President Ilham Aliyev, who is hosting the COP29 UN climate talks, drew loud applause from delegates of some Pacific island nations after a combative speech targeting France's handling of its overseas territories.

The growing incidents of ransomware attacks like the Colonial Pipeline breach highlight the need for automated anti-malware remediation solutions such as SpyHunter.

Matthew interviews Nicholas Chapman, the Managing Director of Orthodox Christian Books, about an 18th-century Orthodox convert from Virginia named Philip Ludwell III. Ludwell gave George Washington his commission in the army and was a cousin of George's wife Martha. Learn more HERE and HERE.

IT is sickening to read about students and cadets in educational institutions or military academies being subjected to ragging and bullying, often resulting in grievous injuries and even deaths.

The archaic and pernicious practice of ragging, often referred to as fagging in elite boarding schools, or simply as ritualistic hazing in military academies, persists today as a toxic relic of colonial-era power structures.

This practice can be traced to the cloistered halls of upper-class English boarding schools. It is a ritual of bullying and humiliation that has long been wielded as a tool for enforcing hierarchical dominance and conformist obedience.

The prevalence of such practices, even in post-colonial, democratic societies like Malaysia, is not merely an anachronism but a stark contradiction to the principles of egalitarianism and care that should underpin modern educational systems.

I remember how it was so prevalent in the sixties when we were in sixth form as well as in the universities.

Origins of ragging/bullying: An elite tradition of oppression

Ragging finds its roots in the so-called prestigious institutions of Victorian England – Eton, Harrow and Winchester – where the upper classes refined a system of abuse disguised as character-building.

The concept of fagging emerged in these schools to establish a rigid social hierarchy among boys, where younger students were essentially forced into servitude by older ones.

The practice was framed as a means of instilling discipline and preparing young men for leadership roles.

In reality, it was a mechanism to perpetuate elitism, dominance and subservience – indoctrinating children into a culture of abuse under the guise of tradition.

When these elite practices were exported to colonial territories, they were often adopted by local institutions eager to emulate the supposed prestige of their British overlords.

In this way, ragging became an insidious form of cultural imperialism, embedding colonial power structures within the social fabric of post-colonial nations.

The toxic legacy in post-colonial societies

In countries like Malaysia and other former British colonies, ragging has been adopted and adapted, often becoming even more extreme and violent than its original form.

In military academies and universities, what began as a series of petty humiliations has escalated into physical, sexual and psychological abuse.

There is a perverse justification offered for this brutality: that it fosters camaraderie, resilience and esprit de corps. Yet the reality is far more disturbing.

The sheer brutality of these practices has led to multiple instances of severe injury, trauma and even death.

In Malaysia, there have been numerous cases of young cadets and students suffering injuries that have left them physically and emotionally scarred for life.

The veneer of tradition masks the fact that ragging is simply systematic bullying, an exercise in power and control that normalises the abuse of the vulnerable.

We have just seen yet another bullying case at the National Defence University where a 19-year-old cadet was allegedly stomped on by a senior, fracturing his spine and ribs.

Last month, a hot iron was pressed on the chest of a student at a military university, just months after courts handed the death penalty to six former students over the killing of a fellow cadet at the institution.

There have been other cases such as J. Soosaimanicckam, a 27-year-old navy cadet officer, who died of homicide at the KD Sultan Idris Lumut naval base on May 19, 2018.

Beyond universities, bullying is also on the rise in public schools.

Nearly 5,000 cases of bullying were reported over the first 10 months of 2023, according to the latest data from the Education Ministry, a sharp rise from 3,887 cases for the whole of 2022.

Failure of institutional accountability

The persistence of ragging is compounded by the complicity of educational institutions, which often turn a blind eye to the abuse, framing it as a rite of passage.

Administrators and faculty, many of whom are former students of the same institutions, perpetuate a culture of silence.

This lack of accountability only emboldens the perpetrators, creating an environment where victims feel powerless to speak out.

Military academies are notorious for their strict hierarchical structure, which leaves little room for dissent.

The emphasis on blind obedience and unquestioning discipline suppresses the voices of those who are most affected.

The rhetoric of “toughening up” young recruits masks the reality that many leave these academies with lifelong trauma, not strengthened resolve.

In this way, the very institutions tasked with building national character are guilty of undermining the values of respect, empathy and human dignity.

Call for cultural, institutional reform

It is both ironic and tragic that post-colonial nations like Malaysia, which fought for independence and the promise of a fair and just society, continue to perpetuate a colonial legacy that embodies the worst aspects of imperial rule.

Ragging and its equivalents are antithetical to the values that should define modern, democratic societies.

Instead of reinforcing outdated and oppressive traditions, Malaysia should be leading the way in promoting caring, compassionate and egalitarian values in its educational and military institutions.

A modern educational system should focus on mentorship, mutual respect and leadership through empathy rather than through intimidation and violence.

The true strength of a society lies not in its ability to produce individuals hardened by abuse but in its capacity to cultivate individuals who are resilient, confident and empathetic because they have been nurtured, not beaten down.

By fostering a culture of inclusivity and care, Malaysia can become a beacon of progress in a world where too many institutions are still mired in the shadows of a brutal, colonial past.

Conclusion

It is time to consign ragging to the dustbin of history where it belongs.

This practice, born of elitist arrogance and colonial condescension, has no place in the educational institutions of a modern, independent nation.

Instead of clinging to the trappings of colonial tradition, Malaysia should embrace its role as a leader in creating an educational environment that promotes equality, dignity and mutual respect.

By doing so, it can offer its youth something far more valuable than the scars of ritualistic abuse: the chance to learn and grow in an environment free from fear and filled with the promise of genuine support and solidarity.

It is time we banned this hideous practice in our institutions once and for all.

Kua Kia Soong is a former MP and director of Suaram. Comments: letters@thesundaily.com

Children's Geographies; 12/01/2022
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The post Technocolonialism: When Technology for Good is Harmful was curated by information for practice.

First Nation collectors and history buffs can get a piece of nostalgia in the period when English and French colonists arrived in the New World in this rare online auction.

"New England 100 Years before the Revolution: From Plymouth Colony to the Salem Witch Trials—The Victor Gulotta Collection" of manuscripts to be featured at Doyle Auction's November 7th sale in New York.

I was talking with an economist today about the recent prize given to the authors of the very influential 2001 article, The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development: An Empirical Investigation. According to my colleague, many economists have issues with that … Continue reading →

Event Begins: Wednesday, November 13, 2024 11:00am
Location: Museum of Art
Organized By: University of Michigan Museum of Art (UMMA)

Organized as a response to the Museum’s recent acquisition of Titus Kaphar’s Flay (James Madison), this upcoming reinstallation of one of our most prominent gallery spaces forces us to grapple with our collection of European and American art, 1650-1850.

In recent times, growing public awareness of the continued reverberations of the legacy of slavery and colonization has challenged museums to examine the uncomfortable histories contained in our collections, and challenged the public to probe the choices we make about those stories. Choices about which artists you see in our galleries, choices about what relevant facts we share about the works, and choices about what - out of an infinite number of options - we don’t say about them.

Pieces in this exhibition were made at a time when the world came to be shaped by the ideologies of colonial expansion and Western domination. And yet, that history and the stories of those marginalized do not readily appear in the still lives and portraits on display here. By grappling with what is visible and what remains hidden, we are forced to examine whose stories and histories are prioritized and why.  

In this online exhibition, you can explore our efforts to deeply question the Museum’s collection and our own past complicity in favoring colonial voices. In the Museum gallery, which will open in early 2021, you’ll be able to experience the changes we’re making to the physical space to highlight a more honest version of European and American history. 

By challenging our own practice, and continuing to add to what we know and what we write about the works we display, UMMA tells a more complex and more complete story of this nation - one that unsettles, and fails to settle for, simple narratives. 

“Invisible things are not necessarily ‘not there’.... Certain absences are so stressed, so ornate, so planned, they call attention to themselves; arrest us with intentionality and purpose, like neighborhoods that are defined by the population held away from them.” 

— Toni Morrison

Lead support for Unsettling Histories: Legacies of Slavery and Colonialism is provided by the University of Michigan Office of the Provost, the U-M Arts Initiative, and the Susan and Richard Gutow Endowed Fund.
 

The record of women in colonial Virginia begins with Native Americans and gradually includes European and African women. The experiences of these women differed widely depending on their ethnicity, their status, and the gender roles defined by their culture. In the colony's early years, survival, not tradition, influenced the roles of men and women, whether white or black, free or unfree. Planters' wives, indentured servants, and slaves labored in the tobacco fields alongside one another, while an unmarried woman with land could engage in business the same way a man might. As Jamestown grew from a fortified outpost into the capital of a permanent colony, colonists began to envision a stable society based on the patriarchal system they had known in England, where men held authority over their wives, children, and other dependents. But the uneven sex ratio, the scattered nature of settlement, the high mortality rate, and frequent remarriages made the transfer of such ideas difficult, if not impossible. Historians agree that a society with less emphasis on gender roles gradually ceded to the traditional patriarchal system, but the exact timing of this change is not entirely clear. By the mid-seventeenth century, the colony's lawmakers began to use ideas about gender and race to codify two distinct roles for Virginia women: the so-called good wife, typically free and white, who performed domestic work in her home and raised her children; and the agricultural laborer, typically enslaved and black. By the end of the seventeenth century, members of the planter elite had separated themselves from the rest of Virginia's residents with their landed wealth, enslaved laborers, and wives who managed their homes. Although middling women (women of moderate means) continued to work alongside their husbands in the fields and operate taverns and other businesses well into the eighteenth century, all classes of women became relegated to the private sphere while their husbands increasingly dominated the public world. By the end of the colonial period, women, whether rich or poor, urban or rural, were expected to skillfully manage a household and provide an example for their children—acts that bolstered patriarchal authority in colonial Virginia.
Thu, 29 Oct 2020 18:30:23 EST

Las acciones de Merlin Properties se han dejado más de un 7% en la sesión y las de Colonial un 5% tras conocerse la intención del Ejecutivo de cambiar su tributación. El Ibex retrocede al nivel de hace dos meses y pierde los 11.400 puntos Leer

US recovers most of Colonial Pipeline Bitcoin ransom following cyberattack

“Chigumadzi argues that within the liberal international order, it is “reasonable” and “workable” to struggle to end apartheid and racial segregation, while it is “unreasonable” and “unworkable” to struggle to end settler colonialism and indigenous land dispossession. In arguing that apartheid is overrepresented in the International Left’s racial discourse and historiography, Chigumadzi draws from generations of Black South African political activists, philosophers, and historians—most notably from the Pan Africanist-Black Consciousness Tradition. These traditions critique apartheid’s relatively short 54 years of institutionalized racial segregation as the paradigmatic historical framework for analyzing South Africa’s three centuries of settler colonialism and land dispossession. Drawing from this black radical critique, Chigumadzi rejects the liberal notion that apartheid’s end is the object of liberation struggle, and, instead asserts the centrality of the struggle for the return of indigenous lands.” Dr. Panashe Chigumadzi is an award-winning writer and Assistant Professor of African History at Brandeis University. Chigumadzi holds a doctorate from Harvard University’s Department of African and African American Studies, and a masters in African Literature from the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa.

A feminist and postcolonial approach to nuclear politics Expert comment NCapeling 20 July 2022

The July issue of International Affairs includes eight articles on the global nuclear order and eight more covering Chinese lending, abortion rights, and global security.

Disarmament and arms control has been a consistent area of debate in this journal for the past century, as underscored in our recent archive collection of research on a century of war and conflict.

The July edition moves this debate forward with a collection of papers guest-edited by Shine Choi and Catherine Eschle. The section ‘Feminist interrogations of global nuclear politics’ includes work by nine authors exploring seven global case-studies that help rethink nuclear politics and feminism.

As the guest editors note in their introduction, the section brings together research on nuclear power and nuclear weaponry to ‘begin the process of decentring 1980s white, western experiences of the global nuclear order in feminist IR’.

The articles speak to three core themes: they provide evidence of the ongoing destructive nature of nuclear technologies, extend understanding of the gendered, racialized, and colonial dimensions of nuclear discourses, and unearth the impact of colonialism on the global nuclear order.

Global nuclear politics

Anne Sisson Runyan examines the gendered effects of uranium mining and nuclear waste dumping on North American Indigenous women, showing how the nuclear cycle tends to have a disproportionate effect on certain communities but also that the area of disposal remains problematic.

This is a global problem – for example, the Royal Navy has yet to successfully dispose of a single redundant nuclear-powered submarine and is rapidly running out of space to store further vessels.

Hebatalla Taha goes back to the early years of nuclear development and, using Egypt as a case-study, her article argues the early visualizations of the atomic age were fluid and ambivalent. She concludes – perhaps controversially – that feminizing nuclear politics and nuclear images will not lead to disarmament but rather reinforce the nuclearized world. The piece is a welcome addition to the emerging field of visuality within international relations.

Anand Sreekumar brings together feminist and Gandhian thinking to suggest a way for Narendra Modi’s government to move beyond the possession of nuclear weapons as symbols of power. In doing so, he also critiques the binary labels of ‘West’ and ‘non-West’ that often frame our understanding of the world.

Lorraine Bayard de Volo revisits the Cuban missile crisis – a point in time where nuclear war looked likely. She compares the actions of Khrushchev, Castro, and Kennedy and finds the pursuit of masculinity led to the rejection of approaches considered more feminine, such as diplomacy and negotiation – the crisis was exacerbated by what might be referred to now as toxic masculinity.

Sweden’s and Finland’s recent application to join the nuclear alliance NATO lends a particular urgency to Emma Rosengren’s article on the original Swedish decision to renounce the development of nuclear weapons during the Cold War. Her article concludes much of the emphasis on power in international relations has contributed to a gendered and racialized nuclear order.

Similarly, Laura Rose Brown and Laura Considine’s article on the Non-Proliferation Treaty finds that ‘gender-sensitive’ approaches focus almost exclusively on women’s inclusion as opposed to feminist policy analysis. They end by making recommendations for future policymaking.

Finally, Rebecca Hogue and Anais Maurer look at the anti-nuclear poetry of Pacific women. This article raises fundamental questions about what is currently considered to constitute evidence. They point to the role of oral history in many communities and the tendency of policymakers and social scientists to ignore this source of understanding.

National politics with international implications

This edition’s ‘Editor’s Choice’ is Jeffrey A. Friedman’s article which questions whether US grand strategy is dead in a post-Trump world. Running counter to much of the existing literature, he suggests there is a strong bilateral commitment to existing partnerships and alliances within the US political establishment.

Following the US Supreme Court decision over Roe vs Wade, it is important to note the issue of abortion rights can have an international dimension. Megan Daigle, Deirdre N. Duffy, and Diana López Castañeda reveal that, although Colombia now has the most progressive legal framework for abortion in Latin America, intense backlash persists as legacies of the civil war overshadow the issue and lead to barriers to safe abortion care.

China

Ric Neo and Chen Xiang look at Chinese public opinion and finds that citizens can be upset by foreign policies of other states even when they have no impact on their daily lives. It reminds us of the potency of nationalism and the importance of who controls the prevailing narrative.

Deborah Brautigam examines China’s role in creating Zambia’s debt crisis, arguing this has not been brought about by a centralized master plan which would give China control over Zambia. Instead, the crisis has been caused by the failure of Chinese bureaucracy with too many state organs offering funding in an uncoordinated fashion.

Security and defence

Using Iran as a case-study, Henrik Stålhane Hiim argues the development of nuclear-capable ballistic missiles is a key indicator when looking for potential nuclear proliferators.

Eray Alim demonstrates the impact of an external great power interacting with local states. Russia’s involvement in the Syrian civil war has allowed it – sometimes through restrictive and punitive measures – to ensure Turkey and Israel do not harm its interests in the region.

Nina Wilén draws on fieldwork in Niger to study how Security Force Assistance (SFA) impacts on Niger’s security sector and compares this to global trends in security. She finds these developments contribute to blurred borders and confusion regarding labour division in the security sector and points to wider questions for intervenors in developing local units.

Delaware’s History stretches back almost four hundred years, with its first European settlers landing long before it became the First State. By the time the American Revolution ended, Delaware had been ruled by three different kingdoms and had endured several major conflicts. In “Colonial Delaware: A History”, John A. Munroe examines Delaware’s rich history, from […]

A high school social studies teacher from the Colonial School District is Delaware’s 2025 State Teacher of the Year.

We are joined by U.N. special rapporteur on the occupied Palestinian territory, Francesca Albanese, who says Israel is committing genocide on Palestinians in the Gaza Strip. Facing accusations of antisemitism from Israeli and U.S. officials, Albanese is in New York to present her report, titled “Genocide as colonial erasure,” which finds that Israel’s genocide is founded on “ideological hatred” and “dehumanization” and “enabled through the various organs of the state,” and recommends that Israel be unseated from the United Nations over its conduct. She argues that Israel’s attacks on U.N. employees, including the killings of at least 230 U.N. staff in Gaza, its flagrant violations of U.N. resolutions and international law and the unique status of “the first settler-colonial genocide to be ever litigated before [an international] court” justify this unprecedented measure. Israel’s continued impunity, Albanese warns, “is the nail in the coffin of the U.N. Charter.”

Researchers at Africa Water Week call for efforts to “decolonize” and improve water permit systems, so more farmers are encouraged to invest in much-needed irrigation.

The post Press Release: Water rights for millions of African farmers threatened by law rooted in colonial times, study finds  first appeared on International Water Management Institute (IWMI).

Manchester : Manchester University Press, [2017]

Manchester : Manchester University Press, [2017]

Manchester : Manchester University Press, [2018]

St. Louis, Mo. : Chalice Press, [2000]

Manchester : Manchester University Press, [2022]

Manchester : Manchester University Press, [2018]

Durham : Duke University Press, [2023]

London : Pluto Press, 2023.

Oxford ; New York, NY : Oxford University Press, [2017]

Manchester : Manchester University Press, [2020]

Manchester : Manchester University Press, [2019]

Berkeley, CA : University of California Press, [2023]

Melbourne ; London : Scribe, 2020.

The handcrafted colourful textiles of South Asia appealed immensely to the celebrated 19th-century craftsperson and polymath. A new exhibition of his works highlights these influences

Nabanita Sengupta’s translation of Krishnabhabini Das’s travelogue, published in 1885, is a hat tip to the pioneers of modern-day feminism

Evenings snacks are a serious business with Bengali cha and the tradition may have something to do with the high tea of the Brits

New York, NY : Routledge , 2024.

London : Bloomsbury Academic, 2024.

London : Paul Melon Centre for Studies in British Art, 2024.

The Babu & The Bazaar is an exhibition of exquisite oil paintings, pat watercolours, prints and reverse paintings from the 19th and early 20th Century that drew inspiration from everywhere while remaining local in technique

Recorded in an authentic tavern environment similar to what might have been experienced in 18th-century Williamsburg.

On this recording of period music, the Cross Violin, Kirckman Harpsichord, Keene Spinet, Broadwood Pianoforte and three flutes are played just as they were in colonial times.

Selected performances from nine of Colonial Williamsburg's recordings, including fife and drum marches, chamber music, slave chants, and tavern songs.

From the Summer 2002 Journal: "Making "Cents" of Colonial Money"