under Trump, including relying on executive actions (tariffs and sanctions) on foreign policy.

The Democratic National Convention in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, beginning 13 July, and the party platform crafted over those four days present an essential opportunity to resolve the party’s divisions before November. If left unchecked, the party might find that its ex ante strategy for the 2020 Democratic primary ends in Trump’s re-election.

This article was originally published in the Independent.




3

America's Coronavirus Response Is Shaped By Its Federal Structure

16 March 2020

Dr Leslie Vinjamuri

Dean, Queen Elizabeth II Academy for Leadership in International Affairs; Director, US and the Americas Programme
The apparent capacity of centralized state authority to respond effectively and rapidly is making headlines. In the United States, the opposite has been true.

2020-03-16-Coronavirus-America.jpg

Harvard asked its students to move out of their dorms due to the coronavirus risk, with all classes moving online. Photo by Maddie Meyer/Getty Images.

As coronavirus spreads across the globe, states grapple to find the ideal strategy for coping with the global pandemic. And, in China, Singapore, South Korea, the US, the UK, and Europe, divergent policies are a product of state capacity and legal authority, but they also reveal competing views about the optimal role of centralized state authority, federalism, and the private sector.

Although it is too soon to know the longer-term effects, the apparent capacity of centralized state authority in China, South Korea and Singapore to respond effectively and rapidly is making headlines. In the United States, the opposite has been true. 

America’s response is being shaped by its federal structure, a dynamic private sector, and a culture of civic engagement. In the three weeks since the first US case of coronavirus was confirmed, state leaders, public health institutions, corporations, universities and churches have been at the vanguard of the nation’s effort to mitigate its spread.

Images of safety workers in hazmat suits disinfecting offices of multinational corporations and university campuses populate American Facebook pages. The contrast to the White House effort to manage the message, downplay, then rapidly escalate its estimation of the crisis is stark.

Bewildering response

For European onlookers, the absence of a clear and focused response from the White House is bewildering. By the time President Donald Trump declared a national emergency, several state emergencies had already been called, universities had shifted to online learning, and churches had begun to close.

By contrast, in Italy, France, Spain and Germany, the state has led national efforts to shutter borders and schools. In the UK, schools are largely remaining open as Prime Minister Boris Johnson has declared a strategy defined by herd immunity, which hinges on exposing resilient populations to the virus.

But America has never shared Europe’s conviction that the state must lead. The Center for Disease Control and Prevention, the leading national public health institute and a US federal agency, has attempted to set a benchmark for assessing the crisis and advising the nation. But in this instance, its response has been slowed due to faults in the initial tests it attempted to rollout. The Federal Reserve has moved early to cut interest rates and cut them again even further this week.

But states were the real first movers in America’s response and have been using their authority to declare a state of emergency independent of the declaration of a national emergency. This has allowed states to mobilize critical resources, and to pressure cities into action. After several days delay and intense public pressure, New York Governor Andrew Cuomo forced New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio to close the city’s schools.

Declarations of state emergencies by individual states have given corporations, universities and churches the freedom and legitimacy to move rapidly, and ahead of the federal government, to halt the spread in their communities.

Washington state was the first to declare a state of emergency. Amazon, one of the state’s leading employers, quickly announced a halt to all international travel and, alongside Microsoft, donated $1million to a rapid-response Seattle-based emergency funds. States have nudged their corporations to be first movers in the sector’s coronavirus response. But corporations have willingly taken up the challenge, often getting ahead of state as well as federal action.

Google moved rapidly to announce a move allowing employees to work from home after California declared a state of emergency. Facebook soon followed with an even more stringent policy, insisting employees work from home. Both companies have also met with World Health Organization (WHO) officials to talk about responses, and provided early funding for WHO’s Solidarity Response Fund set up in partnership with the UN Foundation and the Swiss Philanthropy Foundation.

America’s leading research universities, uniquely positioned with in-house public health and legal expertise, have also been driving preventive efforts. Just days after Washington declared a state of emergency, the University of Washington became the first to announce an end to classroom teaching and move courses online. A similar pattern followed at Stanford, Harvard, Princeton and Columbia - each also following the declaration of a state of emergency.

In addition, the decision by the Church of the Latter Day Saints to cancel its services worldwide followed Utah’s declaration of a state of emergency.

The gaping hole in the US response has been the national government. President Trump’s declaration of a national emergency came late, and his decision to ban travel from Europe but - at least initially - exclude the UK, created uncertainty and concern that the White House response is as much driven by politics as evidence.

This may soon change, as the House of Representatives has passed a COVID-19 response bill that the Senate will consider. These moves are vital to supporting state and private efforts to mobilize an effective response to a national and global crisis.

Need for public oversight

In the absence of greater coordination and leadership from the centre, the US response will pale in comparison to China’s dramatic moves to halt the spread. The chaos across America’s airports shows the need for public oversight. As New York State Governor Cuomo pleaded for federal government support to build new hospitals, he said: ‘I can’t do it. You can’t leave it to the states.'

When it comes to global pandemics, we may be discovering that authoritarian states can have a short-term advantage, but already Iran’s response demonstrates that this is not universally the case. Over time, the record across authoritarian states as they tackle the coronavirus will become more apparent, and it is likely to be mixed.

Open societies remain essential. Prevention requires innovation, creativity, open sharing of information, and the ability to inspire and mobilize international cooperation. The state is certainly necessary, but it is not sufficient alone.




3

COVID-19: America's Looming Election Crisis

8 April 2020

Dr Lindsay Newman

Senior Research Fellow, US and the Americas Programme
Planning now is essential to ensure the legitimacy of November’s elections is not impacted by COVID-19, as vulnerabilities are becoming ever more apparent if voting in person is restricted.

2020-04-08-COVID-US-election

Roadside voting in Madison, Wisconsin in April 2020. Because of coronavirus, the number of polling places was drastically reduced. Photo by Andy Manis/Getty Images.

The COVID-19 epidemic has hit every aspect of American life. The upcoming November general elections will not be immune to the virus’ impact and may be scheduled to happen while the pandemic remains active, or has returned.

There is a danger the epidemic forces change to the way voting takes place this fall, amplifying risks around election security and voter suppression that ultimately undermine the integrity of the elections.

This is further highlighted by the US Supreme Court’s last-minute ruling along ideological lines to restrict an extension on the absentee voting period in the Wisconsin Democratic presidential primary despite the level of infections in the state, forcing voters into a trade-off between their health and their right to vote. The US could be thrown into a political crisis in addition to the health and economic crises it already faces.

Bipartisan sentiment

While France, Chile and Bolivia have already postponed elections in the wake of COVID-19, there is a bipartisan sentiment that the US elections should be held as scheduled on the Tuesday after the first Monday in November. This is enshrined not only in America’s sense of itself – having weathered elections during a civil war, a world war and heightened terrorist alert before – but also in its federal law since 1845.

Despite increasing appetite for federal elections to go ahead in November, there are serious vulnerabilities, which are already becoming visible as connections are drawn between mail-in voting and voter fraud, greater voter access and disadvantages for the Republican party, and city polling closures and Democratic voter suppression.

Concerns around voting access have gained the most attention. If voting in-person is untenable or risky (especially for vulnerable health populations), voters must have alternative means to cast ballots.

During negotiations for the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act, the Democratic caucus in the House of Representatives proposed $4 billion in state election grants and a nationally-mandated period for early voting and no-excuse absentee voting.

But the final CARES Act sidestepped the access question and stripped funding to $400 million for election security grants to ‘prevent, prepare for, and respond to coronavirus, domestically or internationally, for the 2020 Federal election cycle’. Without knowing exactly what is in store from a cyber-threat perspective, the actual cost for basic election security upgrades is estimated to be $2.1billion. And that is a pre-COVID-19 calculation.

With social-distanced voters likely to be getting more election information than ever from social media, information security is critical to prevent influence from untrustworthy sources. And opportunities for cyber intrusions are likely to increase as states transition to greater virtual registration, plus absentee and mail-in balloting.

This will open new doors on well-documented, existing voter suppression efforts. With the Supreme Court clawing back the Voting Rights Act in 2013 - allowing certain states to make changes to election and voting laws without federal pre-clearance - heightened election security requirements, such as exact match campaigns and voter purges, have been used to justify voter suppression.

As more vote remotely in the remaining primaries (many now rescheduled for 2 June) and the November general elections, the added burden on states around verification will only increase temptation to set aside ‘non-compliant’ ballots. Especially as some in the Republican Party, including Donald Trump, have advocated a contested view that higher turnout favours the Democratic Party.

A fundamental principle of US democracy is that losers of elections respect the result, but history shows that election results have been contested. In 2000, it took weeks for a result to be confirmed in the presidential election. More recently, in the 2018 race for governor in Georgia, allegations of voter suppression raised questions about the validity of the eventual result.

Without proper access, security, and verification the electoral process – whenever it takes place – will become vulnerable to questions of integrity. The federal response to the initial spread of COVID-19 saw costly delays which pushed the US into a public health crisis and economic contraction.

Any narrative thread of election illegitimacy with November’s elections will further pull apart the fabric of a country already frayed by coronavirus. Federal and state authorities must start planning now for how the US will hold elections in the midst - or immediate aftermath - of COVID-19.




3

Webinar: Does COVID-19 Spell the End of America's Interest in Globalization?

Research Event

19 May 2020 - 2:00pm to 3:00pm
Add to Calendar
Dr Anne-Marie Slaughter, CEO, New America
Professor Stephen Walt, Robert and Renee Belfer Professor of International Affairs, Harvard Kennedy School
Chair: Dr Leslie Vinjamuri, Director, US and Americas Programme, Chatham House
This  event is  part of the US and Americas Programme Inaugural Virtual Roundtable Series on the US and the State of the World and will take place virtually only.
 
Please note this event is taking place between 2pm to 3pm BST.

US and Americas Programme

Department/project




3

thor's hammer

thor's hammerthor's hammerthor's hammerthor's hammerthor's hammerthor's hammerthor's hammerthor's hammerthor's hammerthor's hammerthor's hammerthor's hammerthor's hammerthor's hammer



  • Computer and Technology

3

JDF promises 'strong' action against abusive soldiers

The Jamaica Defence Force (JDF) is promising "strong" action against soldiers found guilty of instructing violators of the national nightly COVID-19 curfew to engage in “corrective measures”. News of the allegations came in an...