burkina faso

Theater festival offers solace in Burkina Faso, a nation torn by violence

The last three years have been tough for Fanta Charlotte Dabone, a mother of three from the conflict-battered West African country of Burkina Faso.




burkina faso

[ X.Sup27 (09/16) ] - ITU-T X.1054 - Supplement on best practice for governance of information security - Case of Burkina Faso

ITU-T X.1054 - Supplement on best practice for governance of information security - Case of Burkina Faso




burkina faso

Prices, Products and Priorities: Meeting Refugees’ Energy Needs in Burkina Faso and Kenya

Prices, Products and Priorities: Meeting Refugees’ Energy Needs in Burkina Faso and Kenya Other resource sysadmin 24 January 2018

As the number of displaced people increases, and aid budgets come under further pressure, the imperative to identify cost-effective and sustainable solutions for delivering energy to refugees is more pressing than ever.

Father and daughter in their shelter in Goudoubo refugee camp, Burkina Faso, March 2017. Photo: Kwesi Annim.

This paper examines the issue of energy and displacement in detail, using insights from refugees in camps in Burkina Faso and Kenya. It seeks to promote a better understanding of their energy needs, priorities and preferences, and explores how increased access to energy might help to achieve lasting impact in the two camps surveyed. The paper is based on primary research from the Goudoubo camp in Burkina Faso and the Kakuma I camp in Kenya, but the analysis and conclusions are pertinent in the wider context of camps for forcibly displaced people.

  • There is a low level of energy access in the refugee camps of Kakuma I and Goudoubo, which contributes to poverty and hampers relief and development efforts. Trying to meet basic cooking, lighting and phone-charging needs is costly for refugees, consuming a significant share of stretched monthly budgets.
  • The predominant cooking solution consists of basic improved cookstoves burning wood and charcoal. The ‘three-stone fire’ method also remains commonplace. Three out of five families in Kakuma I report health problems due to smoke from cookstoves.
  • Street lighting is a high priority for residents, due to concerns about security and safety in camps. In Goudoubo, 86 per cent of survey respondents said that more household members would go out after dark if there were better public lighting.
  • A significant proportion of refugees would pay for cleaner and more efficient energy technologies, but many lack the financial resources required, and the development of markets for such products remains partially contingent on sustained financial support.
  • There is a need for a diversity of energy technologies that give varying levels and qualities of service; a ‘one size fits all’ approach is inappropriate if universal access to sustainable energy is to be achieved.
  • Clean cookstoves and fuels (LPG, ethanol, biogas, etc.) are in high demand, but require much greater investment if they are to be introduced at scale. Solid biomass and improved cookstoves will continue to be important cooking solutions in Kakuma I and Goudoubo, as well as in other refugee camps. A shift to more efficient cooking can be achieved at little or no extra cost for the significant proportion of people who still cook on three-stone fires.
  • Users of quality-verified household solar products spend dramatically less on light and power than do people using inferior technologies. Strong brand recognition and a high willingness to pay indicate a large market and a significant opportunity for the solar private sector.
  • Centralized electricity supply solutions – mini-grids or grid connections – are more economic than multiple standalone diesel generators. The current piecemeal and ad hoc approach, with each facility managing its own power supply, is inherently wasteful. Greater coordination among humanitarian clusters is required so that centralized solutions can be assessed, designed, financed and implemented.
  • Collecting data on energy expenditure and use, as well as quantification of the wide ranging impacts of improved technologies, is necessary to build a compelling case for investment in electricity infrastructure. In addition, engaging refugees on their needs, preferences and willingness to pay can improve the sustainability and impact of energy interventions.
  • Private-sector and market development approaches offer long-term, cost-effective solutions for refugees and can also benefit host communities. As the number of displaced people in the world increases, and as aid budgets come under further pressure, the imperative to identify cost-effective and sustainable solutions is more pressing than ever.

Chatham House is a part of the Moving Energy Initiative, a consortium working towards clean energy for refugees. For more information visit movingenergy.earth




burkina faso

Rome Based Agencies making an impact in Burkina Faso

FAO, IFAD and WFP/Burkina [...]




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Burkina Faso extends military rule for 5 years to 2029

Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso — Burkina Faso's military regime, in power since a 2022 coup, will extend its rule for five years under an accord adopted during national consultations on Saturday, the talks' chairman said.  "The duration of the transition is fixed at 60 months from July 2, 2024," Colonel Moussa Diallo, chairman of the organizing committee of the national dialogue process, said after the talks.  He added that coup leader and acting president Ibrahim Traore could run in any elections at the end of the transition period.  What was supposed to be a two-day national dialogue began earlier Saturday, ostensibly to chart a way back to civilian rule for the West African nation beset by jihadi violence.  The army has governed Burkina Faso since 2022, carrying out two coups that it said were justified in large part by the persistent insecurity.  Jihadi rebels affiliated with al Qaida and the Islamic State group have waged a grinding insurgency since 2015 that has killed thousands and displaced millions.  An initial national dialogue had resulted in a charter that installed Traore as president and put in place a government and a legislative assembly.  Under the new charter, quotas will no longer be used to assign seats in the assembly to members of traditional parties. Instead, "patriotism" will be the only criteria for selecting deputies.  "You have just rewritten a new page in the history of our country," said Minister of Territorial Affairs Emile Zerbo, who opened the meeting on Saturday morning.  The initial charter set the transition to civilian rule at 21 months, with the deadline set to expire July 1.  But Traore had repeatedly warned that holding elections would be difficult given the perilous security situation.  The new charter also calls for a new body called the "Korag" to "monitor and control the implementation of the country's strategic vision in all areas and through all means." Its composition and operations are at the discretion of the president.  Civil society representatives, the security and defense forces and lawmakers in the transitional assembly took part in the weekend talks, which most political parties boycotted.  Human rights groups have accused Burkina Faso's junta leaders of abuses against civilians during their military campaigns against jihadis, and of silencing media and opposition leaders.   After taking power, the coup leaders expelled French troops and diplomats, and have instead turned to Russia for military assistance.   




burkina faso

Tax-News.com: Burkina Faso Ratifies The BEPS MLI

African state Burkina Faso has ratified the BEPS multilateral instrument, to make changes to its double tax agreements to counter tax base erosion and profit shifting (BEPS).




burkina faso

Militants increasing attacks on Burkina Faso mines


BOUDA, Burkina Faso (AP) — Jihadists burst into the gold mine where Moussa Tambura worked in Burkina Faso, forbidding everyone from smoking and drinking. It wasn’t long before the men returned and leveled the place to the ground. “They attacked the site, killed people and burned houses,” said Tambura, 29, clenching his fists. He was […]




burkina faso

Militants increasing attacks on Burkina Faso mines

Jihadists linked to al-Qaida and the Islamic State organization have been overrunning gold mines, forcing the miners to sell them the gold exclusively, which is then smuggled and sold across the border in places like Benin, Ghana or Togo.




burkina faso

Timeline: Burkina Faso

A chronology of key events




burkina faso

Country profile: Burkina Faso

Key facts, figures and dates




burkina faso

Fluorescent Hybridization of Mycobacterium leprae in Skin Samples Collected in Burkina Faso [Mycobacteriology and Aerobic Actinomycetes]

Leprosy is caused by Mycobacterium leprae, and it remains underdiagnosed in Burkina Faso. We investigated the use of fluorescent in situ hybridization (FISH) for detecting M. leprae in 27 skin samples (skin biopsy samples, slit skin samples, and skin lesion swabs) collected from 21 patients from Burkina Faso and three from Côte d’Ivoire who were suspected of having cutaneous leprosy. In all seven Ziehl-Neelsen-positive skin samples (four skin biopsy samples and three skin swabs collected from the same patient), FISH specifically identified M. leprae, including one FISH-positive skin biopsy sample that remained negative after testing with PCR targeting the rpoB gene and with the GenoType LepraeDR assay. Twenty other skin samples and three negative controls all remained negative for Ziehl-Neelsen staining, FISH, and rpoB PCR. These data indicate the usefulness of a microscopic examination of skin samples after FISH for first-line diagnosis of cutaneous leprosy. Accordingly, FISH represents a potentially useful point-of-care test for the diagnosis of cutaneous leprosy.




burkina faso

Designing and Evaluating Scalable Child Marriage Prevention Programs in Burkina Faso and Tanzania: A Quasi-Experiment and Costing Study

ABSTRACTBackground:A significant number of girls are married as children, which negatively impacts their health, education, and development. Given the sheer numbers of girls at risk of child marriage globally, the challenge to eliminate the practice is daunting. Programs to prevent child marriage are typically small-scale and overlook the costs and scalability of the intervention.Implementation:This study tested and costed different approaches to preventing child marriage in rural Burkina Faso and Tanzania. The approaches tested were community dialogue, provision of school supplies, provision of a livestock asset, a model including all components, and a control arm. A quasi-experimental design was employed with surveys undertaken at baseline and after 2 years of intervention. We examined the prevalence of child marriage and school attendance controlling for background characteristics and stratified by age group. Programmatic costs were collected prospectively.Results:Among those in the community dialogue arm in Burkina Faso, girls aged 15 to 17 years had two-thirds less risk (risk ratio [RR]=0.33; 95% confidence interval [CI]=0.19, 0.60) of being married and girls aged 12 to 14 years had a greater chance of being in school (RR=1.18; 95% CI=1.07,1.29) compared to the control site. In Tanzania, girls aged 12 to 14 years residing in the multicomponent arm had two-thirds less risk of being married (RR=0.33; 95% CI=0.11, 0.99), and girls 15 to 17 in the conditional asset location had half the risk (RR=0.52; 95% CI=0.30, 0.91). All the interventions tested in Tanzania were associated with increased risk of girls 12 to 14 years old being in school, and the educational promotion arm was also associated with a 30% increased risk of girls aged 15 to 17 years attending school (RR=1.3; 95% CI=1.01, 1.67). Costs per beneficiary ranged from US$9 to US$117.Conclusion:The study demonstrates that minimal, low-cost approaches can be effective in delaying child marriage and increasing school attendance. However, community dialogues need to be designed to ensure sufficient quality and intensity of messaging. Program managers should pay attention to the cost, quality, and coverage of interventions, especially considering that child marriage persists in the most hard-to-reach rural areas of many countries.




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Militants increasing attacks on Burkina Faso mines

Jihadists burst into the gold mine where Moussa Tambura worked in Burkina Faso, forbidding everyone from smoking and drinking. “They attacked the site, killed people and burned houses,” said Tambura, 29, clenching his fists. Jihadists linked to al-Qaida and the Islamic State organization have been overrunning gold mines like Tambura’s one by one as they try to gain control of Burkina Faso’s most lucrative industry.





burkina faso

Burkina Faso Protests Extending Presidential Term Limits


On Tuesday, October 28, 2014, tens of thousands of citizens of Burkina Faso gathered in its capital city, Ouagadougou, and its second biggest city, Bobo Dioulasso, to protest proposed changes to its constitution regarding term limits. A vote was planned for Thursday, on whether to extend the current limit of two terms to three. This vote is extremely controversial:  Current President Blaise Compaoré, who came to power in a coup in 1987, has ruled the country for 27 years. Allowing him to run for election in November 2015 could extend his reign for another five years. In Ouagadougou on Wednesday, citizens angry over the possibility that parliament might make it possible for Campaoré to stay in power indefinitely set fire to the parliament and forced legislators to postpone the vote that had been set for Thursday, October 30, 2014 to decide the constitutional issue.

A History of Autocracy in Burkina Faso

The West African country has been plagued by dictators, autocracies and coups in the past. At independence on August 5, 1960, Maurice Yaméogo, leader of the Voltaic Democratic Union (Union démocratique voltaïque), became the country’s first president. Shortly after assuming power, Yaméogo banned all political opposition, forcing mass riots and demonstrations that only came to an end after the military intervened in 1966. Lt. Col. Sangoulé Lamizana and a collection of military elites took control of the government and subsequently dissolved the National Assembly as well as suspended the constitution. Lamizana stayed in power until November 1980 when the military overthrew the government and installed Col. Saye Zerbo as the new president. Two years later, Col. Zerbo’s government was overthrown by Maj. Dr. Jean-Baptiste Ouédraogo and the Council of Popular Salvation (CSP—Conseil du salut du peuple). Although it promised to transition the country to civilian rule and provide a new constitution, the Ouédraogo regime banned all political organizations, including opposition parties. There soon arose a political struggle within the CSP. The radicals, led by Captain Thomas Sankara, eventually overthrew the government in August 1983, and Capt. Sankara emerged as the country’s new leader. In 1984, the Sankara government changed the country’s name from Upper Volta to Burkina Faso and introduced many institutional reforms that effectively aligned the country with Marxist ideals.

On October 15, 1987, Capt. Blaise Compaoré, a former colleague of Sankara’s, killed Sankara and several of his confidants in a successful coup d’état. In 1991, Campaoré was elected president in an election in which only 25 percent of the electorate participated because of a boycott movement organized and carried out by opposition parties. In 1998, he won reelection for another seven-year term. As president, Campaoré reversed all the progressive policies that Sankara had implemented.

President Blaise Compaoré’s Time in Power

In 2000, the country’s post-Cold War 1991 constitution was amended to impose a limit of two five-year consecutive terms on the presidency. However, Campaoré’s supporters argued that because he was in office when the amendments went into effect, they did not apply to him and, hence, he was qualified to run for re-election in 2005. Despite the fact that the opposition fielded several candidates, Campoaré won 80.35 percent of the votes cast in the 2005 presidential election. And, in the presidential elections held in November 2010, he captured 80.2 percent of votes.

Over more than a quarter century in power, Campaoré has used an unusual formula to achieve relative stability in Burkina Faso—authoritarianism mixed with traces of democracy. The complex governance system has relied primarily on Campaoré’s dominant and charismatic political power and has failed to build sustainable institutions—specifically, those capable of maintaining the rule of law and enhancing peaceful coexistence in his absence.

Constitutionally mandated presidential term limits strengthen the rule of law and provide a significant level of stability and predictability to the country’s governance institutions. In response to the efforts by Burkinabé members of parliament to change the constitution to enable Compaoré to secure another term in office, U.S. government officials have recently stated that “democratic institutions are strengthened when established rules are adhered to with consistency.” On his part, Campaoré has proclaimed that his main and immediate concern “is not to build a future for myself—but to see how the future of this country will take shape.” If this is indeed true, then he should exit gracefully from the Burkinabé political scene and henceforth serve as an elder statesman, providing his country’s new leadership with the advice and support that they need to deepen and institutionalize democracy, as well as enhance economic, social, political and human development.

Insisting, as President Campoaré has done, that the constitution be changed so that he can seek an additional term in power not only destroys the country’s fragile stability but also sends the wrong message to citizens about the rule of law—while citizens must be law-abiding, the president does not have to abide by the country’s settled law; if the law stands in the way of the president’s personal ambitions, he can simply change the law to provide him with the wherewithal to achieve those objectives. Such behavior from the country’s chief executive does not augur well for deepening the country’s democracy, an objective that is dear to many Burkinabé. The question to ask President Campoaré is: How do you want history to remember you? As a self-serving political opportunist who used his public position to accumulate personal power and wealth, at the expense of fellow citizens, or as a public servant who led and directed his country’s transformation into a peaceful, safe and productive society?

      
 
 




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Has Military Intervention Created a Constitutional Crisis in Burkina Faso?


On Friday, October 31, 2014, President Blaise Campaoré, who had ruled Burkina Faso for the last 27 years, was forced out of office. The resignation and subsequent military takeover of the government has created instability and questions over leadership in the country—especially since the constitutional line of succession has been broken by the insertion of military leaders. The power of the military is clear, especially since it has already influenced a second change in leadership. This interruption, subsequent transition and suspension of the constitution, then, have seriously threatened the strength of the rule of law and the future of the Burkinabé government.

President Campaoré Resigns and Flees to Côte d’Ivoire

The violent demonstrations that eventually forced President Campaoré to flee with his family into exile in Côte d’Ivoire could have been avoided had he not considered himself above the law. The impetus for the mass demonstrations was his attempt to change the country’s constitution in order to secure for himself another five-year term in office. Campaoré’s initial reaction to the violent demonstrations was to dissolve the government but retain his position as president until new elections were carried out to select a new government. He also agreed not to seek another term in office. The opposition, however, insisted that he resign. Interestingly, in his resignation statement, issued shortly before he fled the country, President Campaoré called for “free and transparent” elections to be held in 90 days to form a new government.

Shortly after the president’s resignation, General Honoré Traoré, Campaoré’s aide de camp, proclaimed himself president of the republic. This immediate military intervention into Burkinabé politics betrays either a lack of appreciation for constitutional democracy or a willful attempt by the military to take advantage of the instability occasioned by the planned constitutional changes to maximize their corporate interests. But, could someone who had risen to the head of the Burkinabé military have such little understanding of and appreciation for the constitutional order? In announcing that he had assumed the office of head of state, Traoré actually stated as follows: “In line with constitutional measures, and given the power vacuum . . . I will assume as of today my responsibilities as head of state.”

Importantly, there is no provision in the constitution of Burkina Faso for the head of the military or some other military officer to assume the powers of the president in case of a vacancy in the office. Succession, in the case of a vacancy in the presidency of the republic, is governed by Article 43 of the Constitution of Burkina Faso, 1991, which states that, in a case like this, the functions of the presidency should be performed by the president of the senate. [1]

The People Reject General Traoré and Colonel Isaac Zida Emerges as New Leader

After Traoré’s quick takeover, the leaders of the protests rejected the government headed by such a close and trusted advisor of the ousted president, claiming it would not represent a full and effective break with the painful past, especially the attempted constitutional changes. In fact, according to Al Jazeera, many of the protesters proclaimed that “[t]he general is linked to Campoaré, and they don’t want anyone linked to Campaoré to lead the country.”

Thus, early on Saturday, November 1, 2014, Colonel Isaac Zida declared that the army had taken control of the state to prevent further violence and that he had assumed the functions of head of state, leading what he referred to as a “peaceful transition”—one that would guarantee the “continuity of the [Burkinabé] state.” He, however, was extremely vague, providing few details, especially regarding how long this transitional government would stay in power or if the elections planned for 2015 will be held. Again, it is difficult to imagine that Zida, like Traoré, was not aware that the resignation and subsequent exit of the president from the political scene did not call for military intervention in the political system. In fact, a military officer of his standing should have had enough familiarity with the constitution to be aware of Article 43.

Oddly, the protesters appeared to have accepted the leadership of Zida, who is said to have been the deputy head of Campaoré’s elite presidential guard. It appears that the deciding factor in the struggle between the two men to assume the position of head of state was acceptance by the military: In a statement issued early on Saturday, November 1, 2014, the military indicated that Zida had been unanimously elected by military chiefs to lead the post-Campaoré transitional government. But, again, in making this decision, were these military leaders not aware of Article 43 of the constitution, which sets out the succession procedures in case of a temporary or permanent vacancy in the presidency? If, indeed, they had knowledge of the provisions of Article 43, then why did they interfere with what should have been a constitutionally mandated succession?

The Constitutional Crisis and the Quickly Changing Role of the Military

The international community has called on all sides in the Burkinabé political crisis to follow “constitutionally mandated” procedures for the transfer of power. The international community (especially the African Union) is asking the Burkina Faso military not to exploit the constitutional crisis for its own benefit but to respect the desire of the majority of Burkinabé for democracy and peaceful coexistence. That, of course, calls for respect by all Burkinabé, including the military, for the constitution.

The president’s resignation in itself did not create a constitutional crisis in Burkina Faso. The Constitution of 1991 specifically anticipates the resignation or incapacitation of the president and prescribes procedures for succession. According to Article 43, if the president is temporarily incapacitated and is incapable of carrying out his or her duties, “his powers shall be provisionally exercised by the Prime Minister.” As noted above, in this particular case, where the president has resigned and created a permanent vacancy in the presidency, the constitution states that the functions of the presidency should be performed by the president of the senate. [2] The military should not have intervened—military intervention in the country’s political system actually created what is fast becoming a major constitutional crisis. The military has suspended the constitution and, without the guidance provided by it, the military is now governing the country extra-constitutionally through decrees. The military can end this unfolding crisis by restoring the constitution and handing power back to a civilian regime, led, as prescribed by their constitution, by the president of the senate. The latter will, of course, serve as a transitional head of state until elections are completed in 2015 to select a permanent president. International organizations, including especially the African Union, support this approach—on November 3, 2014, the AU issued a statement asking the Burkinabé military to exit the political system and hand power to a civilian ruler.

But what about the riots and violence that had enveloped the city of Ouagadougou and were gradually spreading to other cities? Should the army not have been called upon to quell the riots and bring about peace? In virtually all countries, including Burkina Faso, the police—not the army—should be the institution enforcing the law and maintaining order. There is no indication that military intervention was necessary to bring the rioting under control or that it actually did. Most of the people participating in the riots voluntarily stopped their activities after the president resigned and left the country.

However, what the army did was interfere with the constitutional process and in doing so, actually created this constitutional crisis—shortly after declaring himself head of state and leader of the transition, Zida suspended the constitution, as noted above. Although Zida has assured the people that the military will strive to quickly return Burkina Faso to democratic governance, such guarantees appear hollow, especially given the military’s past history of intervention—every time the Burkinabé military has intervened in politics, it has remained in power for a very long time, 27 years in the case of the Campaoré-led intervention of 1987.

Article 43 of the Constitution of Burkina Faso also states that elections should be held between 60 and 90 days after a vacancy has been declared in the presidency. Zida, who is now the de facto head of state in Burkina Faso, has stated that his would be a transitional government and that it would seek input from all stakeholders to organize and undertake democratic elections to choose a new government. However, the constitution, which would have provided the necessary guidelines for carrying out such elections, has been suspended. In addition, he has closed the country’s borders and imposed a general curfew, which severely restricts the right of citizens to live freely. Such restrictions could have a significant impact on economic activities and negatively affect what is already a relatively fragile economy. These initial draconian and extra-constitutional measures do not augur well for an early exit of the military from politics and the return of constitutional rule to the country. If history teaches us anything about the military and Burkinabé politics, it is that this military, like the one that intervened in 1987, is likely to stay in politics much longer than the 90 days needed to elect a new civilian government.


[1], [2] This is in line with the constitutional amendment of June 11, 2012 (Loi No. 033-2012/AN du 1 juin 2012).

      
 
 




burkina faso

Economic Burden Of Dengue In Burkina Faso, Kenya, And Cambodia Studied

The average cost of inpatient care was found to be (Dollor) 26 in Burkina Faso and (Dollor) 134 in Cambodia, while the average cost of outpatient care was (Dollor) 13 per episode in Burkina Faso and (Dollor) 23 in Kenya.




burkina faso

OECD launches programme in Ouagadougou to support Burkina Faso in implementing new international tax standards

Today, in Ouagadougou, an OECD delegation met the Minister of Economy, Finance and Development of Burkina Faso, Mrs. Hadizatou Rosine Coulibaly, to discuss the progress made in the implementation of new international tax standards.




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Burkina Faso Loans To Private Sector

Loans To Private Sector in Burkina Faso decreased to 1917374 XOF Million in August from 1917643 XOF Million in July of 2016. Loans To Private Sector in Burkina Faso averaged 970861.46 XOF Million from 2005 until 2016, reaching an all time high of 1928646 XOF Million in June of 2016 and a record low of 427356 XOF Million in June of 2005. This page provides the latest reported value for - Burkina Faso Loans To Private Sector - plus previous releases, historical high and low, short-term forecast and long-term prediction, economic calendar, survey consensus and news.




burkina faso

Burkina Faso Internet Speed

Internet Speed in Burkina Faso decreased to 1006.45 KBps in the first quarter of 2017 from 1133.26 KBps in the fourth quarter of 2016. Internet Speed in Burkina Faso averaged 489.34 KBps from 2007 until 2017, reaching an all time high of 1133.26 KBps in the fourth quarter of 2016 and a record low of 221.08 KBps in the third quarter of 2009. This page includes a chart with historical data for Burkina FasoInternet Speed.




burkina faso

Burkina Faso IP Addresses

IP Addresses in Burkina Faso increased to 16229 IP in the first quarter of 2017 from 15855 IP in the fourth quarter of 2016. IP Addresses in Burkina Faso averaged 9606.05 IP from 2007 until 2017, reaching an all time high of 16229 IP in the first quarter of 2017 and a record low of 3017 IP in the third quarter of 2007. This page includes a chart with historical data for Burkina FasoIP Addresses.




burkina faso

Burkina Faso Average Temperature

Temperature in Burkina Faso decreased to 24.16 celsius in December from 28.19 celsius in November of 2015. Temperature in Burkina Faso averaged 28.09 celsius from 1849 until 2015, reaching an all time high of 33.67 celsius in April of 1998 and a record low of 22.92 celsius in January of 1889. This page includes a chart with historical data for Burkina Faso Average Temperature.




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Burkina Faso Average Precipitation

Precipitation in Burkina Faso decreased to 0.92 mm in December from 1.57 mm in November of 2015. Precipitation in Burkina Faso averaged 68.96 mm from 1901 until 2015, reaching an all time high of 311.03 mm in August of 1909 and a record low of 0 mm in January of 1934. This page includes a chart with historical data for Burkina Faso Average Precipitation.




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Burkina Faso Military Expenditure

Military Expenditure in Burkina Faso increased to 291 USD Million in 2018 from 191 USD Million in 2017. Military Expenditure in Burkina Faso averaged 65.12 USD Million from 1960 until 2018, reaching an all time high of 291 USD Million in 2018 and a record low of 5 USD Million in 1960.




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Ease of Doing Business in Burkina Faso

Burkina Faso is ranked 151 among 190 economies in the ease of doing business, according to the latest World Bank annual ratings. The rank of Burkina Faso remained unchanged at 151 in 2019 from 151 in 2018. Ease of Doing Business in Burkina Faso averaged 149.83 from 2008 until 2019, reaching an all time high of 155 in 2008 and a record low of 142 in 2015. The Ease of doing business index ranks countries against each other based on how the regulatory environment is conducive to business operationstronger protections of property rights. Economies with a high rank (1 to 20) have simpler and more friendly regulations for businesses. This page includes a chart with historical data for Ease of Doing Business in Burkina Faso.




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Burkina Faso GDP From Agriculture

GDP From Agriculture in Burkina Faso increased to 1120.70 XOF Billion in 2018 from 1093.90 XOF Billion in 2017. GDP From Agriculture in Burkina Faso averaged 715.68 XOF Billion from 1990 until 2018, reaching an all time high of 1120.70 XOF Billion in 2018 and a record low of 305.80 XOF Billion in 1990. This page provides - Burkina Faso Gdp From Agriculture- actual values, historical data, forecast, chart, statistics, economic calendar and news.




burkina faso

Burkina Faso GDP From Industrial Production

GDP From Manufacturing in Burkina Faso increased to 758 XOF Billion in 2018 from 747.30 XOF Billion in 2017. GDP From Manufacturing in Burkina Faso averaged 466.25 XOF Billion from 1990 until 2018, reaching an all time high of 758 XOF Billion in 2018 and a record low of 234.20 XOF Billion in 1990. This page provides - Burkina Faso Gdp From Industrial Production- actual values, historical data, forecast, chart, statistics, economic calendar and news.




burkina faso

Burkina Faso Government Spending

Government Spending in Burkina Faso increased to 1324.20 XOF Billion in 2018 from 799.40 XOF Billion in 2017. Government Spending in Burkina Faso averaged 586.34 XOF Billion from 1990 until 2018, reaching an all time high of 1324.20 XOF Billion in 2018 and a record low of 286.10 XOF Billion in 1990. Government Spending refers to public expenditure on goods and services and is a major component of the GDP. Government spending policies like setting up budget targets, adjusting taxation, increasing public expenditure and public works are very effective tools in influencing economic growth. This page provides - Burkina Faso Government Spending- actual values, historical data, forecast, chart, statistics, economic calendar and news.




burkina faso

Burkina Faso Gross Fixed Capital Formation

Gross Fixed Capital Formation in Burkina Faso decreased to 1704.80 XOF Billion in 2018 from 2098.90 XOF Billion in 2017. Gross Fixed Capital Formation in Burkina Faso averaged 777.54 XOF Billion from 1990 until 2018, reaching an all time high of 2098.90 XOF Billion in 2017 and a record low of 244.50 XOF Billion in 1990. This page provides - Burkina Faso Gross Fixed Capital Formation- actual values, historical data, forecast, chart, statistics, economic calendar and news.




burkina faso

Burkina Faso Consumer Spending

Consumer Spending in Burkina Faso increased to 3256.20 XOF Billion in 2018 from 2922.70 XOF Billion in 2017. Consumer Spending in Burkina Faso averaged 1771.19 XOF Billion from 1990 until 2018, reaching an all time high of 3256.20 XOF Billion in 2018 and a record low of 776.40 XOF Billion in 1994. This page provides - Burkina Faso Consumer Spending- actual values, historical data, forecast, chart, statistics, economic calendar and news.




burkina faso

Burkina Faso Public External Debt

External Debt in Burkina Faso increased to 3334.80 EUR Million in 2018 from 3188.20 EUR Million in 2017. External Debt in Burkina Faso averaged 1840.98 EUR Million from 1990 until 2018, reaching an all time high of 3334.80 EUR Million in 2018 and a record low of 569.70 EUR Million in 1993. This page provides - Burkina Faso External Debt- actual values, historical data, forecast, chart, statistics, economic calendar and news.




burkina faso

Burkina Faso Current Account to GDP

Burkina Faso recorded a Current Account deficit of 7.20 percent of the country's Gross Domestic Product in 2018. Current Account to GDP in Burkina Faso averaged -5.80 percent from 1974 until 2018, reaching an all time high of 0.50 percent in 1984 and a record low of -13.20 percent in 2000. The Current account balance as a percent of GDP provides an indication on the level of international competitiveness of a country. Usually, countries recording a strong current account surplus have an economy heavily dependent on exports revenues, with high savings ratings but weak domestic demand. On the other hand, countries recording a current account deficit have strong imports, a low saving rates and high personal consumption rates as a percentage of disposable incomes. This page provides - Burkina Faso Current Account to GDP - actual values, historical data, forecast, chart, statistics, economic calendar and news.




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Burkina Faso Corruption Index

Burkina Faso scored 40 points out of 100 on the 2019 Corruption Perceptions Index reported by Transparency International. Corruption Index in Burkina Faso averaged 35.88 Points from 2000 until 2019, reaching an all time high of 42 Points in 2016 and a record low of 29 Points in 2007. The Corruption Perceptions Index ranks countries and territories based on how corrupt their public sector is perceived to be. A country or territory’s score indicates the perceived level of public sector corruption on a scale of 0 (highly corrupt) to 100 (very clean). This page provides the latest reported value for - Burkina Faso Corruption Index - plus previous releases, historical high and low, short-term forecast and long-term prediction, economic calendar, survey consensus and news.




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Burkina Faso Corruption Rank

Burkina Faso is the 85 least corrupt nation out of 175 countries, according to the 2019 Corruption Perceptions Index reported by Transparency International. Corruption Rank in Burkina Faso averaged 82 from 2000 until 2019, reaching an all time high of 105 in 2007 and a record low of 65 in 2000. The Corruption Perceptions Index ranks countries and territories based on how corrupt their public sector is perceived to be. A country or territory's rank indicates its position relative to the other countries and territories in the index. This page provides the latest reported value for - Burkina Faso Corruption Rank - plus previous releases, historical high and low, short-term forecast and long-term prediction, economic calendar, survey consensus and news.




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Burkina Faso Unemployment Rate

Unemployment Rate in Burkina Faso remained unchanged at 6.10 percent in 2019 from 6.10 percent in 2018. Unemployment Rate in Burkina Faso averaged 4 percent from 1991 until 2019, reaching an all time high of 6.70 percent in 2015 and a record low of 2.40 percent in 1992. In Burkina Faso, the unemployment rate measures the number of people actively looking for a job as a percentage of the labour force. This page provides the latest reported value for - Burkina Faso Unemployment Rate - plus previous releases, historical high and low, short-term forecast and long-term prediction, economic calendar, survey consensus and news.




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Burkina Faso Current Account

Burkina Faso recorded a Current Account deficit of 520.40 CFA Franc Billion in 2017. Current Account in Burkina Faso averaged -270.64 CFA Franc Billion from 1995 until 2017, reaching an all time high of -46.93 CFA Franc Billion in 1995 and a record low of -664.60 CFA Franc Billion in 2013. Current Account is the sum of the balance of trade (exports minus imports of goods and services), net factor income (such as interest and dividends) and net transfer payments (such as foreign aid). This page provides the latest reported value for - Burkina Faso Current Account - plus previous releases, historical high and low, short-term forecast and long-term prediction, economic calendar, survey consensus and news.




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Burkina Faso Exports

Exports in Burkina Faso decreased to 29.20 CFA Franc Billion in the third quarter of 2019 from 68.64 CFA Franc Billion in the second quarter of 2019. Exports in Burkina Faso averaged 54.04 CFA Franc Billion from 1998 until 2019, reaching an all time high of 461.50 CFA Franc Billion in the fourth quarter of 2017 and a record low of 1.90 CFA Franc Billion in the third quarter of 2004. In recent years, Burkina Faso’s mining industry has been expanding and is now the most important sector of the economy. Main exports are gold (70 percent of total exports), cotton (13 percent), zinc, phosphate rock and livestock. Burkina Faso main export partners are: Singapore, Ivory Coast, Switzerland, France, China and Turkey. This page provides - Burkina Faso Exports - actual values, historical data, forecast, chart, statistics, economic calendar and news.




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Burkina Faso Imports

Imports in Burkina Faso decreased to 90.05 CFA Franc Billion in the third quarter of 2019 from 121.36 CFA Franc Billion in the second quarter of 2019. Imports in Burkina Faso averaged 91.08 CFA Franc Billion from 1998 until 2019, reaching an all time high of 596.40 CFA Franc Billion in the fourth quarter of 2017 and a record low of 14.20 CFA Franc Billion in the first quarter of 1999. Burkina Faso main imports are: fuel (25 percent of total imports), foodstuffs and machinery. Burkina Faso main import partners are: Ivory Coast, United States, Japan, China, France, Belgium and Germany. This page provides - Burkina Faso Imports - actual values, historical data, forecast, chart, statistics, economic calendar and news.




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Burkina Faso Balance of Trade

Burkina Faso recorded a trade deficit of 60.85 CFA Franc Billion in the third quarter of 2019. Balance of Trade in Burkina Faso averaged -37.03 CFA Franc Billion from 1998 until 2019, reaching an all time high of 79.64 CFA Franc Billion in the first quarter of 2018 and a record low of -276 CFA Franc Billion in the third quarter of 2017. Burkina Faso’s systemic trade deficit is due to the country’s dependence on fuel imports and volatile exports. A drought prone climate and commodities price fluctuations influence Burkina Faso’s main exports: gold (70 percent of total exports) and cotton (13 percent). Burkina Faso main trading partners are: China, France and Ivory Coast. This page provides - Burkina Faso Balance of Trade - actual values, historical data, forecast, chart, statistics, economic calendar and news.




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Burkina Faso Interest Rate

The benchmark interest rate in Burkina Faso was last recorded at 4.50 percent. Interest Rate in Burkina Faso averaged 4.02 percent from 2010 until 2020, reaching an all time high of 4.50 percent in December of 2016 and a record low of 3.50 percent in September of 2013. Burkina Faso is a member of the Economic and Monetary Community of West Africa (UEMOA). In UEMOA, interest rates decisions are taken by the Central Bank of West African States’ Monetary Policy Committee. The Central Bank of West African States’ official rate is the key interest rate. This page provides - Burkina Faso Interest Rate - actual values, historical data, forecast, chart, statistics, economic calendar and news.




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Burkina Faso Industrial Production

Industrial Production in Burkina Faso increased 7.10 percent in the fourth quarter of 2019 over the same quarter in the previous year. Industrial Production in Burkina Faso averaged 10.97 percent from 2009 until 2019, reaching an all time high of 71.20 percent in the fourth quarter of 2010 and a record low of -22.20 percent in the fourth quarter of 2011. In Burkina Faso, industrial production measures the output of businesses integrated in industrial sector of the economy such as manufacturing, mining, and utilities. This page provides - Burkina Faso Industrial Production - actual values, historical data, forecast, chart, statistics, economic calendar and news.




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Burkina Faso Capacity Utilization

Capacity Utilization in Burkina Faso decreased to 32.90 percent in the fourth quarter of 2019 from 51.10 percent in the third quarter of 2019. Capacity Utilization in Burkina Faso averaged 59.40 percent from 2008 until 2019, reaching an all time high of 100.50 percent in the second quarter of 2019 and a record low of 29.40 percent in the fourth quarter of 2015. This page provides - Burkina Faso Capacity Utilization- actual values, historical data, forecast, chart, statistics, economic calendar and news.




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Burkina Faso Cpi Housing Utilities

Cpi Housing Utilities in Burkina Faso decreased to 98.30 points in March from 105.80 points in February of 2020. Cpi Housing Utilities in Burkina Faso averaged 104.64 points from 2009 until 2020, reaching an all time high of 124.60 points in July of 2013 and a record low of 90.49 points in June of 2016. This page provides - Burkina Faso Cpi Housing Utilities- actual values, historical data, forecast, chart, statistics, economic calendar and news.




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Burkina Faso Cpi Transportation

The transportation sub-index of the CPI basket in Burkina Faso remained unchanged at 100.10 points in March of 2020 from 100.10 points in February of 2020. Cpi Transportation in Burkina Faso averaged 100.55 points from 2009 until 2020, reaching an all time high of 114.70 points in November of 2014 and a record low of 94.59 points in August of 2016. This page provides - Burkina Faso Cpi Transportation- actual values, historical data, forecast, chart, statistics, economic calendar and news.




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Burkina Faso Inflation Rate

The inflation rate in Burkina Faso was recorded at -0.30 percent in March of 2020. Inflation Rate in Burkina Faso averaged 1.80 percent from 2000 until 2020, reaching an all time high of 15.10 percent in June of 2008 and a record low of -5.40 percent in September of 2019. In Burkina Faso, the main component of the consumer price index is Food and Non-Alcoholic Beverages (50.2 percent of total weight). Others include Housing and Utilities (9.2 percent); Transport (8.5 percent); Clothing and Footwear (6.3 percent) and Restaurants and Hotels (6.2 percent). Household Contents, Equipment and Maintenance, Miscellaneous goods and Services, Alcoholic Beverages and Tobacco, Communication, Health, Education and Recreation and Culture account for the remaining 19.2 percent of total weight. . This page provides - Burkina Faso Inflation Rate - actual values, historical data, forecast, chart, statistics, economic calendar and news.




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Burkina Faso Government Budget

Burkina Faso recorded a Government Budget deficit equal to 3 percent of the country's Gross Domestic Product in 2019. Government Budget in Burkina Faso averaged -2.87 percent of GDP from 2002 until 2019, reaching an all time high of 16.70 percent of GDP in 2006 and a record low of -6.90 percent of GDP in 2017. Government Budget is an itemized accounting of the payments received by government (taxes and other fees) and the payments made by government (purchases and transfer payments). A budget deficit occurs when an government spends more money than it takes in. The opposite of a budget deficit is a budget surplus. This page provides - Burkina Faso Government Budget - actual values, historical data, forecast, chart, statistics, economic calendar and news.




burkina faso

Burkina Faso - Credit Rating

Standard & Poor's credit rating for Burkina Faso stands at B with stable outlook. In general, a credit rating is used by sovereign wealth funds, pension funds and other investors to gauge the credit worthiness of Burkina Faso thus having a big impact on the country's borrowing costs. This page includes the government debt credit rating for Burkina Faso as reported by major credit rating agencies.




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Burkina Faso Coronavirus Cases

Burkina Faso recorded 744 Coronavirus Cases since the epidemic began, according to the World Health Organization (WHO). In addition, Burkina Faso reported 48 Coronavirus Deaths. This page includes a chart with historical data for Burkina Faso Coronavirus Cases.




burkina faso

Burkina Faso Coronavirus Deaths

Burkina Faso recorded 48 Coronavirus Deaths since the epidemic began, according to the World Health Organization (WHO). In addition, Burkina Faso reported 744 Coronavirus Cases. This page includes a chart with historical data for Burkina Faso Coronavirus Deaths.




burkina faso

Burkina Faso Coronavirus Recovered

Burkina Faso recorded 566 Coronavirus Recovered since the epidemic began, according to the World Health Organization (WHO). In addition, Burkina Faso reported 48 Coronavirus Deaths. This page includes a chart with historical data for Burkina Faso Coronavirus Recovered.




burkina faso

Burkina Faso Government Debt to GDP

Burkina Faso recorded a government debt equivalent to 23.60 percent of the country's Gross Domestic Product in 2018. Government Debt to GDP in Burkina Faso averaged 26.75 percent from 2003 until 2018, reaching an all time high of 43.40 percent in 2004 and a record low of 20.60 percent in 2014. Generally, Government debt as a percent of GDP is used by investors to measure a country ability to make future payments on its debt, thus affecting the country borrowing costs and government bond yields. This page provides - Burkina Faso Government Debt To GDP - actual values, historical data, forecast, chart, statistics, economic calendar and news.