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Criminal justice responses to terrorism in focus at OSCE seminar in Tashkent

TASHKENT, 2 December 2015 - Effective criminal justice responses to terrorism, based on the rule of law, were the focus of a two-day seminar organized by the OSCE Secretariat’s Action against Terrorism Unit, in co-operation with the OSCE Project Co-ordinator in Uzbekistan, which concluded today in Tashkent.

The seminar gathered about 30 representatives of national agencies involved in counter-terrorism and focused on the Global Counterterrorism Forum’s (GCTF) Rabat Memorandum on Good Practices for Effective Counterterrorism Practice in the Criminal Justice Sector. Experts in the field of criminal justice presented good counter-terrorism practices developed in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Germany, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom and the United States, as well as the work the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crimes (UNODC) is pursuing in this area.

“This two-day seminar is a follow-up to an assessment visit by the United Nations Counter-Terrorism Committee Executive Directorate (UN CTED) in April this year, which the OSCE contributed to,” said the OSCE Project Co-ordinator in Uzbekistan Gyorgy Szabo in his opening remarks. “The seminar aims at promoting internationally recognized good practices that show how to balance rule of law concerns with effectively preventing and combating terrorism.”

Among other topics, the participants discussed the effective co-ordination between domestic government agencies and the importance of international co-operation, particularly when being confronted with terrorism. The seminar also highlighted the need to ensure the protection of sensitive intelligence and law enforcement information in terrorism cases, as well as for adopting incentives for suspects to co-operate with state authorities in the investigation and prosecution of terrorism offenses.

All OSCE participating States and Partners for Co-operation have committed to furthering international co-operative efforts in promoting effective and rule of law-based responses of their national criminal justice systems as part of a global strategy to counter terrorism.

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Recommitting to International Criminal Justice and Human Rights in Indonesia

6 April 2018

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Agantaranansa Juanda speaks to Jason Naselli about the promises the government has made and the steps that still need to be taken for the country to deliver justice for past violations of human rights.

2018-04-06-Jokowi.jpg

Indonesian PM Joko Widodo. Photo: Getty Images.

Does the Indonesian government adequately protect human rights?

It does and it does not; it really depends on the context. Indonesia looks good among its neighbours in Southeast Asia in terms of protection of civil and political rights, and to some extent economic, social and cultural rights, although room for improvements exists.

But one of the promises of the current president, Joko Widodo, during his 2014 campaign was about international criminal justice, which involves rights for many victims of past cases of human rights abuses in Indonesia. In that sense, it does not protect these rights, including the rights to justice, truth, reparations or guarantees of non-recurrence.

For example, in the case of the conflict over independence for East Timor in 1999, there were many gross violations of human rights. However, there has never been any sort of effective judicial process to address gross violations of human rights, and crimes against humanity in particular.

In 1965–66, during the government’s violent anti-communist operations, 500,000 people or more were killed. Indonesia’s National Commission on Human Rights was tasked with conducting an investigation into this period within its limited mandate, but it led to nothing; there have never been any prosecutions relating to these crimes.

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In 2000, Indonesia established its own Human Rights Court. What is your assessment of its record?

Some human rights activists suggested that the establishment of the Human Rights Court took place under international pressure following the independence of East Timor. To avoid international scrutiny, for example the creation of an ad hoc international tribunal, the government established this court.

Based on the report of the International Commission of Inquiry on East Timor in 2000, it was indeed recommended that an international human rights tribunal be set up. Indonesian government rejected the proposal with strong assurances that it would provide justice for atrocities committed by its nationals. So it is fair for some to see the establishment of Indonesia’s Human Rights Court as a political move by the government at that time, in order to avoid scrutiny by the international community.

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So it has not lived up to its mandate, but there is another factor, which is that the founding law of the Human Rights Court does not accommodate international standards of criminal justice. It only covers two of the four categories of crime as outlined in the Rome Statute – crimes against humanity and genocide. It also does not provide adequate protection for victims and witnesses. So there are issues not only with the performance of the Human Rights Court but also with the legislation establishing it.

Why hasn’t Indonesia become a party to the Rome Statute to join the ICC?

The main opposition came from the military, because they were afraid of being targeted by the ICC. There was also a lot of discussion about Indonesia’s ‘sovereign right to prosecute’.

But what those opposing failed to understand is that the ICC is bound by temporal and territorial boundaries, meaning that it will not intervene if the state in question is able and willing to prosecute. So I think accession to the Rome Statute has not taken place because of this misunderstanding.

I think another factor since this was initially raised is there is a focus on other issues. Indonesia is an emerging country economically; there is a focus on building infrastructure. So many in government feel like they are done with the past. But for the millions of victims of past crimes and their families, the past is not done.

So it’s very important at this point in the country’s history to revisit the commitment to international criminal justice to be able to contribute to sustainable peace and development.

What steps could the Indonesian government take to improve how it handles these issues?

The establishment of the Human Rights Court was an important starting point, but clearly there has to be significant reform, both in terms of the substantive law underpinning it and its procedures.

Clearly the domestic laws need to be reformed, but also, an effort needs to be made to improve the courts capacity in terms of manpower and logistical support. This is why the government needs to restart the discussion about becoming a party to the Rome Statute. Through the outreach programme of the ICC, this would give the Human Rights Court the capacity, in terms of manpower and logistical support, to tackle past human rights violations in Indonesia, which the Human Rights Court is currently lacking.

Only if these two steps are taken – reforming the domestic Human Rights Court and restarting discussion about becoming a party to the Rome Statute – will the Indonesian government be able to say it has made progress on international criminal justice.

The Indonesian government is actually running for a seat on the UN Security Council for the period of 2019–20. So I think it is an urgent discussion that the Indonesian government needs to have before it makes another pledge to contribute to the maintenance of international peace and security. It is difficult to have sustainable peace without justice.




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