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‘DOG-EAT-DOG’ TIME IN D’CUP - A15 /// MANNING CUP CHAMPIONS READY TO SHIFT GEAR - A18

PROMOTED RACING, CHAPELTON MAROONS RENEW RIVALRY IN JPL - A16 FUNCAANDUN SET FOR FIFTH STRAIGHT WIN - A21




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Near-death experience inspires Benzly Hype’s album

An out-of-body experience is the inspiration behind Benzly Hype's latest album Star Its The 7th Year. Released on November 7, the entertainer said the project was done to bring back joy in music and will leave its listeners in an upbeat mood....




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Workers at the Secrets and Breathless resorts protest overwork and low wages

Staff at the Secrets and Breathless resorts in Montego Bay, St James, walked off the job this morning complaining of overwork, low wages, lack of overtime pay and disrespect.




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Importance of endothelial Hey1 expression for thoracic great vessel development and its distal enhancer for Notch-dependent endothelial transcription [Gene Regulation]

Thoracic great vessels such as the aorta and subclavian arteries are formed through dynamic remodeling of embryonic pharyngeal arch arteries (PAAs). Previous work has shown that loss of a basic helix-loop-helix transcription factor Hey1 in mice causes abnormal fourth PAA development and lethal great vessel anomalies resembling congenital malformations in humans. However, how Hey1 mediates vascular formation remains unclear. In this study, we revealed that Hey1 in vascular endothelial cells, but not in smooth muscle cells, played essential roles for PAA development and great vessel morphogenesis in mouse embryos. Tek-Cre–mediated Hey1 deletion in endothelial cells affected endothelial tube formation and smooth muscle differentiation in embryonic fourth PAAs and resulted in interruption of the aortic arch and other great vessel malformations. Cell specificity and signal responsiveness of Hey1 expression were controlled through multiple cis-regulatory regions. We found two distal genomic regions that had enhancer activity in endothelial cells and in the pharyngeal epithelium and somites, respectively. The novel endothelial enhancer was conserved across species and was specific to large-caliber arteries. Its transcriptional activity was regulated by Notch signaling in vitro and in vivo, but not by ALK1 signaling and other transcription factors implicated in endothelial cell specificity. The distal endothelial enhancer was not essential for basal Hey1 expression in mouse embryos but may likely serve for Notch-dependent transcriptional control in endothelial cells together with the proximal regulatory region. These findings help in understanding the significance and regulation of endothelial Hey1 as a mediator of multiple signaling pathways in embryonic vascular formation.




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Unique active-site and subsite features in the arabinogalactan-degrading GH43 exo-{beta}-1,3-galactanase from Phanerochaete chrysosporium [Enzymology]

Arabinogalactan proteins (AGPs) are plant proteoglycans with functions in growth and development. However, these functions are largely unexplored, mainly because of the complexity of the sugar moieties. These carbohydrate sequences are generally analyzed with the aid of glycoside hydrolases. The exo-β-1,3-galactanase is a glycoside hydrolase from the basidiomycete Phanerochaete chrysosporium (Pc1,3Gal43A), which specifically cleaves AGPs. However, its structure is not known in relation to its mechanism bypassing side chains. In this study, we solved the apo and liganded structures of Pc1,3Gal43A, which reveal a glycoside hydrolase family 43 subfamily 24 (GH43_sub24) catalytic domain together with a carbohydrate-binding module family 35 (CBM35) binding domain. GH43_sub24 is known to lack the catalytic base Asp conserved among other GH43 subfamilies. Our structure in combination with kinetic analyses reveals that the tautomerized imidic acid group of Gln263 serves as the catalytic base residue instead. Pc1,3Gal43A has three subsites that continue from the bottom of the catalytic pocket to the solvent. Subsite −1 contains a space that can accommodate the C-6 methylol of Gal, enabling the enzyme to bypass the β-1,6–linked galactan side chains of AGPs. Furthermore, the galactan-binding domain in CBM35 has a different ligand interaction mechanism from other sugar-binding CBM35s, including those that bind galactomannan. Specifically, we noted a Gly → Trp substitution, which affects pyranose stacking, and an Asp → Asn substitution in the binding pocket, which recognizes β-linked rather than α-linked Gal residues. These findings should facilitate further structural analysis of AGPs and may also be helpful in engineering designer enzymes for efficient biomass utilization.




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Unrest Threatens Ethiopia’s Transition Under Abiy Ahmed

24 July 2020

Abel Abate Demissie

Associate Fellow, Africa Programme

Ahmed Soliman

Research Fellow, Horn of Africa, Africa Programme
Ethiopia is experiencing a turbulent transition. The uncompromising approach of political forces threatens to tear the country apart and reverse the hard-won gains made in recent years.

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Burned buildings which were set on fire during the violence after the assassination of Oromo's pop singer Hachalu Hundessa are seen in Shashamene, Ethiopia on 12 July 2020. Photo: Getty Images.

Violent unrest in Addis Ababa and the surrounding Oromia region has led to the loss of over 177 lives, with the detention of thousands and widespread destruction to property. The rise of identity-based conflict and related political tension is the most severe test of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s leadership since he came to power two years ago.

Protests erupted after the assassination on the 29th of June of Hachalu Hundessa, a prominent Oromo singer and activist. They spiralled into widespread rioting, looting and arson which devastated some towns. Targeted attacks and killings, particularly against ethnic minorities in Oromia, have damaged communities’ social fabric and heightened regional tensions.

The motives behind Hachalu’s murder are not fully understood. Suspects linked to a militant faction of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) have been arrested, while the government has blamed the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and certain prominent activist-politicians for inciting ethnic violence and attempting to derail Ethiopia’s fragile political liberalization. With investigations not yet concluded, any exploitation of this tragedy for political gain and without adequate due process is likely to further erode trust in the government and public institutions. 

Ethiopia’s progress halting under Abiy Ahmed

The prime minister came to power with a vision of national unity – encapsulated in his ideology of Medemer – and implemented a raft of reforms aimed at strengthening institutions and increasing political space, inclusivity and freedoms. Abiy was awarded the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize for Ethiopia’s rapprochement with Eritrea, alongside domestic progress. He was lauded for mediating within the region, including in Sudan following the ouster of Omar al-Bashir.

However, Ethiopia’s simmering ethnic and political divisions have deep roots, with structural problems that have been insufficiently addressed under Abiy’s helm. These include conflicting narratives about Ethiopia’s history, an unfinished federal project and tensions over the division of power between the centre and the regions.

There is also the desire for better representation from various ethnic groups, linked to the pursuit of greater autonomy in many places, notably in the ethnically diverse southern region. Reforms have increased expectations among competing constituencies, heightening tensions further.

There are signs that Ethiopia is sliding dangerously backwards, particularly on security and democracy. The country has seen worsening levels of militant ethno-nationalism and inter-communal violence, a dangerous standoff between the federal government and Tigray region, and an increase in politically motivated deaths.

This has been compounded by the government turning to familiar, heavy-handed and securitized responses to law and order challenges, including intimidation and mass arrests of civilians, opposition politicians and journalists, and shutting off the internet. The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission called for security forces to refrain from punitive measures and pursue conciliatory approaches in implementing the state of emergency measures brought in to deal with COVID-19.

The country is also facing a triple economic shock caused by the pandemic, renewed instability and devastating desert locust swarms. The IMF recently reduced Ethiopia’s GDP growth projections for 2019/2020 to 3.2 percent down from 6.2 percent and the country has estimated that 1.4 million workers will be affected by the pandemic, particularly in the service and manufacturing sectors.

The impact on agriculture, which accounts for a third of GDP and on which most Ethiopian’s depend for their livelihoods, is expected to be severe. In addition to shaking investor confidence, the likely impact on livelihoods, food security and poverty levels makes it harder for the government to maintain public support and could add to instability.

Political turmoil caused by election delay

The situation has been exacerbated by the indefinite postponement of elections that were due in August 2020, as a result of COVID-19.

Efforts to avoid a crisis of legitimacy for the government caused by the end of parliament’s term in October 2020, led to a decision on the way forward being taken by the Council of Constitutional Inquiry (CCI). This group of legal experts led by the President of the Supreme Court, gave the ruling Prosperity Party (PP) an open-ended extension of their term, rubberstamped by the House of Federation, with no limits set on their powers during the interim period.

This decision sets a dangerous precedent and is a missed opportunity to achieve compromise and advance the democratic process. The lack of inclusion has angered opposition groups, with whom the government has had little genuine dialogue. Many in the opposition had advocated for a transitional or technocratic government during the interim, despite risks of further divisions and a vacuum of authority, and accuse the PP of manipulating institutions to stay in power.

Furthermore, the TPLF, the ruling party in the Tigray region and formerly the dominant national political force, is pushing forward with its intention to hold unilateral regional elections. It formed a new regional electoral commission, in spite of objections from the national electoral board and the government, which has implied it could use force to stop the elections. This rising enmity between the PP and the TPLF is extremely worrying and requires immediate de-escalation.

A pathway to genuine dialogue and reconciliation

Ethiopia’s problems can only be resolved through dialogue, compromise and reconciliation. Escalating tensions, particularly between the federal government, Tigray and Oromo opposition groups risk furthering instability and fragmentation. One way to establish confidence would be for a group of respected Ethiopian personalities (elders and religious leaders) to lead a political dialogue, with actors carefully chosen and vetted to ensure the buy-in of government, opposition parties and the public, and supported by Ethiopia’s regional and international partners.

Once established, an initial goal of such a platform would be to induce elites, populist leaders, activists and influential regional media to stop exploiting division and violence for narrow gain. Priority agenda issues include the election timetable and required institutional and legal reforms, the role of the opposition during the interim period, strengthening reconciliation efforts, and the need to carefully manage autonomous security forces within regional states.

The prime minister can still weather the storm and implement his vision of a unified multinational Ethiopia based on the values of democracy, rule of law and justice, but only if the government and other stakeholders do all they can to reduce tensions and preserve peace at this critical juncture. COVID-19 and the associated economic impacts have deepened the country’s multifaceted problems, which can only be resolved by political actors committing themselves towards inclusive dialogue and reconciliation, as they seek to forge a shared common future.




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By Inventing Military Threats, Lukashenka Is Playing with Fire

20 August 2020

Keir Giles

Senior Consulting Fellow, Russia and Eurasia Programme
In a bid to reassert control in Belarus, Aliaksandr Lukashenka is trying to stir the worst fears of his supporters by playing the war card. But overplaying his hand could prove disastrous if it leads to confrontation with either Russia or NATO.

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A mass rally in Grodno, Belarus where factory workers went on strike in protest against the election results and actions of law enforcement officers. Photo by Viktor DrachevTASS via Getty Images.

Having failed to swiftly translate popular support into tangible political achievements, there are signs the protests against the fraudulent presidential election in Belarus may be losing momentum in the face of the state’s resilience and still-confident security and enforcement apparatus.

Attempts to blame the unrest on the West have focused on groups Lukashenka and Russia can both call enemies. And now Aliaksandr Lukashenka is not only inventing anti-Russian policies supposedly held by the opposition, such as suppressing the Russian language and closing the border with Russia, but also a supposed military threat from NATO.

Border movements

Increased military activity inside Belarus does give Lukashenka a wider range of options. Unscheduled activation of military units includes airspace defence practice with missiles and aircraft, electronic warfare (EW) units put on round-the-clock alert, and a number of infantry brigades preparing for live firing exercises.

Lukashenka is drawing attention to the north-west corner of Belarus, singling out the city of Grodno near the border with Poland and Lithuania as a supposed target for Western efforts at destabilization. Grodno is also the destination for an airborne brigade moving from the east to the west of the country and the focus of military exercises under way on the country’s western borders.

All this feeds Lukashenka’s narrative that Belarus is in danger from NATO and the West who are supposedly both stirring up the protests and seeking to exploit disorder - and that this danger extends to possible military clashes.

The Belarusian exercises are over the border from where NATO troops - including elements of the Light Dragoons, a British reconnaissance unit - have been in place in Poland as part of NATO's enhanced forward presence (eFP) since 2017. Pointing to NATO activity in Poland and Lithuania, Lukashenka said on Wednesday ‘we have to follow their movements and plans’ and that ‘they will answer for it if something happens’.

The danger is that having invented a tense situation in Grodno, Lukashenka may now need to be proved right. There may be staged incidents or ‘provocations’ against Belarus military forces, either supposedly instigated by protesters or even by NATO forces on the border - all aimed at bolstering the narrative that NATO, the EU, and the West in general are hostile to Belarus and that more drastic measures are necessary for protection.

Russia’s options still open

Although initial fears of a Russian move into Belarus have receded, Lukashenka’s complaints about NATO also bolster the case for Moscow to intervene. The military exercises fit the narrative that Belarus is under threat from the West - which is exactly the pretext Russia would need.

If this is believed in Moscow, where foreign minister Sergey Lavrov has already described events in Belarus as part of a ‘struggle for the post-Soviet space’, this makes a Russian intervention more likely. Moving forces away from their base near the border with Russia to the other end of the country near Poland and Lithuania also means any Russian entry into Belarus could go more smoothly, with fewer wild cards of possible Belarusian opposition to consider.

There are plenty of sensible, rational, logical reasons why a Russian military intervention in Belarus would be disastrous and counter-productive. But what seems sensible and rational in Europe and North America does not always carry weight in Moscow, which may see the situation completely differently and measure options by completely different standards.

One key area of doubt is the sympathies of the Belarus armed forces. Although some elements of the Belarusian army - particularly airborne and special forces - work closely with their Russian counterparts, more general suggestions that the Belarusian military is merely an extension of Russia’s and is not capable of taking decisions for itself are an over-simplification.

The Belarus armed forces do know that hosting Russian ground troops, airbases or air defence systems would fatally undermine the country’s hopes of avoiding being caught up in any confrontation between Russia and NATO.

And although the great majority of Belarusian officers are Russian-speaking and many have been trained and educated in Russia, there may be sufficient pride in national identity and resentment at heavy-handed treatment by Russia to lead to substantial obstruction of Russian initiatives.

The Belarus General Staff has already refused permission for a Russian aircraft carrying 155 personnel from the Rosgvardiya militarized security force and three tonnes of cargo ‘for the Belarusian interior ministry’ to land in Belarus. This could indicate not only tension between Russia and Belarus, but even between ministries within Belarus itself.

Like Russia, Lukashenka has plenty of options in reserve if his situation deteriorates further. Announcing a state of emergency would allow the Belarusian army to support the security forces in dealing with protests. If the army is on the move with their equipment they are better prepared to be brought into action if needed, but testing the loyalty of the armed forces could prove dangerous if the sympathies of army units turn out to lie more with civilians than with their oppressors from the interior ministry.

The military preparations against fictitious threats and a patiently-waiting Russia is a toxic mix and Belarus’s friends abroad must tread carefully. A key task for the European Union (EU) is to help the Belarusian people without providing a pretext for further violence and Russian intervention.

The right level of engagement needs to be carefully calibrated, avoiding disasters of strategic communication such as European Commissioner Thierry Breton being translated into English as saying Belarus is not part of Europe – with the lack of EU interest that that implies. Although the EU statement promising sanctions and offering funds received a mixed reception, at least it cannot be used by Lukashenka and Vladimir Putin as evidence that their warnings of a Western military threat are genuine.




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Economic Diplomacy in the Era of Great Powers

17 September 2020

Dr Linda Yueh

Associate Fellow, Global Economy and Finance Programme and US and the Americas Programme
The 21st-century global economy has different drivers from those in the previous century. Amid ever more politicized trade relations, economic diplomacy needs a more transparent framework.

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US president Donald Trump at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, on January 22, 2020. Photo by JIM WATSON/AFP via Getty Images.

The emergence of a multipolar global economy in which the US is no longer the main engine of growth has boosted the role of economic diplomacy, the setting of foreign economic policy. While the EU remains the world’s biggest economic bloc and the US is still an economic powerhouse, it is Asia – China in particular – which has created hundreds of millions of new middle-class consumers, helping to drive global economic growth.

This shift has ignited an era of competition between the US and China and, by implication, a debate about the merits of different political and legal systems. The difficulty for the rest of the world is how best to navigate this highly polarized climate – in recent history, only the Cold War comes close to having matched the adversarial dynamics of such a divided international community.

In conducting economic diplomacy, governments should consider their economic strengths, the importance of transparency, and how best to operate in a fragmented international system.

First, the setting of trade and investment policy should take into account developments in the global economy. One trend worth noting is the rising importance of services – in particular digital services – in international trade. The expanding cross-border trade in intangibles such as business services and data means the negotiation, definition and enforcement of standards to regulate these are of growing importance for the global economy, and for policymakers in many countries.

In contrast, negotiations around merchandise trade are likely to take a somewhat lower profile. Under the World Trade Organization (WTO), tariffs on manufactured goods have dropped significantly in any case – though there is still scope to lower them. Contemporary diplomacy, as well as disputes, around the lowering or raising of barriers to international trade will increasingly concern non-tariff measures applicable to services rather than those, such as tariffs, that traditionally apply to goods.

For service-based economies, it is vital free-trade agreements (FTAs) encompass regulations and standards for intangibles. But this is difficult in a multipolar global economy where the US, China and the EU all have different legal and regulatory systems, and raises the prospect of a fragmented global trading system divided into blocs of countries adhering to different standards.

A pluralistic or mini-multilateral approach to trade such as the stalled Trade in Services Agreement (TiSA) could help resolve elements of this division. TiSA was launched in 2013 by a group of advanced economies, not the entirety of the WTO, to further opening up global services trade. However, talks have been on hold since 2016 and, in the current climate, it is near impossible to conclude negotiations when the major economies do not come to the table and instead promote their own standards with their closest trading partners.

Second, policymakers should consider that, in an era of heightened trade tensions, any framework for economic diplomacy needs to be transparent if it is to be trusted and credible. Such a framework could centre on commercial openness and consistency with a country’s foreign and intelligence policy aims. For example, clearly spelling out how a country reviews prospective foreign investment and applying this consistently would demonstrate that all projects are treated equally without singling out any individual country. This would be an improvement over an ad hoc and less transparent approach .

A major challenge in creating a ‘principle-based’ economic diplomacy framework of this kind is reconciling competing policy aims. To this end, several key questions need answering. Should trade agreements encompass non-economic elements, such as foreign policy aims? Do concerns over national security mean that trade and investment agreements should favour allies? Could such a framework assess a trading or investment partner in terms of national security as well as potential economic benefit?

A country should also re-think how to undertake a wider international role when embarking on economic diplomacy. The inability of the major powers to set new global rules has had a detrimental impact on an international system under significant strain. The stalling of multilateral trade talks and urgency of international coordinated action on global public goods, such as health and the environment, shows there is a pressing need for a new approach to international relations.

Economic diplomacy could, and should, bolster the rules-based multilateral system. The challenge is engaging the major powers without whom widespread adoption of global policies and standards is less likely. Yet the chances of wider adoption might actually be better if a proposal does not come from either the US or China. This opens up the opportunity for other countries to be ‘honest brokers’ and potentially improve their own international standing.

In an era of increasing tension between great powers, economic diplomacy requires re-tooling. It should consider not just economic considerations, but also broader foreign policy aims, greater transparency, and a pluralistic approach to global rules to strengthen the multilateral system.




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Inhibition of oxidative metabolism by nitric oxide restricts EMCV replication selectively in pancreatic beta-cells [Enzymology]

Environmental factors, such as viral infection, are proposed to play a role in the initiation of autoimmune diabetes. In response to encephalomyocarditis virus (EMCV) infection, resident islet macrophages release the pro-inflammatory cytokine IL-1β, to levels that are sufficient to stimulate inducible nitric oxide synthase (iNOS) expression and production of micromolar levels of the free radical nitric oxide in neighboring β-cells. We have recently shown that nitric oxide inhibits EMCV replication and EMCV-mediated β-cell lysis and that this protection is associated with an inhibition of mitochondrial oxidative metabolism. Here we show that the protective actions of nitric oxide against EMCV infection are selective for β-cells and associated with the metabolic coupling of glycolysis and mitochondrial oxidation that is necessary for insulin secretion. Inhibitors of mitochondrial respiration attenuate EMCV replication in β-cells, and this inhibition is associated with a decrease in ATP levels. In mouse embryonic fibroblasts (MEFs), inhibition of mitochondrial metabolism does not modify EMCV replication or decrease ATP levels. Like most cell types, MEFs have the capacity to uncouple the glycolytic utilization of glucose from mitochondrial respiration, allowing for the maintenance of ATP levels under conditions of impaired mitochondrial respiration. It is only when MEFs are forced to use mitochondrial oxidative metabolism for ATP generation that mitochondrial inhibitors attenuate viral replication. In a β-cell selective manner, these findings indicate that nitric oxide targets the same metabolic pathways necessary for glucose stimulated insulin secretion for protection from viral lysis.




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Towards just transition in Africa: Green financing for urban energy solutions and job creation

Towards just transition in Africa: Green financing for urban energy solutions and job creation 9 June 2022 — 7:30AM TO 11:00AM Anonymous (not verified) 18 May 2022 Nairobi and online

This event explores the major openings and potential impediments to the development of a just transition policy in Africa.

Global climate policies towards a ‘just transition’ under the Paris Agreement should also align with and support African states’ national sustainable development priorities. In particular, the need for decent and fair job creation and the establishment of sufficient, resilient and sustainable power supply, accessible to all, and efficient energy use.

Achieving green growth requires innovative and more accessible financing models, especially as wealthy nations’ financial pledges have fallen short. Ahead of the ‘African COP27’ set to take place in Egypt in November 2022, there is a need for transformational strategic thinking and context-specific action from African governments, civil society, businesses and financiers in their green financing demands and national implementation plans.

Sustainable urban energy solutions represent a critical zone of opportunity for the development of new and more reliable green finance pathways. Africa’s rapidly expanding cities present a significant economic opportunity and source of growth. However, urban centres are also where income and energy inequalities are at their starkest. The acceleration of sustainable energy generation and use could have a transformative impact on SMEs and livelihoods across value chains.

At this event, participants will discuss the major openings and potential impediments to the development of a credible ‘just transition’ policy in Africa towards net zero goals, with a particular focus on establishing and enhancing links between green financing innovation, employment creation, sustainable power supply and generation, and sustainable energy usage and consumption in an urban environment.

This event is held in partnership with the Pan African Climate Justice Alliance (PACJA). It is part of a series on Towards Just Transition: Connecting Green Financing and Sustainable Job Creation in Africa, supported by the Chatham House Sustainability Accelerator.

This event will be held in English and French with simultaneous interpretation.

 




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Towards just transition in Africa: Continental coordination on green financing and job creation

Towards just transition in Africa: Continental coordination on green financing and job creation 6 October 2022 — 7:00AM TO 3:30PM Anonymous (not verified) 8 September 2022 Addis Ababa and online

At this hybrid conference in Addis Ababa, speakers take stock of preparations ahead of the ‘African COP27’ in November and discuss the key priorities for streamlining continental cooperation on policy approaches to just transition.

At this hybrid conference in Addis Ababa, speakers will take stock of policy efforts and preparations ahead of the ‘African COP27’ in November and discuss the key priorities for streamlining continental cooperation on policy approaches to just transition.

Global climate policies towards a ‘just transition’ under the Paris Agreement should align with and support African states’ national sustainable development priorities – in particular, the need for decent and fair job creation, as well as resilient and sustainable land, environment and ecosystem management policies.

They must also be cognizant of African nations’ urgent requirements for sustainable and accessible energy to underpin economic development. Achieving green growth requires innovative and more accessible financing models, especially as wealthy nations’ financial pledges have fallen short. It also requires clarity and cooperation to unlock investment in both renewable and transitional energy.

African countries face collective climate and employment-related challenges. However, policymaking often remains regionally siloed according to differing political, energy sector and ecological realities. There is a need for transformational strategic thinking and context-specific action from African governments, civil society, businesses and financiers, in their green financing demands and national implementation plans.

At this hybrid conference in Addis Ababa, speakers will take stock of policy efforts and preparations ahead of the ‘African COP27’ in November and discuss the key priorities for streamlining continental cooperation on policy approaches to just transition, job creation and green financing.

This event is the third in a series on Towards just transition: Connecting green financing and sustainable job creation in Africa, supported by the Chatham House Sustainability Accelerator.




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[18F]F-AraG Uptake in Vertebral Bone Marrow May Predict Survival in Patients with Non-Small Cell Lung Cancer Treated with Anti-PD-(L)1 Immunotherapy

Visual Abstract




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Pacific Rim: Learning to eat soup with a knife

What our incident responders know from five years of fighting an octopus





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Re: Voluntary assisted death: how to ensure access and safety




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High-throughput and site-specific N-glycosylation analysis of human alpha-1-acid glycoprotein offers a great potential for new biomarker discovery

Toma Keser
Dec 29, 2020; 0:RA120.002433v1-mcp.RA120.002433
Research




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Imaging Mass Spectrometry and Lectin Analysis of N-linked Glycans in Carbohydrate Antigen Defined Pancreatic Cancer Tissues

Colin T. McDowell
Nov 24, 2020; 0:RA120.002256v1-mcp.RA120.002256
Research




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Human pancreatic cancer cells under nutrient deprivation are vulnerable to redox system inhibition [Cell Biology]

Large regions in tumor tissues, particularly pancreatic cancer, are hypoxic and nutrient-deprived because of unregulated cell growth and insufficient vascular supply. Certain cancer cells, such as those inside a tumor, can tolerate these severe conditions and survive for prolonged periods. We hypothesized that small molecular agents, which can preferentially reduce cancer cell survival under nutrient-deprived conditions, could function as anticancer drugs. In this study, we constructed a high-throughput screening system to identify such small molecules and screened chemical libraries and microbial culture extracts. We were able to determine that some small molecular compounds, such as penicillic acid, papyracillic acid, and auranofin, exhibit preferential cytotoxicity to human pancreatic cancer cells under nutrient-deprived compared with nutrient-sufficient conditions. Further analysis revealed that these compounds target to redox systems such as GSH and thioredoxin and induce accumulation of reactive oxygen species in nutrient-deprived cancer cells, potentially contributing to apoptosis under nutrient-deprived conditions. Nutrient-deficient cancer cells are often deficient in GSH; thus, they are susceptible to redox system inhibitors. Targeting redox systems might be an attractive therapeutic strategy under nutrient-deprived conditions of the tumor microenvironment.




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Therapeutic targeting of pancreatic cancer stem cells by dexamethasone modulation of the MKP-1-JNK axis [Cell Biology]

Postoperative recurrence from microscopic residual disease must be prevented to cure intractable cancers, including pancreatic cancer. Key to this goal is the elimination of cancer stem cells (CSCs) endowed with tumor-initiating capacity and drug resistance. However, current therapeutic strategies capable of accomplishing this are insufficient. Using in vitro models of CSCs and in vivo models of tumor initiation in which CSCs give rise to xenograft tumors, we show that dexamethasone induces expression of MKP-1, a MAPK phosphatase, via glucocorticoid receptor activation, thereby inactivating JNK, which is required for self-renewal and tumor initiation by pancreatic CSCs as well as for their expression of survivin, an anti-apoptotic protein implicated in multidrug resistance. We also demonstrate that systemic administration of clinically relevant doses of dexamethasone together with gemcitabine prevents tumor formation by CSCs in a pancreatic cancer xenograft model. Our study thus provides preclinical evidence for the efficacy of dexamethasone as an adjuvant therapy to prevent postoperative recurrence in patients with pancreatic cancer.




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Deletion of lysophosphatidylcholine acyltransferase3 in myeloid cells worsens hepatic steatosis after a high fat diet

Thibaut Bourgeois
Dec 11, 2020; 0:jlr.RA120000737v1-jlr.RA120000737
Research Articles




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Membrane-bound sn-1,2-diacylglycerols explain the dissociation of hepatic insulin resistance from hepatic steatosis in MTTP knockout mice

Abudukadier Abulizi
Dec 1, 2020; 61:1565-1576
Research Articles




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Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 66539: A new calculated variable that you create in the Edit Value dialog box is not available for selection in SAS Customer Intelligence Studio

In SAS Customer Intelligence Studio, you can choose to create a new calculated variable in the Edit Value dialog box when you populate a treatment custom detail. Following creation of the new calculated




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Problem Notes for SAS®9 - 66294: The SAS Federation Server SPD driver fails to create a table that has a column name in UTF-8 encoding that also contains Latin5 characters

Certain tables that are created in SAS Scalable Performance Data (SPD) Server might not be displayed correctly by SAS Federation Server Manager. Tables that have Latin5 characters in column names encounter this




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Deletion of lysophosphatidylcholine acyltransferase3 in myeloid cells worsens hepatic steatosis after a high fat diet [Research Articles]

Recent studies have highlighted an important role for lysophosphatidylcholine acyltransferase 3 (LPCAT3) in controlling the PUFA composition of cell membranes in the liver and intestine. In these organs, LPCAT3 critically supports cell membrane-associated processes such as lipid absorption or lipoprotein secretion. However, the role of LPCAT3 in macrophages remains controversial. Here, we investigated LPCAT3’s role in macrophages both in vitro and in vivo in mice with atherosclerosis and obesity. To accomplish this, we used the LysMCre strategy to develop a mouse model with conditional Lpcat3 deficiency in myeloid cells (Lpcat3KOMac). We observed that partial Lpcat3 deficiency (approx. 75% reduction) in macrophages alters the PUFA composition of all phospholipid (PL) subclasses, including phosphatidylinositols and phosphatidylserines. A reduced incorporation of C20 PUFAs (mainly arachidonic acid [AA]) into PLs was associated with a redistribution of these FAs toward other cellular lipids such as cholesteryl esters. Lpcat3 deficiency had no obvious impact on macrophage inflammatory response or endoplasmic reticulum (ER) stress; however, Lpcat3KOMac macrophages exhibited a reduction in cholesterol efflux in vitro. In vivo, myeloid Lpcat3 deficiency did not affect atherosclerosis development in LDL receptor deficient mouse (Ldlr-/-) mice. Lpcat3KOMac mice on a high-fat diet displayed a mild increase in hepatic steatosis associated with alterations in several liver metabolic pathways and in liver eicosanoid composition. We conclude that alterations in AA metabolism along with myeloid Lpcat3 deficiency may secondarily affect AA homeostasis in the whole liver, leading to metabolic disorders and triglyceride accumulation.




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Trial of novel leukaemia drug is stopped for second time after two more deaths




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Membrane-bound sn-1,2-diacylglycerols explain the dissociation of hepatic insulin resistance from hepatic steatosis in MTTP knockout mice [Research Articles]

Microsomal triglyceride transfer protein (MTTP) deficiency results in a syndrome of hypolipidemia and accelerated NAFLD. Animal models of decreased hepatic MTTP activity have revealed an unexplained dissociation between hepatic steatosis and hepatic insulin resistance. Here, we performed comprehensive metabolic phenotyping of liver-specific MTTP knockout (L-Mttp–/–) mice and age-weight matched wild-type control mice. Young (10–12-week-old) L-Mttp–/– mice exhibited hepatic steatosis and increased DAG content; however, the increase in hepatic DAG content was partitioned to the lipid droplet and was not increased in the plasma membrane. Young L-Mttp–/– mice also manifested normal hepatic insulin sensitivity, as assessed by hyperinsulinemic-euglycemic clamps, no PKC activation, and normal hepatic insulin signaling from the insulin receptor through AKT Ser/Thr kinase. In contrast, aged (10-month-old) L-Mttp–/– mice exhibited glucose intolerance and hepatic insulin resistance along with an increase in hepatic plasma membrane sn-1,2-DAG content and PKC activation. Treatment with a functionally liver-targeted mitochondrial uncoupler protected the aged L-Mttp–/– mice against the development of hepatic steatosis, increased plasma membrane sn-1,2-DAG content, PKC activation, and hepatic insulin resistance. Furthermore, increased hepatic insulin sensitivity in the aged controlled-release mitochondrial protonophore-treated L-Mttp–/– mice was not associated with any reductions in hepatic ceramide content. Taken together, these data demonstrate that differences in the intracellular compartmentation of sn-1,2-DAGs in the lipid droplet versus plasma membrane explains the dissociation of NAFLD/lipid-induced hepatic insulin resistance in young L-Mttp–/– mice as well as the development of lipid-induced hepatic insulin resistance in aged L-Mttp–/– mice.




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Leptin modulates pancreatic {beta}-cell membrane potential through Src kinase-mediated phosphorylation of NMDA receptors [Membrane Biology]

The adipocyte-derived hormone leptin increases trafficking of KATP and Kv2.1 channels to the pancreatic β-cell surface, resulting in membrane hyperpolarization and suppression of insulin secretion. We have previously shown that this effect of leptin is mediated by the NMDA subtype of glutamate receptors (NMDARs). It does so by potentiating NMDAR activity, thus enhancing Ca2+ influx and the ensuing downstream signaling events that drive channel trafficking to the cell surface. However, the molecular mechanism by which leptin potentiates NMDARs in β-cells remains unknown. Here, we report that leptin augments NMDAR function via Src kinase–mediated phosphorylation of the GluN2A subunit. Leptin-induced membrane hyperpolarization diminished upon pharmacological inhibition of GluN2A but not GluN2B, indicating involvement of GluN2A-containing NMDARs. GluN2A harbors tyrosine residues that, when phosphorylated by Src family kinases, potentiate NMDAR activity. We found that leptin increases phosphorylation of Tyr-418 in Src, an indicator of kinase activation. Pharmacological inhibition of Src or overexpression of a kinase-dead Src mutant prevented the effect of leptin, whereas a Src kinase activator peptide mimicked it. Using mutant GluN2A overexpression, we show that Tyr-1292 and Tyr-1387 but not Tyr-1325 are responsible for the effect of leptin. Importantly, β-cells from db/db mice, a type 2 diabetes mouse model lacking functional leptin receptors, or from obese diabetic human donors failed to respond to leptin but hyperpolarized in response to NMDA. Our study reveals a signaling pathway wherein leptin modulates NMDARs via Src to regulate β-cell excitability and suggests NMDARs as a potential target to overcome leptin resistance.




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Conserved biophysical features of the CaV2 presynaptic Ca2+ channel homologue from the early-diverging animal Trichoplax adhaerens [Membrane Biology]

The dominant role of CaV2 voltage-gated calcium channels for driving neurotransmitter release is broadly conserved. Given the overlapping functional properties of CaV2 and CaV1 channels, and less so CaV3 channels, it is unclear why there have not been major shifts toward dependence on other CaV channels for synaptic transmission. Here, we provide a structural and functional profile of the CaV2 channel cloned from the early-diverging animal Trichoplax adhaerens, which lacks a nervous system but possesses single gene homologues for CaV1–CaV3 channels. Remarkably, the highly divergent channel possesses similar features as human CaV2.1 and other CaV2 channels, including high voltage–activated currents that are larger in external Ba2+ than in Ca2+; voltage-dependent kinetics of activation, inactivation, and deactivation; and bimodal recovery from inactivation. Altogether, the functional profile of Trichoplax CaV2 suggests that the core features of presynaptic CaV2 channels were established early during animal evolution, after CaV1 and CaV2 channels emerged via proposed gene duplication from an ancestral CaV1/2 type channel. The Trichoplax channel was relatively insensitive to mammalian CaV2 channel blockers ω-agatoxin-IVA and ω-conotoxin-GVIA and to metal cation blockers Cd2+ and Ni2+. Also absent was the capacity for voltage-dependent G-protein inhibition by co-expressed Trichoplax Gβγ subunits, which nevertheless inhibited the human CaV2.1 channel, suggesting that this modulatory capacity evolved via changes in channel sequence/structure, and not G proteins. Last, the Trichoplax channel was immunolocalized in cells that express an endomorphin-like peptide implicated in cell signaling and locomotive behavior and other likely secretory cells, suggesting contributions to regulated exocytosis.




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Radiosensitization by Kinase Inhibition Revealed by Phosphoproteomic Analysis of Pancreatic Cancer Cells [Research]

Pancreatic ductal adenocarcinoma (PDAC) is one of the most aggressive cancers and known for its extensive genetic heterogeneity, high therapeutic resistance, and strong variation in intrinsic radiosensitivity. To understand the molecular mechanisms underlying radioresistance, we screened the phenotypic response of 38 PDAC cell lines to ionizing radiation. Subsequent phosphoproteomic analysis of two representative sensitive and resistant lines led to the reproducible identification of 7,800 proteins and 13,000 phosphorylation sites (p-sites). Approximately 700 p-sites on 400 proteins showed abundance changes after radiation in all cell lines regardless of their phenotypic sensitivity. Apart from recapitulating known radiation response phosphorylation markers such as on proteins involved in DNA damage repair, the analysis uncovered many novel members of a radiation-responsive signaling network that was apparent only at the level of protein phosphorylation. These regulated p-sites were enriched in potential ATM substrates and in vitro kinase assays corroborated 10 of these. Comparing the proteomes and phosphoproteomes of radiosensitive and -resistant cells pointed to additional tractable radioresistance mechanisms involving apoptotic proteins. For instance, elevated NADPH quinine oxidoreductase 1 (NQO1) expression in radioresistant cells may aid in clearing harmful reactive oxygen species. Resistant cells also showed elevated phosphorylation levels of proteins involved in cytoskeleton organization including actin dynamics and focal adhesion kinase (FAK) activity and one resistant cell line showed a strong migration phenotype. Pharmacological inhibition of the kinases FAK by Defactinib and of CHEK1 by Rabusertib showed a statistically significant sensitization to radiation in radioresistant PDAC cells. Together, the presented data map a comprehensive molecular network of radiation-induced signaling, improves the understanding of radioresistance and provides avenues for developing radiotherapeutic strategies.




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Multiomics Reveals Ectopic ATP Synthase Blockade Induces Cancer Cell Death via a lncRNA-mediated Phospho-signaling Network [Research]

The EGFR tyrosine kinase inhibitor gefitinib is commonly used for lung cancer patients. However, some patients eventually become resistant to gefitinib and develop progressive disease. Here, we indicate that ecto-ATP synthase, which ectopically translocated from mitochondrial inner membrane to plasma membrane, is considered as a potential therapeutic target for drug-resistant cells. Quantitative multi-omics profiling reveals that ecto-ATP synthase inhibitor mediates CK2-dependent phosphorylation of DNA topoisomerase IIα (topo IIα) at serine 1106 and subsequently increases the expression of long noncoding RNA, GAS5. Additionally, we also determine that downstream of GAS5, p53 pathway, is activated by ecto-ATP synthase inhibitor for regulation of programed cell death. Interestingly, GAS5-proteins interactomic profiling elucidates that GAS5 associates with topo IIα and subsequently enhancing the phosphorylation level of topo IIα. Taken together, our findings suggest that ecto-ATP synthase blockade is an effective therapeutic strategy via regulation of CK2/phospho-topo IIα/GAS5 network in gefitinib-resistant lung cancer cells.




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Blockade of High-Fat Diet Proteomic Phenotypes using Exercise as Prevention or Treatment [Technological Innovation and Resources]

The increasing consumption of high-fat foods combined with a lack of exercise is a major contributor to the burden of obesity in humans. Aerobic exercise such as running is known to provide metabolic benefits, but how the over-consumption of a high fat diet (HFD) and exercise interact is not well characterized at the molecular level. Here, we examined the plasma proteome in mice for the effects of aerobic exercise as both a treatment and as a preventative regime for animals on either HFD or a healthy control diet. This analysis detected large changes in the plasma proteome induced by the HFD, such as increased abundance of SERPINA7, ALDOB, and down-regulation of SERPINA1E, CFD (adipsin). Some of these changes were significantly reverted using exercise as a preventative measure, but not as a treatment regime. To determine if either the intensity, or duration, of exercise influenced the outcome, we compared high-intensity interval training (HIIT) and endurance running. Endurance running slightly out-performed HIIT exercise, but overall, both provided similar reversion in abundance of plasma proteins modulated by the high-fat diet including SERPINA7, APOE, SERPINA1E, and CFD. Finally, we compared the changes induced by over-consumption of HFD to previous data from mice fed an isocaloric high saturated fat (SFA) or polyunsaturated fat (PUFA) diet. This identified several common changes including increased APOC2 and APOE, but also highlighted changes specific for either over-consumption of HFD (ALDOB, SERPINA7, CFD), SFA-based diets (SERPINA1E), or PUFA-based diets (Haptoglobin - Hp). Together, these data highlight the importance of early intervention with exercise to revert HFD-induced phenotypes and suggest some of the molecular mechanisms leading to the changes in the plasma proteome generated by high fat diet consumption. Web-based interactive visualizations are provided for this dataset (larancelab.com/hfd-exercise), which give insight into diet and exercise phenotypic interactions on the plasma proteome.




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Imaging Mass Spectrometry and Lectin Analysis of N-linked Glycans in Carbohydrate Antigen Defined Pancreatic Cancer Tissues [Research]

The early detection of pancreatic ductal adenocarcinoma is a complex clinical obstacle yet is key to improving the overall likelihood of patient survival. Current and prospective carbohydrate biomarkers CA19-9 and sTRA are sufficient for surveilling disease progression yet are not approved for delineating PDAC from other abdominal cancers and non-cancerous pancreatic pathologies. To further understand these glycan epitopes, an imaging mass spectrometry approach was utilized to assess the N-glycome of the human pancreas and pancreatic cancer in a cohort of PDAC patients represented by tissue microarrays and whole tissue sections. Orthogonally, these same tissues were characterized by multi-round immunofluorescence which defined expression of CA19-9 and sTRA as well as other lectins towards carbohydrate epitopes with the potential to improve PDAC diagnosis. These analyses revealed distinct differences not only in N-glycan spatial localization across both healthy and diseased tissues but importantly between different biomarker-categorized tissue samples. Unique sulfated bi-antennary N-glycans were detected specifically in normal pancreatic islets. N-glycans from CA19-9 expressing tissues tended to be bi-, tri- and tetra-antennary structures with both core and terminal fucose residues and bisecting N-acetylglucosamines. These N-glycans were detected in less abundance in sTRA-expressing tumor tissues, which favored tri- and tetra-antennary structures with polylactosamine extensions. Increased sialylation of N-glycans was detected in all tumor tissues. A candidate new biomarker derived from IMS was further explored by fluorescence staining with selected lectins on the same tissues. The lectins confirmed the expression of the epitopes in cancer cells and revealed different tumor-associated staining patterns between glycans with bisecting GlcNAc and those with terminal GlcNAc. Thus, the combination of lectin-IHC and IMS techniques produces more complete information for tumor classification than the individual analyses alone. These findings potentiate the development of early assessment technologies to rapidly and specifically identify PDAC in the clinic that may directly impact patient outcomes.




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High-throughput and site-specific N-glycosylation analysis of human alpha-1-acid glycoprotein offers a great potential for new biomarker discovery [Research]

Alpha-1-acid glycoprotein (AGP) is an acute phase glycoprotein in blood, which is primarily synthetized in the liver and whose biological role is not completely understood. It consists of 45% carbohydrates that are present in the form of five N-linked complex glycans. AGP N-glycosylation was shown to be changed in many different diseases and some changes appear to be disease-specific, thus it has a great diagnostic and prognostic potential. However, AGP glycosylation was mainly analyzed in small cohorts and without detailed site-specific glycan information. Here, we developed a cost-effective method for a high-throughput and site-specific N-glycosylation LC-MS analysis of AGP which can be applied on large cohorts, aid in search for novel disease biomarkers and enable better understanding of AGP’s role and function in health and disease. The method does not require isolation of AGP with antibodies and affinity chromatography, but AGP is enriched by acid precipitation from 5 μl of bloodplasma in a 96 well format. After trypsinization, AGP glycopeptides are purified using a hydrophilic interaction chromatography based solid-phase extraction and analyzed by RP-LC-ESI-MS. We used our method to show for the first time that AGP N-glycan profile is stable in healthy individuals (14 individuals in 3 time points), which is a requirement for evaluation of its diagnostic potential. Furthermore, we tested our method on a population including individuals with registered hyperglycemia in critical illness (59 cases and 49 controls), which represents a significantly increased risk of developing type 2 diabetes. Individuals at higher risk of diabetes presented increased N-glycan branching on AGP’s second glycosylation site and lower sialylation of N-glycans on AGP’s third and AGP1’s fourth glycosylation site. Although this should be confirmed on a larger prospective cohort, it indicates that site-specific AGP N-glycan profile could help distinguish individuals who are at risk of type 2 diabetes.




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Ohtani upbeat about Tommy John rehab

Shohei Ohtani, who is aiming for a return in May as a designated hitter but won't pitch in 2019, isn't able to participate in the on-field workouts with his teammates, but has progressed to swinging the bat and working out indoors.




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Pandemics are no longer “rare” and now pose constant threat, global preparedness board warns




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Afonso Dhlakama’s Death Changes the Calculation for Peace Prospects in Mozambique

Afonso Dhlakama’s Death Changes the Calculation for Peace Prospects in Mozambique Expert comment sysadmin 4 May 2018

If politicians continue to act in good faith, the death of the opposition leader may be a significant opportunity to finally draw a line under Mozambique’s long war.

Afonso Dhlakama addresses a crowd of supporters at a campaign rally in 2014. Photo: Getty Images.

The unexpected death of opposition and ex-rebel leader Afonso Dhlakama on 3 May is a game changer for Mozambique’s politics and an almost-completed peace process. The 65-year old Dhlakama, who died of a heart attack, had led Renamo for 38 years and had totally dominated his party. Dhlakama regularly boasted that he was Mozambique’s ‘father of democracy’, despite not allowing competition within his own party, and he leaves a legacy of more than 30 years of struggle, through both armed action and peaceful politics.

A long war

Originally Renamo had been a tool for the white minority regimes of Rhodesia and apartheid South Africa to challenge the socialist Frelimo political party that took power in Mozambique in 1975. But under Dhlakama’s command, by the late 1980s Renamo had become increasingly independent and rooted in Mozambique. After Renamo’s long war with Frelimo ground to a hurting stalemate, a transition led to Mozambique’s first multiparty elections in 1994, and the creation of a new joint army. A ‘pay and scatter’ programme successfully dispersed and reintegrated many thousands of ex-combatants.

But early post-election gains did not translate to lasting peace. Disarmament was a time-limited, technical process, and devoted declining resources and attention to clusters of ex-combatants that failed to disperse. In addition, Dhlakama was allowed to maintain an armed militia under the guise of a presidential guard.

Mounting economic inequality, notably in opposition strongholds such as central Mozambique, saw Renamo made political gains and Dhlakama nearly won the 1999 presidential elections. (Some believe he did.) The result focused Frelimo’s attention on the threat that Renamo posed and, ultimately, a strategy of pursuing total Frelimo domination across the country, culminating in a crushing Frelimo victory at the 2009 elections.

This humiliated and marginalized former Renamo rebels, resulting in Dhlakama ordering their return to targeted armed violence in 2013. Frelimo’s new leader, President Filipe Nyusi, took power in 2015 and sought direct dialogue with Dhlakama. Five rounds of internationally mediated peace talks took place from July to December. Finally, in late December 2016, Dhlakama announced a unilateral truce, which was extended twice and subsequently made indefinite.

New peace talks also started and, in August 2017 and February 2018, President Nyusi and Dhlakama showed the courage to meet in person, near Renamo’s base in central Mozambique, to build up mutual trust and discuss the details of the emerging peace deal – including the demobilization or integration into government security forces for Renamo’s now mostly middle-aged gunmen.

Dhlakama the ‘Big Man’

Dhlakama’s sudden death has fundamentally changed the negotiation dynamics. He never allowed for any serious succession planning, and ensured all key decisions were his and his alone. Renamo had already decided that he would be its presidential candidate for the 2019 national elections.

His party is significantly weakened by his death and unlikely able to fully recover – but needs to try and reach consensus quickly on a successor, as it will also compete in municipal elections in October and was expecting significant gains. There will be a number of contenders to succeed him including from the parliamentary wing, led by his niece Ivone Soares, its secretary general, Manuel Bissopo, and a few others.

But Renamo’s key leverage for now remains some 1,000 middle-aged gunmen in central Mozambique who have been stoically loyal to Dhlakama since the 1980s and who have little respect for the younger generation of professional politicians based in Maputo. Some may be bought off by government offers, others integrated into localised organized crime groups and others into internal Renamo sectarianism. The risk of fragmentation is real.

Renamo’s weakness could also embolden Frelimo hardliners to seek a return to unilateral domination of Mozambique’s political landscape, and to undermine the peace process. That would be a serious tactical mistake by Frelimo, as a lasting deal is close and the death of Dhlakama could actually assist in making this settlement lasting. Dhlakama was quixotic and prone to changing his mind, often influenced by the last person he spoke to – his death potentially introduces greater predictability in negotiations and in any post-deal implementation.

President Nyusi is clearly aware of this as he hailed on state television TVM that Dhlakama was ‘a citizen who has always worked for Mozambique’ and said he was distraught at the news of his death. He stated, ‘I hope that we as Mozambicans can continue to do everything so things do not go down.’ He also addressed Renamo’s support base by saying that ‘[Dhlakama] did everything so that there would be peace. The last time he spoke to me, he said he was not going to miss out anything in peace negotiations.’

Renamo’s gunmen are fatigued and want to retire with dignity but are vulnerable to manipulation and political miscalculation by Mozambican’s positioning politicians. International partners and investors can engage, by emphasizing that sustainable peace is the only pathway to poverty reduction and inclusive economic development.

This includes assisting development and reconciliation projects in areas impacted by the renewed conflict since 2013. Long-term investment for development in Renamo’s key constituencies could help avoid fragmentation at a critical time – faith groups and NGOs may also have a key role to play.

If Mozambique’s politicians continue to act in good faith, the death of Dhlakama may constitute a significant opportunity to finally draw a line under Mozambique’s long war.




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Mental Health Bill promises more tailored and dignified treatment for people detained




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Swimming, aerobics, and racquet sports are linked to lowest risk of cardiovascular death




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Endovascular treatment for acute ischaemic stroke in routine clinical practice: prospective, observational cohort study (MR CLEAN Registry)




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US food manufacturer can say that eating yogurt reduces risk of type 2 diabetes, says FDA




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People with type 1 diabetes and disordered eating need joined-up care, says coroner after woman’s death




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Helen Salisbury: Weight loss treatment—available in theory but not in practice




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Middle East and great power competition

Middle East and great power competition 28 November 2022 — 12:00PM TO 1:00PM Anonymous (not verified) 25 October 2022 Chatham House and Online

Experts discuss how the Middle East is changing in a fast-moving geopolitical environment.

The war in Ukraine and great power competition define not only global politics but also regional ones. The Middle East is a microcosm for observing how the great power rivalry informs regional affairs.

OPEC+’s decision to reduce oil supply to international markets and many regional states’ balancing act between the West and Russia, for that matter China as well, are only a few recent policy choices that clearly illustrate how the global and regional levels interact with each other.

Plus this is now a region in which the US has downsized its security commitments, whereas Russia has increased its footprint in regional security and China in economy.

This event tries to unpack how the great power rivalry and the war in Ukraine affect regional politics and how the Middle East adjusts itself to this new phase in global politics.




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Weathering the storm: The UK’s role in the world today

Weathering the storm: The UK’s role in the world today 29 November 2022 — 12:00PM TO 1:00PM Anonymous (not verified) 7 November 2022 Chatham House and Online

In conversation with David Miliband, examining the risks and opportunities for the UK in a critical year ahead. 

With a new government in the midst of a global order in flux, the UK’s position in the world needs re-examining.

Just 20 months since the UK’s Integrated Review on international policy and security, Britain’s global blueprint is being reviewed and updated in light of major global developments.

Today, Brexit and the Russia’s invasion of Ukraine require adjustments to the UK’s strategic thinking and positioning in the world.

As the economic and political turmoil of previous weeks begins to abate, this is an important moment to once again determine Britain’s role in Europe and beyond. 
 
Realigning British foreign policy in a rapidly shifting international order will be a major challenge for the new administration.  

International Rescue Committee’s CEO and President, and former UK Foreign Secretary, David Miliband, examines the risks and opportunities for a critical year ahead. 
 
Key questions include:

  • What are the crucial decisions the UK needs to make in the coming 12 months?
  • What should the UK’s priorities be for its role in the world? How should it project itself amidst geopolitical fracturing?
  • How can Britain best respond to humanitarian crises around the world?
  • Does the UK have the strategic and economic clout to keep up with its foreign policy and development commitments?

As with all Chatham House member events, questions from members drive the conversation.

Read the transcript. 




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If I were still an MP I’d be voting against Kim Leadbeater’s bill on assisted dying

I’m often asked if I miss working in the House of Commons. Of course I do; it’s one of the most amazing places in the world and remains the cockpit of our nation.There are obviously days I miss it more than others, usually around the big national moments. Whatever your view of Kim Leadbeater’s private member’s bill—the Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill—its second reading this month will be one of those big moments.Kim is a friend of mine, and we spoke before she decided to put her bill forward after it topped the private members’ ballot at the start of the new parliament. My advice was to proceed with great care, to remember that this will take over your career in many ways, and to read the report produced earlier this year by the Health and Social Care Committee, which I chaired, on the subject of assisted dying/assisted...




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Belarus-EU border crisis reveals wider security threat

Belarus-EU border crisis reveals wider security threat Expert comment NCapeling 8 December 2021

By engineering a crisis at the Belarus border, Lukashenka is attempting to exacerbate vulnerabilities within the EU. Securitizing migration is not the answer.

When thousands of migrants began freezing to death in the forests on the Belarus border with Poland, Belarusian leader Aliaksandr Lukashenka was forcing the European Union (EU) into a tough choice – either give in to blackmail and welcome migrants whose attempts to trespass the EU border were a result of his policy of luring them to Belarus to put pressure on the EU, or keep the borders closed and declare solidarity with Poland despite its known mistreatment and illegal pushbacks of potential asylum-seekers.

Lukashenka’s action was aptly exploiting three key pressure points of the EU – as a normative power where the human dignity of migrants is overlooked while the European border and coastguard agency Frontex stands by, as a geopolitical actor seeking to externalize its migration problem by signing readmission agreements with transit countries, and as a community of values with the EU-Poland dispute over rule of law.

Now is the time for a robust strategy aimed at preventing what is currently a rogue state from turning into an outright terrorist regime

His approach is typical ‘dictaplomacy’ and democracies which have confronted such a ‘continuation of war by other means’ in their past dealings with dictatorships know that blackmail mostly serves to divert attention away from a rogue leader’s misdemeanours towards his own population. But if this had been game of chess the EU would have been in check.

Thankfully checkmate was avoided – so far – as a compromise was found following weeks of heightened diplomatic efforts. Lukashenka was forced to back-pedal and take care of the migrants, and no humanitarian corridor was needed as the EU sent funds and took measures to support organizations providing shelter for the migrants in Belarus, while airlines and governments in the source countries were pressured to restrict flights to Minsk and started repatriating part of the migrants.

Causing a nuisance

‘Operation Gateway’ – the outline of which was allegedly drawn several years ago and tested by Russia in 2016 at its own borders with Norway and Finland – certainly caused a nuisance, but it ultimately backfired as Lukashenka now has to manage the remaining 2,000-5,000 migrants who refused to be flown back, as well as facing increased international sanctions. However, the fact that Angela Merkel had to personally call him made it look as if Lukashenka did not back down for nothing.

The EU and NATO, including the UK, only reacted collectively to this crisis once it was already out of hand, leaving questions over whether this experience of Lukashenka’s dictaplomacy is a wake-up call to boost resilience against rogue warfare, and to upgrade strategic assessments of the ‘Lukashenka problem’ too.

Back in June, the Belarus ministry of foreign affairs (MFA) announced its withdrawal from the Eastern Partnership and the visa facilitation and readmission agreement with the EU, while Lithuania sent early warnings about a ‘hybrid attack’ at its own border with Belarus. In August, Der Spiegel reported details of an alleged smuggling scheme whereby Tsentr Kurort – a company closely linked to the Administration of the President of Belarus with offices in the Middle East – was handling the shipping, accommodation, and relocation of migrants.

The EU and NATO, including the UK, only reacted collectively to this crisis once it was already out of hand, leaving questions over whether this experience of Lukashenka’s dictaplomacy is a wake-up call to boost resilience against rogue warfare

The smuggling of migrants was entirely predictable as Lukashenka has hinted many times Belarus could stop ‘protecting the EU from armed migrants’ seeking to enter it illegally. He has upped his rhetoric beyond notions of hybrid warfare by saying he needs Russian nuclear-capable bombers to ‘help him navigate the migrant crisis’, even hinting Belarus could station both Russian nuclear weapons and S-400 anti-aircraft missile systems. This shows Lukashenka is feeling increasingly cornered – which could lead to more unpredictable security crises.

Russia and Belarus are deepening relations

Although there is no smoking gun pointing to direct Russian involvement in orchestrating the hybrid attack at the EU’s borders, a new step in the military rapprochement between the two countries came when Putin and Lukashenka approved a new Military Doctrine of the Union-State of Russia and Belarus – a non-public document including a joint concept of migration policy. Lukashenka has also come off the fence over Crimea by openly accepting the legality of the peninsula’s integration with Russia.

Given Russia is also sabre-rattling over Ukraine, the risk of an accidental escalation into armed conflict is increasing in what feels like a return to classic Cold War logic, with the difference that the East is now offensively using the South for confronting the West. In recognition of the threat, the UK has joined the US, Canada, and the EU in the fresh sanctions on Belarus.




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Dual Somatostatin Receptor/18F-FDG PET/CT Imaging in Patients with Well-Differentiated, Grade 2 and 3 Gastroenteropancreatic Neuroendocrine Tumors

Our purpose was to prospectively assess the distribution of NETPET scores in well-differentiated (WD) grade 2 and 3 gastroenteropancreatic (GEP) neuroendocrine tumors (NETs) and to determine the impact of the NETPET score on clinical management. Methods: This single-arm, institutional ethics review board–approved prospective study included 40 patients with histologically proven WD GEP NETs. 68Ga-DOTATATE PET and 18F-FDG PET were performed within 21 d of each other. NETPET scores were evaluated qualitatively by 2 reviewers, with up to 10 marker lesions selected for each patient. The quantitative parameters that were evaluated included marker lesion SUVmax for each tracer; 18F-FDG/68Ga-DOTATATE SUVmax ratios; functional tumor volume (FTV) and metabolic tumor volume (MTV) on 68Ga-DOTATATE and 18F-FDG PET, respectively; and FTV/MTV ratios. The treatment plan before and after 18F-FDG PET was recorded. Results: There were 22 men and 18 women (mean age, 60.8 y) with grade 2 (n = 24) or grade 3 (n = 16) tumors and a mean Ki-67 index of 16.1%. NETPET scores of P0, P1, P2A, P2B, P3B, P4B, and P5 were documented in 2 (5%), 5 (12.5%), 5 (12.5%) 20 (50%), 2 (5%), 4 (10%), and 2 (5%) patients, respectively. No association was found between the SUVmax of target lesions on 68Ga-DOTATATE and the SUVmax of target lesions on 18F-FDG PET (P = 0.505). 18F-FDG/68Ga-DOTATATE SUVmax ratios were significantly lower for patients with low (P1–P2) primary NETPET scores than for those with high (P3–P5) primary NETPET scores (mean ± SD, 0.20 ± 0.13 and 1.68 ± 1.44, respectively; P < 0.001). MTV on 18F-FDG PET was significantly lower for low primary NETPET scores than for high ones (mean ± SD, 464 ± 601 cm3 and 66 ± 114 cm3, respectively; P = 0.005). A change in the type of management was observed in 42.5% of patients after 18F-FDG PET, with the most common being a change from systemic therapy to peptide receptor radionuclide therapy and from debulking surgery to systemic therapy. Conclusion: There was a heterogeneous distribution of NETPET scores in patients with WD grade 2 and 3 GEP NETs, with more than 1 in 5 patients having a high NETPET score and a frequent change in management after 18F-FDG PET. Quantitative parameters including 18F-FDG/68Ga-DOTATATE SUVmax ratios in target lesions and FTV/MTV ratios can discriminate between patients with high and low NETPET scores.




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Quantitative SPECT/CT Metrics in Early Prediction of [177Lu]Lu-DOTATATE Treatment Response in Gastroenteropancreatic Neuroendocrine Tumor Patients

Our objective is to explore quantitative imaging markers for early prediction of treatment response in patients with gastroenteropancreatic neuroendocrine tumors (GEP-NETs) undergoing [177Lu]Lu-DOTATATE therapy. By doing so, we aim to enable timely switching to more effective therapies in order to prevent time-resource waste and minimize toxicities. Methods: Patients diagnosed with unresectable or metastatic, progressive, well-differentiated, receptor-positive GEP-NETs who received 4 sessions of [177Lu]Lu-DOTATATE were retrospectively selected. Using SPECT/CT images taken at the end of treatment sessions, we counted all visible tumors and measured their largest diameters to calculate the tumor burden score (TBS). Up to 4 target lesions were selected and semiautomatically segmented. Target lesion peak counts and spleen peak counts were measured, and normalized peak counts were calculated. Changes in TBS (TBS) and changes in normalized peak count (nPC) throughout treatment sessions in relation to the first treatment session were calculated. Treatment responses were evaluated using third-month CT and were binarized as progressive disease (PD) or non-PD. Results: Twenty-seven patients were included (7 PD, 20 non-PD). Significant differences were observed in TBSsecond-first, TBSthird-first, and TBSfourth-first (where second-first, third-first, and fourth-first denote scan number between the second and first, third and first, and fourth and first [177Lu]Lu-DOTATATE treatment cycles), respectively) between the PD and non-PD groups (median, 0.043 vs. –0.049, 0.08 vs. –0.116, and 0.109 vs. –0.123 [P = 0.023, P = 0.002, and P < 0.001], respectively). nPCsecond-first showed significant group differences (mean, –0.107 vs. –0.282; P = 0.033); nPCthird-first and nPCfourth-first did not reach statistical significance (mean, –0.122 vs. –0.312 and –0.183 vs. –0.405 [P = 0.117 and 0.067], respectively). At the optimal threshold, TBSfourth-first exhibited an area under the curve (AUC) of 0.957, achieving 100% sensitivity and 80% specificity. TBSsecond-first and TBSthird-first reached AUCs of 0.793 and 0.893, sensitivities of 71.4%, and specificities of 85% and 95%, respectively. nPCsecond-first, nPCthird-first, and nPCfourth-first showed AUCs of 0.764, 0.693, and 0.679; sensitivities of 71.4%, 71.4%, and 100%; and specificities of 75%, 70%, and 35%, respectively. Conclusion: TBS and nPC can predict [177Lu]Lu-DOTATATE response by the second treatment session.




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Clinical Factors That Influence Repeat 68Ga-PSMA-11 PET/CT Scan Positivity in Patients with Recurrent Prostate Cancer Under Observation After a Negative 68Ga-PSMA-11 PET/CT Scan: A Single-Center Retrospective Study

This analysis aimed to identify clinical factors associated with positivity on repeat 68Ga-PSMA-11 PET/CT after a negative scan in patients with recurrent prostate cancer (PCa) under observation. Methods: This single-center, retrospective analysis included patients who underwent at least 2 68Ga-PSMA-11 PET/CT scans (PET1 and PET2) at UCLA between October 2016 and June 2021 for recurrent PCa with negative PET1 and no PCa-related treatments between the 2 scans. Using Prostate Cancer Molecular Imaging Standardized Evaluation criteria to define negative and positive scans, the final cohort was divided into PET2-negative (PET2-Neg) and PET2-positive (PET2-Pos). The same PET1 was used twice in the more than 2 PET cases with inclusion criteria fulfilled. Patient characteristics and clinical parameters were compared between the 2 cohorts using Mann–Whitney U test and Fisher exact test. Areas under the curve (AUCs) of the receiver operating characteristic and the Youden index were computed to determine the discrimination ability of statistically significant factors and specific cut points that maximized sensitivity and specificity, respectively. Results: The final analysis included 83 sets of 2 PET/CT scans from 70 patients. Thirty-nine of 83 (47%) sets were PET2-Neg, and 44 of 83 (53%) sets were PET2-Pos. Prostate-specific antigen (PSA) increased from PET1 to PET2 for all 83 (100%) sets of scans. Median PSA at PET1 was 0.4 ng/mL (interquartile range, 0.2–1.0) and at PET2 was 1.6 ng/mL (interquartile range, 0.9–3.8). We found higher serum PSA at PET2 (median, 1.8 vs. 1.1 ng/mL; P = 0.015), absolute PSA difference (median, 1.4 vs. 0.7 ng/mL; P = 0.006), percentage of PSA change (median, +270.4% vs. +150.0%: P = 0.031), and median PSA velocity (0.044 vs. 0.017 ng/mL/wk, P = 0.002) and shorter PSA doubling time (DT; median, 5.1 vs. 8.3 mo; P = 0.006) in the PET2-Pos cohort than in the PET2-Neg cohort. Receiver operating characteristic curves showed cutoffs for PSA at PET2 of 4.80 ng/mL (sensitivity, 34%; specificity, 92%; AUC, 0.66), absolute PSA difference of 0.95 ng/mL (sensitivity, 62%; specificity, 71%; AUC, 0.68), percentage of PSA change of a positive 289.50% (sensitivity, 48%; specificity, 82%; AUC, 0.64), PSA velocity of 0.033 ng/mL/wk (sensitivity, 57%; specificity, 80%; AUC, 0.70), and PSA DT of 7.91 mo (sensitivity, 71%; specificity, 62%; AUC, 0.67). Conclusion: Patients with recurrent PCa under observation after a negative 68Ga-PSMA-11 PET/CT scan with markedly elevated serum PSA levels and shorter PSA DT are more likely to have positive findings on repeat 68Ga-PSMA-11 PET/CT.




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Turkey’s foreign and domestic policy: A story of mutual creation?

Turkey’s foreign and domestic policy: A story of mutual creation? 1 November 2022 — 2:00PM TO 3:00PM Anonymous (not verified) 12 October 2022 Online

Panellists discuss the link between Turkey’s domestic and foreign policies under President Erdoğan.

From Turkey’s ongoing rapprochement with its erstwhile Middle Eastern antagonists to its Syria policy and earlier approach towards the West, there has been extensive discussion on the domestic drivers behind Ankara’s foreign policy.

Less discussed but no less important is how Turkish foreign affairs have shaped its internal politics. Under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government and President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey’s foreign and domestic policies have mutually reshaped each other.

In this webinar, launching Gönül Tol’s new book Erdoğan’s War: A Strongman’s Struggle at Home and in Syria, panellists will take stock of how Turkey’s domestic and foreign policies under the leadership of President Erdoğan have influenced and shaped each other. Speakers will also discuss the internal drivers behind Turkey’s current reset in relations with the Middle East, and examine how Ankara’s foreign affairs play into the country’s political and identity fault lines.

The event will be held on the record and will be live-streamed on the MENA Programme’s Facebook page.