rouge

CF6486 DION, Céline - Le P'tit Renne Au Nez Rouge

Catégorie - FEMMES » Genre - Noël




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Spring Rouge

Spring Rouge by Leonard Wren is a(n) Limited Edition. The Edition is Limited to Limited Edition of 195 pcs




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Stepfather Arrested After Missing Baton Rouge Toddler Found



Toddler's stepfather arrested after her body was found




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Baton Rouge Lawmaker Strips R. Kelly Of ‘Key To The City’



The honor was presented to the fallen music icon in 2013.




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The rouge of the north/ by Eileen Chang.

London : Cassell, 1967.




rouge

Revue internationale de la Croix-rouge [electronic journal] = International review of the Red Cross.

Geneva : International Committee of the Red Cross, [1999]-2004.




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Revue Internationale de la Croix-Rouge et Bulletin International des Societes de la Croix-Rouge [electronic journal].

Cambridge University Press




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Revue internationale de la Croix-rouge [electronic journal].

[Genéve] : [Comité international de la Croix-rouge], [1919]-




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New musical show in Potters Bar will pay tribute to Moulin Rouge

An all-singing, all-dancing musical extravaganza is coming to Potters Bar next month.




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Author DeiAmor Verus, to Visit Baton Rouge to Thank 1st Responders of Flood Victims

3,000 1 Act of Kindness Wristbands Will Be Delivered To Every Firefighter, Police Officer, Red Cross Volunteer and Mayor's Staff In Two Day Thank You Tour




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B+E lists Baton Rouge Urban Air Property for $6.7 Million

B+E, the first brokerage and technology platform for net lease real estate, announced the listing of the Urban Air property located at 170 Bass Pro Blvd., Baton Rouge, Louisiana for $6,700,700.




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BETX Runway: Milano Di Rouge Sponsored by Progressive



Jaw-dropping looks at the BETX House of Fashion & Beauty.




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AT#391 - Travel to Baton Rouge, Louisiana

Hear about travel to Baton Rouge as the Amateur Traveler talks to Lindsay Thomas from TheTraveluster.com about her hometown. Baton Rouge is the capital of Louisiana. It can be a great gateway to Cajun food and culture.




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Justice for the Rohingya: Lessons from the Khmer Rouge Tribunal

8 April 2020

Sandra Smits

Programme Manager, Asia-Pacific Programme
The Cambodian case study illustrates the challenges of ensuring justice and accountability for the Rohingya in Myanmar.

2020-04-08-Rohingya.jpg

Coast guards escort Rohingya refugees following a boat capsizing accident in Teknaf on 11 February 2020. Photo: Getty Images.

International criminal justice provides a stark reminder that state sovereignty is not an absolute, and that the world’s most heinous crimes should be prosecuted at an international level, particularly where domestic systems lack the capacity or will to hold perpetrators to account. 

The post-Cold War period witnessed a dramatic rise in the number of international tribunals with jurisdiction over war crimes and serious human rights abuses in countries including Cambodia, East Timor, Rwanda, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Yugoslavia. With these processes approaching, or having reached the end of their dockets, many have called for the creation of new tribunals to address more recent conflicts, including the army crackdown in Myanmar in 2017 that resulted in evidence of crimes against humanity against the Rohingya

In January this year, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) imposed emergency provisional measures on Myanmar, instructing it to prevent genocidal violence against its Rohingya minority. But a final judgement is expected to take years and the ICJ has no way of enforcing these interim measures. Myanmar has already responded defiantly to international criticism

Model for justice

Myanmar is not the first country to face scrutiny for such crimes in Southeast Asia. The Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), more commonly known as the Khmer Rouge Tribunal was established in 1997 to prosecute Khmer Rouge leaders for alleged violations of international law and serious crimes perpetrated during the Cambodian genocide. This provides an opportunity to consider whether the Tribunal can act as a ‘hybrid’ model for justice in the region. 

The first lesson that can be taken from the Cambodian context is that the state must have the political will and commitment to pursue accountability. It was indeed the Cambodian government itself, who requested international assistance from the United Nations (UN), to organize a process for holding trials. The initial recommendation of the UN-commissioned Group of Experts was for the trial to be held under UN control, in light of misgivings about Cambodia’s judicial system. Prime Minister Hun Sen rejected this assessment and in prolonged negotiations, continued to spearhead the need for domestic involvement (arguably, in order to circumscribe the search for justice). This eventually resulted in the creation of a hybrid body consisting of parallel international and Cambodian judges and prosecutors with supermajority decision-making rules.   

It is worth noting that the Hun Sen government initially chose to do business with former Khmer Rouge leaders, until it became more advantageous to embrace a policy of putting them on trial. It is possible to infer from this that there will be no impetus for action in Myanmar until it is domestically advantageous to do so. At present, this appetite is clearly lacking, demonstrated by de-facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi shying away from accountability and instead defending the government’s actions before the ICJ.

One unique aspect of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal has been the vast participation by the Cambodian people in witnessing the trials as well as widespread support for the tribunal. This speaks to the pent-up demand in Cambodia for accountability and the importance of local participation. While international moral pressure is clear, external actors cannot simply impose justice for the Rohingya when there is no domestic incentive or support to pursue this. The reality is that the anti-Rohingya campaign has galvanized popular support from the country’s Buddhist majority. What is more, the Rohingya are not even seen as part of Myanmar so there is an additional level of disenfranchisement.

Secondly, the Cambodian Tribunal illustrates the need for safeguards against local political interference. The ECCC was designed as national court with international participation. There was an agreement to act in accordance with international standards of independence and impartiality, but no safeguards in place against serious deficiencies in the Cambodian judicial system. Close alliances between judges and the ruling Cambodian People’s Party, as well as high levels of corruption meant the tribunal effectively gave Hun Sen’s government veto power over the court at key junctures. Despite the guise of a hybrid structure, the Cambodian government ultimately retained the ability to block further prosecutions and prevent witnesses from being called. 

In Myanmar, political interference could be a concern, but given there is no popular support for justice and accountability for crimes committed against the Rohingya, the prospects of a domestic or hybrid process remain unlikely. However, there are still international options. The investigation by the International Criminal Court (ICC) into crimes that may have taken place on the Myanmar–Bangladesh border represents a potential route for justice and accountability. The UN Human Rights Council has also recently established the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM), mandated to collect and preserve evidence, as well as to prepare files for future cases before criminal courts.

Finally, the Cambodian case illustrates the culture of impunity in the region. The ECCC was conceived partly as a showcase for international standards of justice, which would have a ‘contagion effect’ upon the wider Cambodian and regional justice systems. 

Cambodia was notorious for incidents in which well-connected and powerful people flouted the law. This culture of impunity was rooted in the failure of the government to arrest, try and punish the Khmer Rouge leadership. The Tribunal, in holding perpetrators of the worst crimes to account, sought to send a clear signal that lesser violations would not be tolerated in the same way. Arguably, it did not achieve this in practice as Cambodia still has a highly politicized judicial system with high levels of corruption and clear limits to judicial independence

What this illustrates is that the first step towards accountability is strengthening domestic institutions. The United Nation’s Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar has urged domestic authorities to embrace democracy and human rights, highlighting the need to reform the judicial system in order to ensure judicial independence, remove systemic barriers to accountability and build judicial and investigatory capacity in accordance with international standards. Based on this assessment, it is clear that domestic institutions are currently insufficiently independent to pursue accountability.

The ECCC, despite its shortcomings, does stand as proof that crimes against humanity will not go completely unpunished. However, a process does not necessarily equal justice. The region is littered with justice processes that never went anywhere: Indonesia, Nepal, and Sri Lanka. International recourse is also challenging in a region with low ratification of the ICC, and the absence of regional mechanisms like the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, the European Court of Human Rights, and the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (although their remit is not mass atrocity prosecutions). 

The Cambodian case study illustrates the challenges of ensuring justice and accountability within the region. The end of impunity is critical to ensure peaceful societies, but a purely legalistic approach will fail unless it is supported by wider measures and safeguards. It is these challenges, that undermine the prospects for ensuring justice for the Rohingya within Myanmar.




rouge

Justice for the Rohingya: Lessons from the Khmer Rouge Tribunal

8 April 2020

Sandra Smits

Programme Manager, Asia-Pacific Programme
The Cambodian case study illustrates the challenges of ensuring justice and accountability for the Rohingya in Myanmar.

2020-04-08-Rohingya.jpg

Coast guards escort Rohingya refugees following a boat capsizing accident in Teknaf on 11 February 2020. Photo: Getty Images.

International criminal justice provides a stark reminder that state sovereignty is not an absolute, and that the world’s most heinous crimes should be prosecuted at an international level, particularly where domestic systems lack the capacity or will to hold perpetrators to account. 

The post-Cold War period witnessed a dramatic rise in the number of international tribunals with jurisdiction over war crimes and serious human rights abuses in countries including Cambodia, East Timor, Rwanda, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Yugoslavia. With these processes approaching, or having reached the end of their dockets, many have called for the creation of new tribunals to address more recent conflicts, including the army crackdown in Myanmar in 2017 that resulted in evidence of crimes against humanity against the Rohingya

In January this year, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) imposed emergency provisional measures on Myanmar, instructing it to prevent genocidal violence against its Rohingya minority. But a final judgement is expected to take years and the ICJ has no way of enforcing these interim measures. Myanmar has already responded defiantly to international criticism

Model for justice

Myanmar is not the first country to face scrutiny for such crimes in Southeast Asia. The Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), more commonly known as the Khmer Rouge Tribunal was established in 1997 to prosecute Khmer Rouge leaders for alleged violations of international law and serious crimes perpetrated during the Cambodian genocide. This provides an opportunity to consider whether the Tribunal can act as a ‘hybrid’ model for justice in the region. 

The first lesson that can be taken from the Cambodian context is that the state must have the political will and commitment to pursue accountability. It was indeed the Cambodian government itself, who requested international assistance from the United Nations (UN), to organize a process for holding trials. The initial recommendation of the UN-commissioned Group of Experts was for the trial to be held under UN control, in light of misgivings about Cambodia’s judicial system. Prime Minister Hun Sen rejected this assessment and in prolonged negotiations, continued to spearhead the need for domestic involvement (arguably, in order to circumscribe the search for justice). This eventually resulted in the creation of a hybrid body consisting of parallel international and Cambodian judges and prosecutors with supermajority decision-making rules.   

It is worth noting that the Hun Sen government initially chose to do business with former Khmer Rouge leaders, until it became more advantageous to embrace a policy of putting them on trial. It is possible to infer from this that there will be no impetus for action in Myanmar until it is domestically advantageous to do so. At present, this appetite is clearly lacking, demonstrated by de-facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi shying away from accountability and instead defending the government’s actions before the ICJ.

One unique aspect of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal has been the vast participation by the Cambodian people in witnessing the trials as well as widespread support for the tribunal. This speaks to the pent-up demand in Cambodia for accountability and the importance of local participation. While international moral pressure is clear, external actors cannot simply impose justice for the Rohingya when there is no domestic incentive or support to pursue this. The reality is that the anti-Rohingya campaign has galvanized popular support from the country’s Buddhist majority. What is more, the Rohingya are not even seen as part of Myanmar so there is an additional level of disenfranchisement.

Secondly, the Cambodian Tribunal illustrates the need for safeguards against local political interference. The ECCC was designed as national court with international participation. There was an agreement to act in accordance with international standards of independence and impartiality, but no safeguards in place against serious deficiencies in the Cambodian judicial system. Close alliances between judges and the ruling Cambodian People’s Party, as well as high levels of corruption meant the tribunal effectively gave Hun Sen’s government veto power over the court at key junctures. Despite the guise of a hybrid structure, the Cambodian government ultimately retained the ability to block further prosecutions and prevent witnesses from being called. 

In Myanmar, political interference could be a concern, but given there is no popular support for justice and accountability for crimes committed against the Rohingya, the prospects of a domestic or hybrid process remain unlikely. However, there are still international options. The investigation by the International Criminal Court (ICC) into crimes that may have taken place on the Myanmar–Bangladesh border represents a potential route for justice and accountability. The UN Human Rights Council has also recently established the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM), mandated to collect and preserve evidence, as well as to prepare files for future cases before criminal courts.

Finally, the Cambodian case illustrates the culture of impunity in the region. The ECCC was conceived partly as a showcase for international standards of justice, which would have a ‘contagion effect’ upon the wider Cambodian and regional justice systems. 

Cambodia was notorious for incidents in which well-connected and powerful people flouted the law. This culture of impunity was rooted in the failure of the government to arrest, try and punish the Khmer Rouge leadership. The Tribunal, in holding perpetrators of the worst crimes to account, sought to send a clear signal that lesser violations would not be tolerated in the same way. Arguably, it did not achieve this in practice as Cambodia still has a highly politicized judicial system with high levels of corruption and clear limits to judicial independence

What this illustrates is that the first step towards accountability is strengthening domestic institutions. The United Nation’s Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar has urged domestic authorities to embrace democracy and human rights, highlighting the need to reform the judicial system in order to ensure judicial independence, remove systemic barriers to accountability and build judicial and investigatory capacity in accordance with international standards. Based on this assessment, it is clear that domestic institutions are currently insufficiently independent to pursue accountability.

The ECCC, despite its shortcomings, does stand as proof that crimes against humanity will not go completely unpunished. However, a process does not necessarily equal justice. The region is littered with justice processes that never went anywhere: Indonesia, Nepal, and Sri Lanka. International recourse is also challenging in a region with low ratification of the ICC, and the absence of regional mechanisms like the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, the European Court of Human Rights, and the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (although their remit is not mass atrocity prosecutions). 

The Cambodian case study illustrates the challenges of ensuring justice and accountability within the region. The end of impunity is critical to ensure peaceful societies, but a purely legalistic approach will fail unless it is supported by wider measures and safeguards. It is these challenges, that undermine the prospects for ensuring justice for the Rohingya within Myanmar.




rouge

Justice for the Rohingya: Lessons from the Khmer Rouge Tribunal

8 April 2020

Sandra Smits

Programme Manager, Asia-Pacific Programme
The Cambodian case study illustrates the challenges of ensuring justice and accountability for the Rohingya in Myanmar.

2020-04-08-Rohingya.jpg

Coast guards escort Rohingya refugees following a boat capsizing accident in Teknaf on 11 February 2020. Photo: Getty Images.

International criminal justice provides a stark reminder that state sovereignty is not an absolute, and that the world’s most heinous crimes should be prosecuted at an international level, particularly where domestic systems lack the capacity or will to hold perpetrators to account. 

The post-Cold War period witnessed a dramatic rise in the number of international tribunals with jurisdiction over war crimes and serious human rights abuses in countries including Cambodia, East Timor, Rwanda, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Yugoslavia. With these processes approaching, or having reached the end of their dockets, many have called for the creation of new tribunals to address more recent conflicts, including the army crackdown in Myanmar in 2017 that resulted in evidence of crimes against humanity against the Rohingya

In January this year, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) imposed emergency provisional measures on Myanmar, instructing it to prevent genocidal violence against its Rohingya minority. But a final judgement is expected to take years and the ICJ has no way of enforcing these interim measures. Myanmar has already responded defiantly to international criticism

Model for justice

Myanmar is not the first country to face scrutiny for such crimes in Southeast Asia. The Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), more commonly known as the Khmer Rouge Tribunal was established in 1997 to prosecute Khmer Rouge leaders for alleged violations of international law and serious crimes perpetrated during the Cambodian genocide. This provides an opportunity to consider whether the Tribunal can act as a ‘hybrid’ model for justice in the region. 

The first lesson that can be taken from the Cambodian context is that the state must have the political will and commitment to pursue accountability. It was indeed the Cambodian government itself, who requested international assistance from the United Nations (UN), to organize a process for holding trials. The initial recommendation of the UN-commissioned Group of Experts was for the trial to be held under UN control, in light of misgivings about Cambodia’s judicial system. Prime Minister Hun Sen rejected this assessment and in prolonged negotiations, continued to spearhead the need for domestic involvement (arguably, in order to circumscribe the search for justice). This eventually resulted in the creation of a hybrid body consisting of parallel international and Cambodian judges and prosecutors with supermajority decision-making rules.   

It is worth noting that the Hun Sen government initially chose to do business with former Khmer Rouge leaders, until it became more advantageous to embrace a policy of putting them on trial. It is possible to infer from this that there will be no impetus for action in Myanmar until it is domestically advantageous to do so. At present, this appetite is clearly lacking, demonstrated by de-facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi shying away from accountability and instead defending the government’s actions before the ICJ.

One unique aspect of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal has been the vast participation by the Cambodian people in witnessing the trials as well as widespread support for the tribunal. This speaks to the pent-up demand in Cambodia for accountability and the importance of local participation. While international moral pressure is clear, external actors cannot simply impose justice for the Rohingya when there is no domestic incentive or support to pursue this. The reality is that the anti-Rohingya campaign has galvanized popular support from the country’s Buddhist majority. What is more, the Rohingya are not even seen as part of Myanmar so there is an additional level of disenfranchisement.

Secondly, the Cambodian Tribunal illustrates the need for safeguards against local political interference. The ECCC was designed as national court with international participation. There was an agreement to act in accordance with international standards of independence and impartiality, but no safeguards in place against serious deficiencies in the Cambodian judicial system. Close alliances between judges and the ruling Cambodian People’s Party, as well as high levels of corruption meant the tribunal effectively gave Hun Sen’s government veto power over the court at key junctures. Despite the guise of a hybrid structure, the Cambodian government ultimately retained the ability to block further prosecutions and prevent witnesses from being called. 

In Myanmar, political interference could be a concern, but given there is no popular support for justice and accountability for crimes committed against the Rohingya, the prospects of a domestic or hybrid process remain unlikely. However, there are still international options. The investigation by the International Criminal Court (ICC) into crimes that may have taken place on the Myanmar–Bangladesh border represents a potential route for justice and accountability. The UN Human Rights Council has also recently established the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM), mandated to collect and preserve evidence, as well as to prepare files for future cases before criminal courts.

Finally, the Cambodian case illustrates the culture of impunity in the region. The ECCC was conceived partly as a showcase for international standards of justice, which would have a ‘contagion effect’ upon the wider Cambodian and regional justice systems. 

Cambodia was notorious for incidents in which well-connected and powerful people flouted the law. This culture of impunity was rooted in the failure of the government to arrest, try and punish the Khmer Rouge leadership. The Tribunal, in holding perpetrators of the worst crimes to account, sought to send a clear signal that lesser violations would not be tolerated in the same way. Arguably, it did not achieve this in practice as Cambodia still has a highly politicized judicial system with high levels of corruption and clear limits to judicial independence

What this illustrates is that the first step towards accountability is strengthening domestic institutions. The United Nation’s Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar has urged domestic authorities to embrace democracy and human rights, highlighting the need to reform the judicial system in order to ensure judicial independence, remove systemic barriers to accountability and build judicial and investigatory capacity in accordance with international standards. Based on this assessment, it is clear that domestic institutions are currently insufficiently independent to pursue accountability.

The ECCC, despite its shortcomings, does stand as proof that crimes against humanity will not go completely unpunished. However, a process does not necessarily equal justice. The region is littered with justice processes that never went anywhere: Indonesia, Nepal, and Sri Lanka. International recourse is also challenging in a region with low ratification of the ICC, and the absence of regional mechanisms like the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, the European Court of Human Rights, and the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (although their remit is not mass atrocity prosecutions). 

The Cambodian case study illustrates the challenges of ensuring justice and accountability within the region. The end of impunity is critical to ensure peaceful societies, but a purely legalistic approach will fail unless it is supported by wider measures and safeguards. It is these challenges, that undermine the prospects for ensuring justice for the Rohingya within Myanmar.




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Time Magazine Calls Weekly Program on Khmer Rouge Trial a ‘Sleeper Hit’ in Cambodia

Time Magazine Calls Weekly Program on Khmer Rouge Trial a ‘Sleeper Hit’ in Cambodia

Click image to view "Dutch on Trial" program.

With up to 3 million viewers each week, “Duch on Trial” program provides many with primary source of information on the international tribunal

 




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Khmer Rouge Trial Videos Available Online

Khmer Rouge Trial Videos Available Online
HONOLULU (April 8) – Weekly video updates about the Khmer Rouge trial proceedings currently underway in Cambodia can now be viewed online at forum.eastwestcenter.org/Khmer-Rouge-Trials .

The films – produced for a prime-time Cambodian television audience, with English subtitles added – endeavor to explain the complex legal proceedings in an accessible and informative manner through the use of trial footage, expert commentary and interviews. Also available on the “Time for Justice, Cambodia” site are written reports on the tribunal sessions prepared by legal monitors from the Asian International Justice Initiative, or AIJI .




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Khmer Rouge Tribunal Receiving Training in International Law

Khmer Rouge Tribunal Receiving Training in International Law
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

Media contact:

Derek Ferrar
Phone: (808) 944-7204
Email: ferrard@EastWestCenter.org

HONOLULU (Feb. 4) -- The Asian International Justice Initiative (AIJI), a collaboration between the East-West Center in Hawaii and the War Crimes Studies Center at the University of California, Berkeley, has begun a week and a half of training workshops in international law for all the judges of the Khmer Rouge war-crimes tribunal in Phnom Penh, Cambodia.  The workshops are focusing on legal issues likely to play a central role in the tribunal’s upcoming trials.




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AIJI Prosecutors’ Workshop Set for Khmer Rouge Tribunal

AIJI Prosecutors’ Workshop Set for Khmer Rouge Tribunal
HONOLULU (August 23) -- The Asian International Justice Initiative (‘AIJI’) , a collaboration between the East-West Center, Hawaii and the War Crimes Studies Center at the University of California, Berkeley will hold a week-long workshop in international criminal law for the Office of the Co-Prosecutors (OCP) at the Khmer Rouge Tribunal August 27-31, in Phnom Penh, Cambodia.




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Workshop Set for Khmer Rouge Trials in Cambodia

Workshop Set for Khmer Rouge Trials in Cambodia
HONOLULU (March 19) -- The Asian International Justice Initiative (‘AIJI’), a collaboration between the East-West Center, Hawaii and the War Crimes Studies Center at the University of California, Berkeley will hold a week-long workshop in international criminal law for Cambodian lawyers. The workshop will be held March 26 through 30 in Phnom Penh.




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EWC Receives $105K in Grants for Khmer Rouge Tribunal Work

EWC Receives $105K in Grants for Khmer Rouge Tribunal Work
HONOLULU (March 9) – The East-West Center (EWC) received two grants totaling over $105-thousand dollars from the British Embassy in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, for two projects supporting the Khmer Rouge Tribunal. Both projects are part of the Asian International Justice Initiative, a partnership between the EWC and the War Crimes Studies Center at the University of California, Berkeley.

EWC President Charles E. Morrison says, "We certainly appreciate these grants in underwriting our efforts to support development of the rule of law in Cambodia and to help the Khmer Rouge Tribunal bring some closure to a horrific period in Cambodian history."




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Khmer Rouge Trial TV Reports Resume Online

HONOLULU (Dec. 13, 2011) -- ‘Facing Justice,’ a series of weekly Cambodian TV reports (with English subtitles) about the proceedings in the second Khmer Rouge trial, is now available online.

The series is a followup to a similar program on the first Khmer Rouge Tribunal trial, which garnered up to 3 million viewers each week, or 20 percent of Cambodia’s population, and was credited with being one of the main ways Cambodians received information about the trial.




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East-West Center Receives USAID Grant to Promote Dialogue and Understanding About the Khmer Rouge Tribunal in Cambodia

HONOLULU (Oct. 31, 2013) -- The East-West Center has received  funding from the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) to promote public understanding and dialogue about the Khmer Rouge Tribunal in Cambodia through the continuation of activities to monitor, analyze, and disseminate information about the tribunal proceedings.




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Former Baton Rouge, Louisiana Police Officer Pleads Guilty to Civil Rights Violation

Nathan Davis, a former police officer with the Baton Rouge Police Department in Baton Rouge, La., pleaded guilty today to a felony civil rights violation for use of excessive force. At today’s court hearing, defendant Davis admitted that he intentionally used excessive force in March 2007 against a man who had been arrested, handcuffed and taken to a police department holding center.



  • OPA Press Releases

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Formosa Plastics Corp., Texas, and Formosa Plastics Corp., Louisiana, will spend more than $10 million on pollution controls to address air, water, and hazardous waste violations at two petrochemical plants in Point Comfort, Texas, and Baton Rouge, La.

Formosa Plastics Corp., Texas, and Formosa Plastics Corp., Louisiana, will spend more than $10 million on pollution controls to address air, water, and hazardous waste violations at two petrochemical plants in Point Comfort, Texas, and Baton Rouge, La.



  • OPA Press Releases

rouge

Medicare Fraud Strike Force Expands Operations into Brooklyn, N.Y.; Tampa, Fla.; and Baton Rouge, La.

Thirty people have been charged in three cities for their alleged roles in schemes to submit more than $61 million in false Medicare claims as part of the continuing operation of the Medicare Fraud Strike Force.



  • OPA Press Releases

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Two Baton Rouge, Louisiana, Tax Preparers Indicted for Aiding in Preparation of False Tax Returns

Two Baton Rouge, La., tax return preparers were indicted today on charges of aiding in the preparation of false tax returns, the Justice Department and Internal Revenue Service (IRS) announced



  • OPA Press Releases

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Two Baton Rouge, Louisiana, Tax Preparers Plead Guilty to Aiding in Preparation of False Tax Returns

Cynthia Peters and Melissa Edwards pleaded guilty to one count each of aiding and assisting in the filing of a false tax return in U.S. District Court in Baton Rouge, La.



  • OPA Press Releases

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New Orleans Doctor and Owner of Medical Equipment Company Each Plead Guilty for Their Roles in Baton Rouge-area Health Care Fraud Scheme

A New Orleans-area medical doctor and the owner and operator of a medical equipment company each pleaded guilty today for their roles in a Baton Rouge-area durable medical equipment (DME) health care fraud scheme.



  • OPA Press Releases

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New Orleans Doctor and Owner of Medical Equipment Company Sentenced to Prison for Their Roles in Baton Rouge-area Medicare Fraud Scheme

A New Orleans-area medical doctor and the owner and operator of a medical equipment company were sentenced today to 48 and 30 months in prison.



  • OPA Press Releases

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Baton Rouge, La., Tax Preparer Sentenced to Prison for Aiding in Preparation of False Tax Returns

Cynthia Peters was sentenced to 27 months in prison based on her plea of guilty to one count of willfully aiding and assisting in the preparation and filing of a false income tax return.



  • OPA Press Releases

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Baton Rouge, La., Tax Preparer Sentenced to Prison for Aiding in Preparation of False Tax Returns

Melissa Edwards was sentenced by U.S. District Court Judge Brian A. Jackson to 30 months in prison based on her plea of guilty to one count of wilfully aiding and assisting in the preparation and filing of a false income tax return.



  • OPA Press Releases

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Baton Rouge, La.-area Residents Sentenced in Medicare Fraud Scheme

Two patient recruiters for several Louisiana durable medical equipment (DME) companies were sentenced today for their roles in Medicare fraud schemes involving fraudulent claims and illegal kickback payments for unnecessary DME, announced the Department of Justice, the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), the FBI and the Louisiana State Attorney General’s Office.



  • OPA Press Releases

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Baton Rouge, Louisiana, Man Pleads Guilty to Odometer Tampering Charges

Beau Michael Guidry of Baton Rouge, La., pleaded guilty today in the U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Louisiana to three counts of odometer tampering.



  • OPA Press Releases

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Baton Rouge, Louisiana, Used Car Dealer Sentenced to Prison for Odometer Tampering Fraud Scheme

Beau Michael Guidry of Baton Rouge, La., was sentenced today in connection with an odometer tampering scheme that defrauded victims in and around Louisiana, the Justice Department announced. U.S. District Judge for the Middle District of Louisiana James J. Brady sentenced Guidry to a term of 20 months in prison and a term of one year of supervised release during which he cannot be involved in the sale of motor vehicles. In addition, the court ordered Guidry to pay $72,805.51 in restitution to the victims of his crimes.



  • OPA Press Releases

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Federal Court Permanently Bars Baton Rouge Tax Service from Preparing Tax Returns

A federal court has permanently barred Larry Carnell Dixon Sr., a Louisiana tax return preparer, and his business, Dixon’s Tax Service, LLC from preparing federal tax returns for others, the Justice Department announced today. The civil injunction order, to which Dixon and Dixon’s Tax Service LLC, consented without admitting the allegations against them, was signed by Judge James Brady of the U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Louisiana.



  • OPA Press Releases

rouge

Owner of Baton Rouge Pharmacy Pleads Guilty for Directing $2.2 Million Health Care Fraud Scheme

The owner of a Louisiana pharmacy pleaded guilty today for directing a $2.2 million Medicare fraud scheme to repackage and redistribute prescription medications. Mona Patrice Carter, 47, pleaded guilty before U.S. District Judge James J. Brady of the Middle District of Louisiana to one count of health care fraud.



  • OPA Press Releases

rouge

Owner and Recruiter for Louisiana and Texas Mental Health Clinics Convicted as Part of $258 Million Health Care Fraud Scheme in Baton Rouge, Louisiana

An owner and operator of community mental health centers in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, as well as a patient recruiter for a related facility in Houston, Texas, were convicted on Wednesday, May 21, 2014, for their roles in a $258 million Medicare fraud scheme.



  • OPA Press Releases

rouge

New "Corpse Plant" Species Discovered in Former Khmer Rouge Territory

Previously unknown species in a relatively undisturbed bioregion of the Mekong River in northeastern Cambodia have been uncovered by a recent study — 24 in total, including a so-called "corpse




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Auto Expo 2020: हुंडई ने पेश की जबरदस्त लुक वाली Le Fil Rouge (HDC-1) कॉन्सेप्ट कार, देखें तस्वीरें

ऑटो एक्सपो 2020 में हुंडई ने Le Fil Rouge (HDC-1) कॉन्सेप्ट कार को​ डिसप्ले किया है. भारत में इसे ऑटो एक्सपो 2020 में पहली बार पेश किया गया है.




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Borouge Polymers

Borouge Polymers




rouge

Borouge India

Borouge India




rouge

L'écharpe rouge: suivi de, Deux scènes et notes conjointes / Yves Bonnefoy

Hayden Library - PQ2603.O533 A6 2016




rouge

Gravitational wave astrophysics: early results from gravitational wave searches and electromagnetic counterparts: proceedings of the 338th symposium of the International Astronomical Union held in Baton Rouge, United States, October 16-19, 2017 / edited b

Hayden Library - QC179.I684 2019




rouge

Sur les chemins d'Onagre: histoire et archéologie orientales: hommage à Monik Kervran / edited by Claire Hardy-Guilbert, Hélène Renel, Axelle Rougeulle, Eric Vallet

Rotch Library - DS56.S87 2018




rouge

Moulin Rouge dance troupe in choreographed pose, with musician backup and broadcast paraphernalia in Tampa, Florida




rouge

[The new Moulin Rouge Nite Club replacing the one on 7th Avenue]




rouge

Royal American Moulin Rouge at the Florida State Fair